LIBRARY 

®hco logical  f eminnnj, 

PRINCETON,  N.  J. 

The  Stephen  Collins  Donation. 

No.  Case,  j 

No.  Shelf,  ^ / . 

No.  Booh,  


F 1230 
.P  91 
v,  3 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 
in  2016 


https://archive.org/details/historyofconques03pres_0 


HISTORY 


OF  THE 


CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO. 


VOL.  III. 


H idUr Printer 


HISTORY 


OF  THE 


CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO, 


WITH  A PRELIMINARY  VIEW 

OF  THE 

4NCIENT  MEXICAN  CIVILIZATION. 


AND  THE 

LIFE  OF  THE  CONQUEROR, 

HERNANDO  CORTES 


BV 

WILLIAM  H.  PRESCOTT, 

AUTHOR  OF  THE  “ HISTORY  OF  FERDINAND  AND  ISABELLA.” 


“Victrices  aquilas  alium  laturus  in  orbera.” 

Locan,  Pharsal'ra,  lib.  v.,  v.  238. 


IN  THREE  VOLUMES. 

VOLUME  III. 


EIGHTH  EDITION. 


NEW  YORK: 

HARPER  AND  BROTHERS,  82,  CLIFF  STREET. 


M DCCC  XL VII. 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1843,  by 
William  H.  Prescott, 

the  Clerk’s  office  of  the  District  Court  for  the  District  of  Massachusetts 


CONTENTS 


OK 

VOLUME  THIRD. 


BOOK  VI. 

SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO. 
CHAPTER  I. 

Paga 

Arrangements  at  Tezcuco. — Sack  of  Iztapalapan.  — Advan- 
tages of  the  Spaniards.  — Wise  Policy  of  Cortes. — 
Transportation  of  the  Brigantines  ....  3 

Head-quarters  at  Tezcuco  ......  3 

Cortes  distrusts  the  Natives  .......  4 

Negotiates  with  the  Aztecs  ......  5 

City  of  Iztapalapan  ........  6 

Spaniards  march  upon  it  ......  7 

Sack  the  Town  .........  8 

Natives  break  down  the  Dikes  ......  9 

Spaniards  struggle  in  the  Flood  10 

Regain  their  Quarters  in  Tezcuco 11 

Indian  Cities  tender  Allegiance 12 

Some  ask  for  Protection  .......  12 

Cortes  detaches  Sandoval  to  their  Aid  . . . . .13 

Difficult  Situation  of  Cortds  ......  14 

His  sagacious  Policy 16 

Makes  Overtures  to  Guatemozin  .....  18 

Spirit  of  the  Indian  Emperor  ......  18 

The  Brigantines  are  completed  .....  20 

Sandoval  detached  to  transport  them  .....  20 

Signs  of  the  Massacre  at  Zoltepec  .....  21 

Reaches  Tlascala  ........  22 

Transportation  of  the  Brigantines 23 

Joy  at  their  Arrival  ........  24 

Reflections 25 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  II. 

Cortes  reconnoitres  the  Capital. — Occupies  Tacuba. — Skir- 
mishes with  the  Enemy.  — Expedition  of  Sandoval. — 
Arrival  of  Reinforcements  ...... 

Cortes  reconnoitres  the  Capital  ..... 

Action  at  Xaltocan  ........ 

Spaniards  ford  the  Lake  ....... 

Towns  deserted  as  they  advance  ...... 

Beautiful  Environs  of  Mexico 

Cortes  occupies  Tacuba  ....... 

The  Allies  fire  the  Town  ...... 

Ambuscade  of  the  Aztecs  ....... 

Parley  with  the  Enemy  ....... 

Single  Combats  ......... 

Position  of  the  Parties  ....... 

Spaniards  return  to  Tezcuco  ...... 

Embassy  from  Chaleo  ....... 

Sandoval  is  detached  to  defend  it  . 

Takes  Huaxtepec  ........ 

Storms  Jacapichtla  ........ 

Puts  the  Garrison  to  the  Sword 

Countermarch  on  Chaleo  ....... 

Cortes’  Coolness  with  Sandoval  ..... 

His  Reconciliation  

Arrival  of  Reinforcements  ...... 

The  Dominican  Friar  ........ 

CHAPTER  III. 

Second  reconnoitring  Expedition.  — Engagements  on  the  Si- 
erra.— Capture  of  Cuernavaca. — Battles  at  Xochimil- 
co.  — Narrow  Escape  of  Cortes.  — He  enters  Tacuba 
Second  reconnoitring  Expedition  ..... 

Preparations  for  the  March  ....... 

Spaniards  enter  the  Sierra  ...... 

Engagements  in  the  Passes  ....... 

Rocks  rolled  down  by  the  Aztecs  ..... 

Enemy  routed  ......... 

Spaniards  bivouac  in  the  Mulberry  Grove  .... 

Storm  the  Cliffs  ......... 

March  through  the  Mountains 


Pag 

27 

27 

28 

29 

30 

31 

32 

33 

34 

35 

36 

37 

38 

39 

40 

41 

42 

43 

44 

45 

45 

46 

47 

48 

48 

49 

50 

51 

51 

51 

52 

53 

54 


CONTENTS. 


vii 

Page 

Arrive  at  Cuernavaca  ........  55 

Scenery  in  its  Environs  .......  5G 

Bold  Passage  of  the  Ravine  .......  51 

Capture  of  the  City  .......  58 

Cortes  recrosses  the  Sierra  .......  59 

Exquisite  View  of  the  Valley  ......  60 

Marches  against  Xochimilco  . . . . . .61 

Narrow  Escape  of  Cortes  ......  62 

Chivalric  Spirit  of  the  Age  .......  64 

Cortes  surveys  the  Country  ......  65 

Vigilance  in  his  Quarters  .......  66 

Battles  at  Xochimilco  .......  67 

Spaniards  Masters  of  the  Town  ......  68 

Conflagration  of  Xochimilco  ......  70 

Army  arrives  at  Cojohuacan  . . . . . . .71 

Ambuscade  of  the  Indians  ......  73 

Spaniards  enter  Tacuba  .......  73 

View  from  its  Teocalli 74 

Strong  Emotion  of  Cortds  .......  75 

Return  to  Tezcuco  ........  77 


CHAPTER  IV 


Conspiracy  in  the  Army.  — Brigantines  Launched. — Mus- 
ter of  Forces. — Execution  of  Xicotencatl.  — March 
of  the  Army.  — Beginning  of  the  Siege 

78 

Affairs  in  Spain 

. 

78 

Conspiracy  in  the  Camp 

80 

Its  Design  .... 

• * . . . 

81 

Disclosed  to  Cortes 

82 

The  Ringleader  executed  . 

• . . . . 

83 

Policy  of  Cortes  .... 

84 

The  General’s  Body-guard 

• • • • • 

86 

Brigantines  launched  . 

87 

Impression  on  the  Spectators 

• 

88 

Muster  of  Forces 

89 

Instructions  to  the  Allies  . 

• • • • • 

90 

Cortes  distributes  his  Troops 

91 

His  spirited  Harangue 

• • • • • 

92 

Regulations  read  to  the  Army 

• . . . . 

93 

Desertion  of  Xicotencatl  . 

.... 

94 

His  Execution 

. 

95 

vm 


CONTENTS. 


His  Character  ...... 

Page 

96 

March  of  the  Army  .... 

• 

. 97 

Quarrel  of  Olid  and  Alvarado  . 

. . 

98 

Spaniards  destroy  the  Aqueduct  . 

• 

. 99 

Commencement  of  the  Siege 

. 

100 

CHAPTER  Y. 

Indian  Flotilla  defeated.  — Occupation  of  the  Causeways. 

— Desperate  Assaults. — Firing  of  the  Palaces. — 

Spirit  of  the  Besieged.  — Barracks  for  the  Troops  . 102 

Sandoval  marches  on  Iztapalapan  .....  102 

Cortes  takes  Command  of  the  Fleet  .....  103 

Indian  Flotilla  defeated  .......  104 

Cortes  occupies  Xoloc  ........  105 

Sandoval  advances  to  Cojo'nuacan  .....  106 

Skirmishes  on  the  Causeway  ......  107 

Blockade  completed  ........  108 

Simultaneous  Assaults  on  Mexico  ......  109 

Ramparts  raised  by  the  Aztecs 109 

Brigantines  enfilade  the  Causeway  . . . . .110 

Spaniards  enter  the  City  . . . . . . . Ill 

Allies  demolish  the  Buildings  . . . . . .111 

Fierce  Battles  in  the  City  ......  112 

Spaniards  reach  the  Square  . . . . . . .113 

Storm  the  Pyramid  ........  114 

Hurl  the  Priests  headlong  114 

The  Aztecs  rally  ........  115 

Spaniards  give  Way  . . . . . . . .115 

Cavalry  to  the  Rescue  .......  116 

Retreat  to  their  Quarters  . . . . . . .117 

Txtlilxochitl  in  the  Camp  . 118 

A second  Assault  . . . . . . . .119 

Spaniards  penetrate  the  City  ......  120 

Fire  the  Palace  of  Axayacatl 120 

Royal  Aviary  in  Flames  .......  121 

Rage  of  the  Mexicans  ........  122 

Their  Desperation  123 

Sufferings  of  the  Spaniards  .......  125 

Operations  of  Guatemozin  ......  126 

His  Vigilance  ........  127 

Ambuscade  among  the  Reeds  .....  128 


CONTENTS. 


IX 

Page 

Resources  of  the  Indian  Emperor 129 

Accession  of  Allies  to  the  Spaniards  ....  130 

Barracks  for  the  Troops  .......  131 

Hard  Fare  of  the  Besiegers 132 

Spirit  of  the  Aztecs 133 


CHAPTER  VI. 

j-eneral  Assault  on  the  City. — Defeat  of  the  Spaniards. 

— Their  disastrous  Condition.  — Sacrifice  of  the  Cap- 
tives.— Defection  of  the  Allies.  — Constancy  of  the 
Troops  ..........  135 

Views  of  the  Spaniards  .......  135 

Council  of  War  .........  136 

General  Assault  on  the  City  ......  137 

Cortes  rebukes  Alvarado  . . . . . . .138 

The  Enemy  give  Way  .......  139 

Their  cunning  Stratagem  .......  140 

Horn  of  Guatemozin  sounds  ......  141 

Aztecs  turn  upon  their  Foe  . . . . . . .141 

Terrible  Rout  of  the  Spaniards  .....  142 

Imminent  Danger  of  Cortes  ......  143 

Self-devotion  of  his  Followers  ......  144 

Sharp  Struggle  on  the  Causeway  ......  145 

His  Division  retreats  .......  146 

Sandoval  and  Alvarado  .......  147 

Their  Troops  driven  from  the  City  .....  148 

Sandoval  visits  the  General  .......  149 

His  Interview  with  him  .......  151 

Great  Drum  beat  in  the  Temple  ......  152 

Sacrifice  of  the  Captives 153 

Sensations  of  the  Spaniards  .......  154 

Rejoicings  of  the  Aztecs 155 

Prophecy  of  the  Priests 156 

Defection  of  the  Allies  .......  157 

Gloomy  Condition  of  the  Spaniards  .....  158 

Their  Constancy  ........  159 

Heroism  of  their  Women 159 


X 


CONTENTS 


Page 


CHAPTER  VII. 

Successes  of  the  Spaniards.  — Fruitless  Offers  to  Guate- 
mozin. — Buildings  razed  to  the  Ground. — Terrible 
Famine. — The  Troops  gain  the  Market-place.  — Bat- 
tering Engine  ........ 

Allies  return  to  the  Camp 

Accession  of  Confederates  ....... 

Plan  of  the  Campaign  ....... 

The  Breaches  filled  ........ 

Famine  in  the  City 

Fruitless  Offers  to  Guatemozin  ...... 

Council  of  the  Aztecs  ....... 

Result  of  their  Deliberations  

Buildings  razed  to  the  Ground  ..... 

Single  Combats  ......... 

Guatemozin’s  Palace  in  Flames  ..... 

Sufferings  of  the  Besieged  ....... 

Neglect  of  their  Dead  

Their  unconquerable  Spirit  ....... 

Conflagration  of  the  Teocalli  ...... 

Success  of  Alvarado  ........ 

Spaniards  in  the  Market-place  ...... 

Cortes  surveys  the  City  ....... 

Its  Desolation  ......... 

Battering  Engine  ........ 

Its  Failure  ......... 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

Dreadful  Sufferings  of  the  Besieged. — Spirit  of  Guate- 
mozin.— Murderous  Assaults.  — Capture  of  Guatemo- 
zin.— Evacuation  of  the  City. — Termination  of  the 

Siege.  — Reflections 

Dreadful  Famine  in  the  City  ...... 

Cannibalism  ......... 

The  Corpses  fill  the  Streets 

Pestilence  sweeps  off  Multitudes  

Alarming  Prodigies  ....... 

Spirit  of  Guatemozin  ........ 

Cortes  requests  an  Interview  with  him  .... 


161 

162 

163 

164 

166 

167 

168 

169 

170 

171 

172 

173 

174 

175 

177 

178 

179 

181 

182 

183 

185 

186 

187 

187 

188 

189 

190 

190 

191 

192 


CONTENTS. 


x 


Page 

Guatemozin  consents 

193 

He  avoids  a Parley  .... 

194 

Murderous  Assault 

195 

Appalling  Scene  of  Carnage 

196 

Preparations  for  the  final  Attack  . 

198 

Cortes  urges  an  Interview 

199 

The  Signal  given 

201 

Aztecs  attempt  to  escape  . 

201 

Capture  of  Guatemozin 

202 

Cessation  of  Hostilities 

203 

Person  of  Guatemozin 

205 

Brought  before  Cortes 

206 

His  Wife,  Montezuma’s  Daughter 

207 

Furious  Thunder-storm 

208 

Mexicans  abandon  their  City 

209 

Number  of  those  who  perished 

210 

Amount  of  the  Spoil 

211 

Cortes  dismisses  his  Allies 

212 

Rejoicings  of  the  Spaniards  . 

213 

Solemn  Thanksgiving 

214 

Reflections  ..... 

215 

Aztec  Institutions  .... 

216 

Their  moral  Influence  . 

217 

Cruelty  ascribed  to  the  Spaniards 

218 

The  Conquest  as  a military  Achievement 

221 

Notice  of  the  Historian  Solis  . 

223 

His  Life  and  Writings  . 

- 

224 

Sahagun’s  Twelfth  Book 

• 

229 

BOOK  VII. 

CONCLUSION.  — SUBSEQUENT  CAREER  OF  CORTES 


CHAPTER  I. 

Torture  or  Guatemozin.  — Submission  of  the  Country.  — 
Rebuilding  of  the  Capital. — Mission  to  Castile. — 
Complaints  against  Cortes.  — He  is  confirmed  in  his 
Authority  .........  233 

Small  Amount  of  Treasure  ......  234 

Disappointment  of  the  Soldiers  ......  234 

VOL.  III.  B 


xii  CONTENTS. 

Page 

Torture  of  Guatemozin 235 

His  Fortitude  unshaken  235 

Submission  of  the  Country  . . . . . 23G 

The  Southern  Ocean  reached  ......  237 

Rebuilding  of  the  Capital  .......  239 

Aztec  Prophecy  accomplished  ......  240 

Mission  to  Castile  ........  241 

Envoys  captured  by  the  French  ......  242 

Charges  against  Cortes  .......  243 

Tapia  sent  to  New  Spain  .......  244 

Insurrection  of  the  Natives  ......  245 

Quelled  by  Sandoval  ........  245 

Fonseca’s  Hostility  to  Cortes  ......  246 

His  Cause  referred  to  a select  Tribunal 247 

Accusations  against  Cortes  ......  248 

Defence  by  his  Friends  ....  . . 248 

Acts  of  Cortes  ratified  .......  250 

He  is  confirmed  in  the  supreme  Authority  . . . .251 

He  triumphs  over  Fonseca  251 

Mortification  of  Velasquez  .......  252 

His  Death  and  Character  .......  253 


CHAPTER  II. 


Modern  Mexico.  — Settlement  of  the  Country. — Condition 
of  the  Natives.  — Christian  Missionaries.  — Cultiva- 
tion of  the  Soil.  — Voyages  and  Expeditions  . 255 

v 

Mexico  rebuilt  .........  255 

Edifices  in  the  City  ........  256 

Its  Fortress  ..........  257 

Its  Population  .........  258 

Settlement  of  the  Country  .......  259 

Encouragements  to  Marriage  ......  260 

The  Wife  of  Cortes  arrives  in  Mexico 261 

Her  Death  .........  262 

System  of  Repartimientos  .......  262 

Reward  of  the  Tlascalans  ......  263 

Treatment  of  the  Natives  .......  264 

• Franciscan  Missionaries  .......  265 

Their  Reception  by  Cortes  .......  266 

■ Progress  of  Conversion  .......  267 

Settlements  of  the  Conquerors 268 


CONTENTS. 


xm 

Page 

Cultivation  of  the  Soil  .......  269 

Fleet  burnt  at  Zacatula  .......  270 

Voyages  to  discover  a Strait  . . . . . . 271 

Expedition  of  Alvarado  .......  273 

Result  of  the  Enterprises  of  Cortes  .....  274 


CHAPTER  III. 


Defection  of  Olid.  — Dreadful  March  to  Honduras. — Ex- 
ecution of  Guatemozin. — Dona  Marina.  — Arrival  at 
Honduras  .........  276 

Defection  of  Olid  . . . . . . . . 276 

Cortes  prepares  to  visit  Honduras  ......  277 

The  General’s  Retinue  .......  278 

Obstacles  on  the  March  .......  280 

Passes  near  Palenque  .......  281 

Lost  in  the  Mazes  of  the  Forests  . . ...  282 

Builds  a stupendous  Bridge  ......  283 

Horses  sink  in  the  Marshes  .......  283 

Reports  of  a Conspiracy  .......  284 

Guatemozin  arrested  ........  285 

His  Execution  ........  286 

His  Character  .........  287 

Feelings  of  the  Army  .......  288 

Cause  of  the  Execution  .......  288 

Cortes’  Remorse  ........  290 

Prosecution  of  the  March  .......  290 

Lake  of  Peten  .........  291 

Dona  Marina  . . . . . . . . .291 

Her  Meeting  with  her  Mother  ......  292 

She  marries  a Castilian  Knight  ......  292 

Her  Son  Don  Martin  .......  293 

' Missionaries  in  the  Isles  of  Peten  ......  294 

Passage  of  “ the  Mountain  of  Flints  ” ....  295 

Army  arrives  at  Honduras  .......  296 

Famine  in  the  Colony  .......  297 

Cortes  reaches  Truxillo  .......  297 

Prepares  to  reduce  Nicaragua  ......  298 

His  romantic  Daring  ........  299 

Tidings  from  Mexico  .......  299 


XIV 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Disturbances  in  Mexico.  — Return  of  Cortes.  — Distrust 
of  the  Court.  — Cortes  returns  to  Spain. — Death  of 
Sandoval.  — Brilliant  Reception  of  Cortes.  — Honors 
conferred  on  him  ........ 

Misrule  in  Mexico  ........ 

Cortes  attempts  to  return  ....... 

Driven  back  by  the  Tempest  ...... 

His  Despondency  ........ 

Embarks  once  more  for  Mexico  ..... 

Lands  near  San  Juan  de  Ulua  ...... 

Progress  to  the  Capital  ....... 

Cortes  reenters  Mexico  in  State  ...... 

Distrust  of  the  Crown  ....... 

Ponce  de  Leon  sent  as  Commissioner  ..... 

He  dies  on  his  Arrival  ....... 

Appoints  Estrada  his  Successor  ...... 

Affronts  to  Cortes  ........ 

He  leaves  the  City  ........ 

The  Commission  of  the  Royal  Audience  .... 

Cortes  determines  to  return  to  Spain  ..... 

News  of  his  Father's  Death  ...... 

Preparations  for  Departure  ....... 

He  lands  at  Palos  ........ 

His  Meeting  with  Pizarro  ....... 

Death  of  Sandoval  ........ 

His  Person  and  Character  ....... 

Brilliant  Reception  of  Cortes  ...... 

Sensation  caused  by  his  Presence  ...... 

Admitted  to  an  Audience  by  the  Emperor 

Charles  V.  visits  him  when  ill  ..... 

He  is  made  Marquess  of  the  Valley  ..... 

Grants  of  Lands  and  Vassals  ...... 

Refused  the  Government  of  Mexico  ..... 

Reinstated  in  his  military  Command  . . . . 

Cortes’  second  Marriage  ...... 

Splendid  Presents  to  his  Bride  ...... 

His  Residence  at  Court  ....... 


Page 

300 

300 

301 

301 

302 

302 

302 

303 

304 

305 

306 

307 

307 

307 

308 

309 

310 

311 

312 

313 

313 

314 

315 

316 

317 

31S 

319 

320 

320 

321 

322 

323 

324 

325 


CONTENTS. 


xv 


CHAPTER  V. 


Page 


Cortes  revisits  Mexico.  — Retires  to  his  Estates.  — His 
Voyages  of  Discovery.  — Final  Return  to  Castile. — 


Cold  Reception. — Death  of  Cortes.  — His  Character 

326 

Cortes  embarks  for  Mexico 

326 

Stops  at  Hispaniola 

326 

Proceedings  of  the  Audience 

. 

327 

Cortes  lands  at  Villa  Rica 

• 

329 

Reception  in  Mexico 

330 

Retires  to  his  Estates  . 

331 

His  Improvement  of  them 

332 

His  Voyages  of  Discovery  . 

• 

333 

He  embarks  for  California 

334 

Disastrous  Expedition  . 

. 

334 

Arrival  of  a Viceroy 

335 

Policy  of  the  Crown 

. 

335 

Maritime  Enterprises  of  Cortes  . 

337 

His  Disgust  with  Mendoza  . 

. 

338 

His  final  Return  to  Castile 

339 

He  joins  the  Expedition  to  Algiers 

. 

340 

His  cold  Reception  by  Charles  V. 

341 

Cortes’  last  Letter  to  the  Emperor 

• 

342 

Taken  ill  at  Seville  .... 

343 

His  Will 

344 

Scruples  of  Conscience  as  to  Slavery 

345 

Views  entertained  on  this  Topic  . 

. 

346 

He  moves  to  Castilleja 

347 

Death  of  Cortes  .... 

• 

347 

His  funeral  Obsequies 

348 

Fate  of  his  Remains 

. 

349 

Posterity  of  Cortes  .... 

351 

His  Character  .... 

. 

352 

His  Knight-errantry 

353 

His  military  Genius 

• 

354 

Power  over  his  Soldiers  . 

355 

Character  as  a Conqueror 

. 

357 

His  enlightened  Views 

358 

His  private  Life  . 

. 

359 

His  Bigotry  ..... 

360 

His  Manners  and  Habits 

363 

XVI 


CONTENTS. 


APPENDIX,  PART  I. 


ORIGIN  OF  THE  MEXICAN  CIVILIZATION.  — ANALOGIES 
WITH  THE  OLD  WORLD. 


Page 

Preliminary  Notice  ........  369 


Speculations  on  the  New  World  . 

371 

Manner  of  its  Population  . 

. 

• 

371 

Plato’s  Atlantis  . 

372 

Modern  Theory  .... 

. 

• 

373 

Communication  with  the  Old  World 

374 

Origin  of  American  Civilization 

• 

376 

Plan  of  the  Essay  .... 

377 

Analogies  suggested  by  the  Mexicans  to 

the  Old  World 

377 

Their  Traditions  of  the  Deluge 

378 

Resemble  the  Hebrew  Accounts 

380 

Temple  of  Cholula  .... 

380 

Analogy  to  the  Tower  of  Babel 

381 

The  Mexican  Eve  .... 

381 

The  God  Quetzalcoatl 

382 

Natural  Errors  of  the  Missionaries 

383 

The  Cross  in  Anahuac 

384 

Eucharist  and  Baptism 

385 

Chroniclers  strive  for  Coincidences  . 

387 

Argument  drawn  from  these 

389 

Resemblance  of  social  Usages 

390 

Analogies  from  Science 

391 

Chronological  System 

391 

Hieroglyphics  and  Symbols  . 

392 

Adjustment  of  Time 

393 

Affinities  of  Language 

394 

Difficulties  of  Comparison 

397 

Traditions  of  Migration 

397 

Tests  of  their  Truth 

399 

Physical  Analogies  . . . . 

400 

Architectural  Remains 

402 

Destructive  Spirit  of  the  Spaniards 

403 

Ruins  in  Chiapa  and  Yucatan  . 

404 

Works  of  Art  . . . . . 

405 

Tools  for  Building  .... 

406 

Little  Resemblance  to  Egyptian  Art 

407 

CONTENTS. 


XVII 
Page 

Sculpture 408 

Hieroglyphics  .........  409 

Probable  Age  of  these  Monuments  . . . . . 410 

Their  probable  Architects  . . . . . . .413 

Difficulties  in  forming  a Conclusion  . . . . . 415 

Ignorance  of  Iron  and  of  Milk  . . . . . .416 

Unsatisfactory  Explanations  ......  417 

General  Conclusions  . . . . . . . .418 


APPENDIX,  PART  II. 


ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS. 


Aztec  Mother’s  Advice  to  her  Daughter 

. 421 

Translations  of  Nezahualcoyotl’s  Poem 

425 

Palace  of  Tezcotzinco  .... 

. 430 

Punishment  of  the  guilty  Tezcucan  Queen 

432 

Velasquez’s  Instructions  to  Cortes 

. 434 

Extract  from  Las  Casas’  History 

439 

Deposition  of  Puerto  Carrero 

. 440 

Extract  from  the  Letter  of  Vera  Cruz 

444 

Extract  from  Camargo’s  Tlascala 

. 446 

Extract  from  Oviedo’s  History  . 

448 

Dialogue  of  Oviedo  with  Cano 

. 452 

Privilege  of  Doiia  Isabel  de  Montezuma 

460 

Military  Ordinances  of  Cortes 

. 464 

Extracts  from  the  Fifth  Letter  of  C^tes 

470 

Last  Letter  of  Cort6s  . 

. 474 

Account  of  his  Funeral  Obsequies 

478 

■ 


r Z‘h'j  r/'tt.\  //is fay  of' /fir 


BOOK  SIXTH. 

SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO. 


VOL.  III.  1 


CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO. 


BOOK  VI. 

SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO. 


CHAPTER  I. 


Arrangements  at  Tezcuco.  — Sack  of  Iztapalapan.  — Advan 
TAGES  OF  THE  SPANIARDS.  — WlSE  POLICY  OF  CoRTe's. TRANS- 

PORTATION of  the  Brigantines. 

1521. 

The  city  of  Tezcuco  was  the  best  position,  prob- 
ably, which  Cortes  could  have  chosen  for  the  head- 
quarters of  the  army.  It  supplied  all  the  accommo- 
dations for  lodging  a numerous  body  of  troops,  and 
all  the  facilities  for  subsistence,  incident  to  a large 
and  populous  town.1  It  furnished,  moreover,  a mul- 
titude of  artisans  and  laborers  for  the  uses  of  the 
army.  Its  territories,  bordering  on  the  Tlascalan, 
afforded  a ready  means  of  intercourse  with  the  coun- 
try of  his  allies,  while  its  vicinity  to  Mexico  enabled 

1 “ Asi  mismo  hizo  juntar  todos  traer  a la  Ciudad  de  Tezcuco  el 
los  bastimentos  que  fueron  necesa-  Maiz  que  habia  en  las  Troxes  y 
rios  para  sustentar  el  Exercito  y Graneros  de  las  Provincias  sugetas 
Guarniciones  de  Gente  que  anda-  al  Reyno  de  Tezcuco.”  Ixtlilxo- 
ban  en  favor  de  Cortes,  y asi  hizo  chitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  91 


4 SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI. 

the  general,  without  much  difficulty,  to  ascertain  the 
movements  in  that  capital.  Its  central  situation,  in 
short,  opened  facilities  for  communication  with  all 
parts  of  the  Valley,  and  made  it  an  excellent  point 
d?appm  for  his  future  operations. 

The  first  care  of  Cortes  was  to  strengthen  him- 
self in  the  palace  assigned  to  him,  and  to  place  his 
quarters  in  a state  of  defence,  which  might  secure 
them  against  surprise,  not  only  from  the  Mexicans, 
but  from  the  Tezcucans  themselves.  Since  the  elec- 
tion of  their  new  ruler,  a large  part  of  the  population 
had  returned  to  their  homes,  assured  of  protection  in 
person  and  property.  But  the  Spanish  general,  not- 
withstanding their  show  of  submission,  very  much 
distrusted  its  sincerity ; for  he  knew  that  many  of 
them  were  united  too  intimately  with  the  Aztecs, 
by  marriage  and  other  social  relations,  not  to  have 
their  sympathies  engaged  in  their  behalf.2  The 
young  monarch,  however,  seemed  wholly  in  his  in- 
terests ; and,  to  secure  him  more  effectually,  Cortes 
placed  several  Spaniards  near  his  person,  whose 
ostensible  province  it  was  to  instruct  him  in  their 
language  and  religion,  but  who  were  in  reality  to 
watch  over  his  conduct  and  prevent  his  correspond- 
ence with  those  who  might  be  unfriendly  to  the 
Spanish  interests.3 


2 “No  era  de  espantar  que  tu-  de  Ixtlilxochitl,  y de  todos.”  Ix- 
viese  este  recelo,  porque  sus  En-  tlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,  cap. 
emigos,  y los  de  esta  Ciudad  eran  92. 

todos  Deudos  y Parientes  mas  cer-  3 Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Con- 
canos,  mas  despues  el  tiempo  lo  quista,  cap.  137. 
desengano,  y xido  la  gran  lealtad 


Ch.  I.]  arrangements  at  TEZCUCO.  5 

Tezcuco  stood  about  half  a league  from  the  lake. 
It  would  be  necessar)  to  open  a communication 
with  it,  so  that  the  brigantines,  when  put  together  in 
the  capita],  might  be  launched  upon  its  waters.  It 
was  proposed,  therefore,  to  dig  a canal,  reaching 
from  the  gardens  of  Nezahualcoyotl,  as  they  were 
called,  from  the  old  monarch  who  planned  them,  to 
the  edge  of  the  basin.  A little  stream  or  rivulet, 
which  flowed  in  that  direction,  was  to  be  deepened 
sufficiently  for  the  purpose ; and  eight  thousand  In- 
dian laborers  were  forthwith  employed  on  this  great 
work,  under  the  direction  of  the  young  Ixtlilxochitl.4 

Meanwhile  Cortes  received  messages  from  several 
places  in  the  neighbourhood,  intimating  their  desire 
to  become  the  vassals  of  his  sovereign,  and  to  be 
taken  under  his  protection.  The  Spanish  com- 
mander required,  in  return,  that  they  should  deliver 
up  every  Mexican  who  should  set  foot  in  their  ter- 
ritories. Some  noble  Aztecs,  who  had  been  sent  on 
a mission  to  these  towns,  were  consequently  deliv- 
ered into  his  hands.  He  availed  himself  of  it  to 
employ  them  as  bearers  of  a message  to  their  mas- 
ter, the  emperor.  In  it  he  deprecated  the  necessity 
of  the  present  hostilities.  Those  who  had  most 
injured  him,  he  said,  were  no  longer  among  the 
living.  He  was  willing  to  forget  the  past ; and  in- 
vited the  Mexicans,  by  a timely  submission,  to  save 
their  capital  from  the  horrors  of  a siege.5  Cortes 


4 Ibid.,  ubi  supra. — Ixtlilxo-  sido  en  hacerme  la  Guerra  pasada, 
chitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  91.  eran  ya  muertos ; y que  lo  pasado 

5 “Los  principales,  que  habian  fuesse  pasado,  y que  no  quisiessen 


6 SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  YI 

had  no  expectation  of  producing  any  immediate  re- 
sult by  this  appeal.  But  he  thought  it  might  lie  in 
the  minds  of  the  Mexicans,  and  that,  if  there  was  a 
party  among  them  disposed  to  treat  with  him,  it 
might  afford  them  encouragement,  as  showing  his 
own  willingness  to  cooperate  with  their  views.  At 
this  time,  however,  there  was  no  division  of  opinion 
in  the  capital.  The  whole  population  seemed  ani- 
mated by  a spirit  of  resistance,  as  one  man. 

In  a former  page  I have  mentioned  that  it  was  the 
plan  of  Cortes,  on  entering  the  Valley,  to  commence 
operations  by  reducing  the  subordinate  cities  before 
striking  at  the  capital  itself,  which,  like  some  goodly 
tree,  whose  roots  had  been  severed  one  after  another, 
would  be  thus  left  without  support  against  the  fury 
of  the  tempest.  The  first  point  of  attack  which  he 
selected  was  the  ancient  city  of  Iztapalapan  ; a 
place  containing  fifty  thousand  inhabitants,  accord- 
ing to  his  own  account,  and  situated  about  six 
leagues  distant,  on  the  narrow  tongue  of  land,  which 
divides  the  waters  of  the  great  salt  lake  from  those 
of  the  fresh.  It  was  the  private  domain  of  the  last 
sovereign  of  Mexico ; where,  as  the  reader  may  re- 
member, he  entertained  the  white  men,  the  night 
before  their  entrance  into  the  capital,  and  astonished 
them  by  the  display  of  his  princely  gardens.  To 
this  monarch  they  owed  no  good-will,  for  he  had 
conducted  the  operations  on  the  noche  triste.  He 
was,  indeed,  no  more ; but  the  people  of  his  city 


dar  causa  a que  destruyesse  sus  pesaba  mucho  de  ello.”  Rel.Terc. 
Tierras,  y Ciudades,  porque  me  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  193. 


Ch.  I.] 


SACK  OF  IZTAPALAPAN. 


7 


entered  heartily  into  his  hatred  of  the  strangers,  and 
were  now  the  most  loyal  vassals  of  the  Mexican 
crown. 

In  a week  after  his  arrival  at  his  new  quarters, 
Cortes,  leaving  the  command  of  the  garrison  to  San- 
doval, marched  against  this  Indian  city,  at  the  head 
of  two  hundred  Spanish  foot,  eighteen  horse,  and 
between  three  and  four  thousand  Tlascalans.  Their 
route  lay  along  the  eastern  border  of  the  lake, 
gemmed  with  many  a bright  town  and  hamlet,  or, 
unlike  its  condition  at  the  present  day,  darkened  with 
overhanging  groves  of  cypress  and  cedar,  and  occa- 
sionally opening  a broad  expanse  to  their  view,  with 
the  Queen  of  the  Valley  rising  gloriously  from  the 
waters,  as  if  proudly  conscious  of  her  supremacy  over 
the  fair  cities  around  her.  Further  on,  the  eye  ranged 
along  the  dark  line  of  causeway  connecting  Mexico 
with  the  mainland,  and  suggesting  many  a bitter  re- 
collection to  the  Spaniards. 

They  quickened  their  step,  and  had  advanced 
within  two  leagues  of  their  point  of  destination, 
when  they  were  encountered  by  a strong  Aztec 
force,  drawn  up  to  dispute  their  progress.  Cortes 
instantly  gave  them  battle.  The  barbarians  showed 
their  usual  courage  ; but,  after  some  hard  fighting, 
were  compelled  to  give  way  before  the  steady  val- 
or of  the  Spanish  infantry,  backed  by  the  desperate 
fury  of  the  Tlascalans,  whom  the  sight  of  an  Aztec 
seemed  to  inflame  almost  to  madness.  The  enemy 
retreated  in  disorder,  closely  followed  by  the  Span- 
iards. When  they  had  arrived  within  half  a league 


8 SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI. 

of  Iztapalapan,  they  observed  a number  of  canoes 
filled  with  Indians,  who  appeared  to  be  laboring  on 
the  mole  which  hemmed  in  the  waters  of  the  salt 
lake.  Swept  along  in  the  tide  of  pursuit,  they  gave 
little  heed  to  it,  but,  following  up  the  chase,  entered 
pell-mell  with  the  fugitives  into  the  city. 

The  houses  stood  some  of  them  on  dry  ground, 
some  on  piles  in  the  water.  The  former  were  de- 
serted by  the  inhabitants,  most  of  whom  had  escaped 
in  canoes  across  the  lake,  leaving,  in  their  haste,  their 
effects  behind  them.  The  TIascalans  poured  at  once 
into  the  vacant  dwellings  and  loaded  themselves  with 
booty  ; while  the  enemy,  making  the  best  of  their 
way  through  this  part  of  the  town,  sought  shelter  in 
the  buildings  erected  over  the  water,  or  among  the 
reeds  which  sprung  from  its  shallow  bottom.  In  the 
houses  were  many  of  the  citizens  also,  who  still  lin- 
gered with  their  wives  and  children,  unable  to  find 
the  means  of  transporting  themselves  from  the  scene 
of  danger. 

Cortes,  supported  by  his  own  men,  and  by  such  of 
the  allies  as  could  be  brought  to  obey  his  orders, 
attacked  the  enemy  in  this  last  place  of  their  retreat. 
Both  parties  fought  up  to  their  girdles  in  the  water. 
A desperate  struggle  ensued  ; as  the  Aztec  fought 
with  the  fury  of  a tiger'  driven  to  bay  by  the  hunts- 
men. It  was  all  in  vain.  The  enemy  was  over- 
powered in  every  quarter.  The  citizen  shared  the 
fate  of  the  soldier,  and  a pitiless  massacre  succeed- 
ed, without  regard  to  sex  or  age.  Cortes  endeav- 
oured to  stop  it.  But  it  would  have  been  as  easy  to 


Ch.  I.] 


SACK  OF  IZTAPALAPAN. 


9 


call  away  the  starving  wolf  from  the  carcass  he  was 
devouring,  as  the  Tlascalan  who  had  once  tasted 
the  blood  of  an  enemy.  More  than  six  thousand, 
including  women  and  children,  according  to  the 
Conqueror’s  own  statement,  perished  in  the  con- 
flict.6 

Darkness  meanwhile  had  set  in ; but  it  was  dis- 
pelled in  some  measure  by  the  light  of  the  burning 
houses,  which  the  troops  had  set  on  fire  in  different 
parts  of  the  town.  Their  insulated  position,  it  is 
true,  prevented  the  flames  from  spreading  from  one 
building  to  another,  but  the  solitary  masses  threw  a 
strong  and  lurid  glare  over  their  own  neighbourhood, 
which  gave  additional  horror  to  the  scene.  As  re- 
sistance was  now  at  an  end,  the  soldiers  abandoned 
themselves  to  pillage,  and  soon  stripped  the  dwellings 
of  every  portable  article  of  any  value. 

While  engaged  in  this  work  of  devastation,  a 
murmuring  sound  was  heard  as  of  the  hoarse  rip- 
pling of  waters,  and  a cry  soon  arose  among  the 
Indians  that  the  dikes  were  broken ! Cortes  now 
comprehended  the  business  of  the  men  whom  he 
had  seen  in  the  canoes  at  work  on  the  mole  which 
fenced  in  the  great  basin  of  Lake  Tezcuco.7  It  had 

6 “ Murieron  de  ellos  mas  de  7 “ Estandolas  quemando,  pare- 
seis  mil  animas,  entre  Hombres,  cio  que  Nuestro  Senor  me  inspiro, 
y Mugeres,  y Ninos  ; porque  los  y trujo  a la  memoria  la  Calzada,  6 
Indios  nuestros  Amigos,  vista  la  Presa,  que  habia  visto  rota  en  el 
\ ictoria,  que  Dios  nos  daba,  no  Camino,  y representoseme  el  gran 
entendian  en  otra  cosa,  sino  en  daiio,  que  era.”  Ibid.,  loc.  cit. 
matar  a diestro  y a siniestro.” 

Ibid.,  p.  195. 

VOL.  III. 


2 


10 


SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI. 


been  pierced  by  the  desperate  Indians,  who  thus 
laid  the  country  under  an  inundation,  by  suffering  the 
waters  of  the  salt  lake  to  spread  themselves  over  the 
lower  level,  through  the  opening.  Greatly  alarmed, 
the  general  called  his  men  together,  and  made  all 
haste  to  evacuate  the  city.  Had  they  remained 
three  hours  longer,  he  says,  not  a soul  could  have 
escaped.8  They  came  staggering  under  the  weight 
of  booty,  wading  with  difficulty  through  the  water, 
which  was  fast  gaining  upon  them.  For  some  dis- 
tance, their  path  was  illumined  by  the  glare  of  the 
burning  buildings.  But,  as  the  light  faded  away  in 
distance,  they  wandered  with  uncertain  steps,  some- 
times up  to  their  knees,  at  others  up  to  their  waists, 
in  the  water,  through  which  they  floundered  on  with 
the  greatest  difficulty.  As  they  reached  the  opening 
in  the  dike,  the  stream  became  deeper,  and  flowed 
out  with  such  a current  that  the  men  were  unable 
to  maintain  their  footing.  The  Spaniards,  breasting 
the  flood,  forced  their  way  through ; but  many  of 
the  Indians,  unable  to  swim,  were  borne  down  by 
the  waters.  All  the  plunder  was  lost.  The  powder 
was  spoiled  ; the  arms  and  clothes  of  the  soldiers 
were  saturated  with  the  brine,  and  the  cold  night- 
wind,  as  it  blew  over  them,  benumbed  their  weary 
limbs  till  they  could  scarcely  drag  them  along.  At 
dawn  they  beheld  the  lake  swarming  with  canoes, 

8 “Y  certifico  a Vuestra  Ma-  no  de  nosotros  escapara,  porque 
gestad,  que  si  aquella  noche  no  quedabamos  cercados  de  Agua,  sin 
pasaramos  el  Agua,  6 aguarda-  tener  paso  por  parte  ninguna.” 
ramos  tres  horas  mas,  que  ningu-  Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 


Ch.  I.] 


SACK  OF  IZTAPALAPAN. 


11 


full  of  Indians,  who  had  anticipated  their  disaster, 
and  who  now  saluted  them  with  showers  of  stones, 
arrows,  and  other  deadly  missiles.  Bodies  of  light 
troops,  hovering  in  the  distance,  disquieted  the  flanks 
of  the  army  in  like  manner.  The  Spaniards  had 
no  desire  to  close  with  the  enemy.  They  only 
wished  to  regain  their  comfortable  quarters  in  Tez- 
cuco,  where  they  arrived  on  the  same  day,  more 
disconsolate  and  fatigued  than  after  many  a long 
march  and  hard-fought  battle.9 

The  close  of  the  expedition,  so  different  from  its 
brilliant  commencement,  greatly  disappointed  Cortes. 
B is  numerical  loss  had,  indeed,  not  been  great ; but 
this  affair  convinced  him  how  much  he  had  to  ap- 
piehend  from  the  resolution  of  a people,  who,  with 
a spirit  worthy  of  the  ancient  Hollanders,  were  pre- 
pared to  bury  their  country  under  water,  rather  than 
to  submit.  Still  the  enemy  had  little  cause  for  con- 
gratulation ; since,  independently  of  the  number  of 
slain,  they  had  seen  one  of  their  most  flourishing  cities 
sacked,  and  in  part,  at  least,  laid  in  ruins, — one  of 
those,  too,  which  in  its  public  works  displayed  the 
nearest  approach  to  civilization.  Such  are  the  tri- 
umphs of  war ! 

The  expedition  of  Cortes,  notwithstanding  the 
disasters  which  chequered  it,  was  favorable  to  the 

9 The  general’s  own  Letter  to  Hist,  de  las Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap. 
the  Emperor  is  so  full  and  precise,  18, — Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chich., 
that  it  is  the  very  best  authority  MS.,  cap.  92, — Herrera,  Hist, 
for  this  event.  The  story  is  told  General,  dec.  3,  lib.  1,  cap.  2,  et 
also  by  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  auct.  aliis. 

Conquista,  cap.  138.  — Oviedo, 


12  SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI. 

Spanish  cause.  The  fate  of  Iztapalapan  struck  a 
terror  throughout  the  Valley.  The  consequences 
were  soon  apparent  in  the  deputations  sent  by  the 
different  places  eager  to  offer  their  submission.  Its 
influence  was  visible,  indeed,  beyond  the  mountains. 
Among  others,  the  people  of  Otumba,  the  town  near 
which  the  Spaniards  had  gained  their  famous  victory, 
sent  to  tender  their  allegiance  and  to  request  the 
protection  of  the  powerful  strangers.  They  excused 
themselves,  as  usual,  for  the  part  they  had  taken  in 
the  late  hostilities,  by  throwing  the  blame  on  the 
Aztecs. 

But  the  place  of  most  importance,  which  thus 
claimed  their  protection,  was  Chaleo,  situated  on 
the  eastern  extremity  of  the  lake  of  that  name.  It 
was  an  ancient  city,  peopled  by  a kindred  tribe  of 
the  Aztecs,  and  once  their  formidable  rival.  The 
Mexican  emperor,  distrusting  their  loyalty,  had 
placed  a garrison  within  their  walls  to  hold  them  in 
check.  The  rulers  of  the  city  now  sent  a message 
secretly  to  Cortes,  proposing  to  put  themselves  under 
his  protection,  if  he  would  enable  them  to  expel  the 
garrison. 

The  Spanish  commander  did  not  hesitate ; but 
instantly  detached  a considerable  force  under  San- 
doval for  this  object.  On  the  march,  his  rear-guard, 
composed  of  Tlascalans,  was  roughly  handled  by 
some  light  troops  of  the  Mexicans.  But  he  took 
his  revenge  in  a pitched  battle  which  took  place 
with  the  main  body  of  the  enemy  at  no  great  dis- 
tance from  Chaleo.  They  were  drawn  up  on  a level 


Oh.  I.]  ADVANTAGES  OF  THE  SPANIARDS.  13 

ground,  covered  with  green  crops  of  maize  and 
maguey.  The  field  is  traversed  by  the  road  which 
at  this  day  leads  from  the  last  mentioned  city  to 
Tezcuco.10  Sandoval,  charging  the  enemy  at  the 
head  of  his  cavalry,  threw  them  into  disorder.  But 
they  quickly  rallied,  formed  again,  and  renewed  the 
battle  with  greater  spirit  than  ever.  In  a second 
attempt  he  was  more  fortunate ; and,  breaking 
through  their  lines  by  a desperate  onset,  the  brave 
cavalier  succeeded,  after  a warm,  but  ineffectual, 
struggle  on  their  part,  in  completely  routing  and 
driving  them  from  the  field.  The  conquering  army 
continued  its  march  to  Chaleo,  which  the  Mexican 
garrison  had  already  evacuated,  and  was  received 
in  triumph  by  the  assembled  citizens,  who  seemed 
eager  to  testify  their  gratitude  for  their  deliverance 
from  the  Aztec  yoke.  After  taking  such  measures 
as  he  could  for  the  permanent  security  of  the  place, 
Sandoval  returned  to  Tezcuco,  accompanied  by  the 
two  young  lords  of  the  city,  sons  of  the  late  cacique. 

They  were  courteously  received  by  Cortes ; and 
they  informed  him  that  their  father  had  died  full  of 
years,  a short  time  before.  With  his  last  breath  he 
had  expressed  his  regret  that  he  should  not  have 
lived  to  see  Malinche.  He  believed  that  the  white 
men  were  the  beings  predicted  by  the  oracles,  as 
one  day  to  come  from  the  East  and  take  possession 
of  the  land ; 11  and  he  enjoined  it  on  his  children, 


10  Lorenzana,  p.  199,  nota.  auian  de  senorear  aquellas  tierras 

11  “ Porque  ciertamente  sus  an-  hombres  que  vernian  con  barbas 
tepassados  les  auian  dicho,  que  de  hazia  donde  sale  el  Sol,  y que 


14 


SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI 


should  the  strangers  return  to  the  Valley,  to  render 
them  their  homage  and  allegiance.  The  young 
caciques  expressed  their  readiness  to  do  so  ; but,  as 
this  must  bring  on  them  the  vengeance  of  the  Az- 
tecs, they  implored  the  general  to  furnish  a sufficient 
force  for  their  protection.12 

Cortes  received  a similar  application  from  various 
other  towns,  which  were  disposed,  could  they  do  so 
with  safety,  to  throw  off  the  Mexican  yoke.  But 
he  was  in  no  situation  to  comply  with  their  request 
He  now  felt,  more  sensibly  than  ever,  the  incompe- 
tency of  his  means  to  his  undertaking.  “ I assure 
your  Majesty,”  he  writes  in  his  letter  to  the  Emperor, 
“the  greatest  uneasiness  which  I feel,  after  all  my 
labors  and  fatigues,  is  from  my  inability  to  succoui 
and  support  our  Indian  friends,  your  Majesty’s  loyal 
vassals.”13  Far  from  having  a force  competent  to 
this,  he  had  scarcely  enough  for  his  own  protection. 
His  vigilant  enemy  had  an  eye  on  all  his  movements, 
and,  should  he  cripple  his  strength  by  sending  away 
too  many  detachments  or  by  employing  them  at  too 
great  a distance,  would  be  prompt  to  take  advantage 
of  it.  His  only  expeditions,  hitherto,  had  been  in 
the  neighbourhood,  where  the  troops,  after  striking 

por  las  cosas  que  han  visto,  eramos  gestad,  allende  de  nuestro  trabajo 
nosotros.”  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  y necesidad,  la  mayor  fatiga,  que 
la  Conquista,  cap.  139.  tenia,  era  no  poder  ayudar,  y so- 

12  Ibid.,  ubi  supra.  — Rel.  Terc.  correr  a los  Indios  nuestros  Ami- 

de Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  200.  gos,  que  por  ser  Vasallos  de  Vues- 
— Gomara,  Cronica,  cap.  122. — tra  Magestad,  eran  molestados  y 
Venida  de  los  Esp.,  p.  15.  trabajados  de  los  de  Culua.”  Rel. 

13  “ Y certifico  a Vuestra  Ma-  Terc.,ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  204. 


Ch.  I.] 


WISE  POLICY  OF  CORTES. 


15 


some  sudden  and  decisive  blow,  might  speedily  re- 
gain their  quarters.  The  utmost  watchfulness  was 
maintained  there,  and  the  Spaniards  lived  in  as  con- 
stant preparation  for  an  assault,  as  if  their  camp 
was  pitched  under  the  walls  of  Mexico. 

On  two  occasions  the  general  had  sallied  forth 
and  engaged  the  enemy  in  the  environs  of  Tezcuco. 
At  one  time  a thousand  canoes,  filled  with  Aztecs, 
crossed  the  lake  to  gather  in  a large  crop  of  Indian 
corn  nearly  ripe,  on  its  borders.  Cortes  thought 
it  important  to  secure  this  for  himself.  He  accord- 
ingly marched  out  and  gave  battle  to  the  enemy, 
drove  them  from  the  field,  and  swept  away  the  rich 
harvest  to  the  granaries  of  Tezcuco.  Another  time 
a strong  body  of  Mexicans  had  established  them- 
selves in  some  neighbouring  towns  friendly  to  their 
interests.  Cortes,  again  sallying,  dislodged  them 
from  their  quarters,  beat  them  in  several  skirmishes, 
and  reduced  the  places  to  obedience.  But  these 
enterprises  demanded  all  his  resources,  and  left  him 
nothing  to  spare  for  his  allies.  In  this  exigency,  his 
fruitful  genius  suggested  an  expedient  for  supplying 
the  deficiency  of  his  means. 

Some  of  the  friendly  cities  without  the  Valley, 
observing  the  numerous  beacon-fires  on  the  moun- 
tains, inferred  that  the  Mexicans  were  mustering  in 
great  strength,  and  that  the  Spaniards  must  be  hard 
pressed  in  their  new  quarters.  They  sent  messen- 
gers to  Tezcuco  expressing  their  apprehension,  and 
offering  reinforcements,  which  the  general,  when  he 
set  out  on  his  march,  had  declined.  He  returned 


16  SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI. 

many  thanks  for  the  proffered  aid ; but,  while  he 
declined  it  for  himself,  as  unnecessary,  he  indicated 
in  what  manner  their  services  might  be  effectual  for 
the  defence  of  Chaleo  and  the  other  places  which 
had  invoked  his  protection.  But  his  Indian  allies 
were  in  deadly  feud  with  these  places,  whose  inhab- 
itants had  too  often  fought  under  the  Aztec  banner 
not  to  have  been  engaged  in  repeated  wars  with  the 
people  beyond  the  mountains. 

Cortes  set  himself  earnestly  to  reconcile  these 
differences.  He  told  the  hostile  parties  that  they 
should  be  willing  to  forget  their  mutual  wrongs, 
since  they  had  entered  into  new  relations.  They 
were  now  vassals  of  the  same  sovereign,  engaged  in 
a common  enterprise  against  the  formidable  foe 
who  had  so  long  trodden  them  in  the  dust.  Singly 
they  could  do  little,  but  united  they  might  protect 
each  other’s  weakness  and  hold  their  enemy  at  bay, 
till  the  Spaniards  could  come  to  their  assistance. 
These  arguments  finally  prevailed ; and  the  politic 
general  had  the  satisfaction  to  see  the  high-spirited 
and  hostile  tribes  forego  their  long-cherished  rivalry, 
and,  resigning  the  pleasures  of  revenge,  so  dear  to 
the  barbarian,  embrace  one  another  as  friends  and 
champions  in  a common  cause.  To  this  wise  policy 
the  Spanish  commander  owed  quite  as  much  of  his 
subsequent  successes,  as  to  his  arms.14 

Thus  the  foundations  of  the  Mexican  empire  were 


14  Ibid.,  pp.  204,  205.  — Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33 
cap.  19. 


Ch.  I.] 


WISE  POLICY  OF  CORTES. 


17 


hourly  loosening,  as  the  great  vassals,  around  the 
capital,  on  whom  it  most  relied,  fell  off  one  after 
another  from  their  allegiance.  The  Aztecs,  proper- 
ly so  called,  formed  but  a small  part  of  the  pop- 
ulation of  the  Valley.  This  was  principally  com- 
posed of  cognate  tribes,  members  of  the  same  great 
family  of  the  Nahuatlacs,  who  had  come  upon  the 
plateau  at  nearly  the  same  time.  They  were  mu- 
tual rivals,  and  were  reduced  one  after  another  by 
the  more  warlike  Mexican,  who  held  them  in  sub- 
jection, often  by  open  force,  always  by  fear.  Fear 
was  the  great  principle  of  cohesion  which  bound  to- 
gether the  discordant  members  of  the  monarchy,  and 
this  was  now  fast  dissolving  before  the  influence  of 
a power  more  mighty  than  that  of  the  Aztec.  This, 
it  is  true,  was  not  the  first  time  that  the  conquered 
races  had  attempted  to  recover  their  independence. 
But  all  such  attempts  had  failed  for  want  of  concert. 
It  was  reserved  for  the  commanding  genius  of  Cortes 
to  extinguish  their  old  hereditary  feuds,  and,  com- 
bining their  scattered  energies,  to  animate  them 
with  a common  principle  of  action.15 

15  Oviedo,  in  his  admiration  of  entre  los  cavalleros,  e gente  militar 
his  hero,  breaks  out  into  the  follow-  en  nuestros  tiempos  se  tengan  en 
ing  panegyric  on  his  policy,  pru-  mucha  estimacion,  y en  los  venide- 
dence,  and  military  science,  which,  ros  nunca  se  desacuerden.  Por 
as  he  truly  predicts,  must  make  causa  suya  me  acuerdo  muchas 
his  name  immortal.  It  is  a fair  veces  de  aquellas  cosas  que  se  es- 
specimen  of  the  manner  of  the  sa-  criven  del  capitan  Viriato  nuestro 
gacious  old  chronicler.  Espanol  y Estremeno  ; y por  Her- 

“ Sin  dubda  alguna  la  habilidad  nando  Cortes  me  ocurren  al  senti- 
y esfuerzo,  e prudencia  de  Her-  do  las  muchas  fatigas  de  aquel 
nando  Cortes  mui  dignas  son  que  espejo  de  caballeria  Julio  Cesar 
VOL.  III.  3 


18 


SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI 


Encouraged  by  this  state  of  tilings,  the  Spanish 
general  thought  it  a favorable  moment  to  press  his 
negotiations  with  the  capital.  He  availed  him- 
self of  the  presence  of  some  noble  Mexicans,  taken 
in  the  late  action  with  Sandoval,  to  send  another 
message  to  their  master.  It  was  in  substance  a repe- 
tition of  the  first,  with  a renewed  assurance,  that, 
if  the  city  would  return  to  its  allegiance  to  the  Span- 
ish crown,  the  authority  of  Guatemozin  should  be 
confirmed,  and  the  persons  and  property  of  his  sub- 
jects he  respected.  To  this  communication  no  reply 
was  made.  The  young  Indian  emperor  had  a spirit 
as  dauntless  as  that  of  Cortes  himself.  On  his  head 
descended  the  full  effects  of  that  vicious  system  of 
government  bequeathed  to  him  by  his  ancestors. 
But,  as  he  saw  his  empire  crumbling  beneath  him, 
he  sought  to  uphold  it  by  his  own  energy  and  re- 
sources. He  anticipated  the  defection  of  some 
vassals  by  establishing  garrisons  within  their  walls. 
Others  he  conciliated  by  exempting  them  from  trib- 
utes or  greatly  lightening  their  burdens,  or  by  ad- 
vancing them  to  posts  of  honor  and  authority  in  the 


dictador,  como  parece  por  sus  co- 
mentarios,  e por  Suetonio  d Plu- 
tarco  e otros  autores  que  en  con- 
formidad  escrivieron  los  grandes 
hechos  suyos.  Pero  los  de  Her- 
nando Cortes  en  un  Mundo  nuevo, 
d tan  apartadas  pro-vineias  de  Eu- 
ropa,  e con  tantos  trabajos  d ne- 
cesidades  e pocas  fuerzas,  e con 
gente  tan  innumerable,  e tan  bar- 
bara  e bellicosa,  e apacentada  en 


carne  humana,  e aun  habida  por 
excelente  e sabroso  manjar  entre 
sus  adversaries ; e faltandole  a dl 
6 a sus  milites  el  pan  e vino  e los 
otros  mantenimientos  todos  de  Es- 
paiia,  y en  tan  diferenciadas  re- 
giones  e aires  e tan  desviado  e le- 
jos  de  socorro  e de  su  principe, 
cosas  son  de  admiracion.”  Hist, 
de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  20. 


Ch  I.] 


WISE  POLICY  OF  CORTES. 


19 


state.  He  showed,  at  the  same  time,  his  implacable 
animosity  towards  the  Christians,  by  commanding 
that  every  one  taken  within  his  dominions  should  be 
straightway  sent  to  the  capital,  where  he  was  sac- 
rificed, with  all  the  barbarous  ceremonies  prescribed 
by  the  Aztec  ritual.16 


16  Among  other  chiefs,  to  whom 
Guatemozin  applied  for  assistance 
in  the  perilous  state  of  his  affairs, 
was  Tangapan,  lord  of  Michuacan, 
an  independent  and  powerful  state 
in  the  West,  which  had  never  been 
subdued  by  the  Mexican  army. 
The  accounts  which  the  Aztec 
emperor  gave  him,  through  his 
ambassadors,  of  the  white  men, 
were  so  alarming,  according  to  Ix- 
tlilxochitl,  who  tells  the  story,  that 
the  king’s  sister  voluntarily  starved 
herself  to  death,  from  her  appre- 
hensions of  the  coming  of  the  ter- 
rible strangers.  Her  body  was  de- 
posited, as  usual,  in  the  vaults  re- 
served for  the  royal  household,  un- 
til preparations  could  be  made  for 
its  being  burnt.  On  the  fourth  day, 
the  attendants,  who  had  charge 
of  it,  were  astounded  by  seeing 
the  corpse  exhibit  signs  of  return- 
ing life.  The  restored  princess, 
recovering  her  speech,  requested 
her  brother’s  presence.  On  his 
coming,  she  implored  him  not  to 
think  of  hurting  a hair  of  the  heads 
of  the  mysterious  visiters.  She 
had  been  permitted,  she  said,  to 
see  the  fate  of  the  departed  in  the 
next  world.  The  souls  of  all  her 
ancestors  she  had  beheld  tossing 
about  in  unquenchable  fire  ; while 


those  who  embraced  the  faith  of 
the  strangers  were  in  glory.  As 
a proof  of  the  truth  of  her  asser- 
tion, she  added,  that  her  brother 
would  see,  on  a great  festival,  near 
at  hand,  a young  warrior,  armed 
with  a torch  brighter  than  the  sun, 
in  one  hand,  and  a flaming  sword, 
like  that  worn  by  the  white  men, 
in  the  other,  passing  from  east  to 
west  over  the  city. 

Whether  the  monarch  waited 
for  the  vision,  or  ever  beheld  it,  is 
not  told  us  by  the  historian.  But 
relying,  perhaps,  on  the  miracle 
of  her  resurrection,  as  quite  a suf- 
ficient voucher,  he  disbanded  a very 
powerful  force,  which  he  had  as- 
sembled on  the  plains  of  Avalos, 
for  the  support  of  his  brother  of 
Mexico. 

This  narrative,  with  abundance 
of  supernumerary  incidents,  not 
necessary  to  repeat,  was  commem- 
orated in  the  Michuacan  picture- 
records,  and  reported  to  the  histo- 
rian of  Tezcuco  himself,  by  the 
grandson  of  Tangapan.  (See  lx 
tlixochitl,  Hist.  Chieh.,  MS.,  can 
91.) — Whoever  reported  it  to  him 
it  is  not  difficult  to  trace  the  same 
pious  fingers  in  it,  which  made  so 
many  wholesome  legends  for  the 
good  of  the  Church  on  the  Old 


20  SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI. 

While  these  occurrences  were  passing,  Cortes  re- 
ceived the  welcome  intelligence,  that  the  brigantines 
were  completed  and  waiting  to  be  transported  to 
Tezcuco.  He  detached  a body  for  the  service,  con- 
sisting of  two  hundred  Spanish  foot  and  fifteen  horse, 
which  he  placed  under  the  command  of  Sandoval. 
This  cavalier  had  been  rising  daily  in  the  estima- 
tion both  of  the  general  and  of  the  army.  Though 
one  of  the  youngest  officers  in  the  service,  he  pos- 
sessed a cool  head  and  a ripe  judgment,  which  fitted 
him  for  the  most  delicate  and  difficult  undertakings. 
There  were  others,  indeed,  as  Alvarado  and  Olid,  for 
example,  whose  intrepidity  made  them  equally  com- 
petent to  achieve  a brilliant  coup-de-main.  But  the 
courage  of  Alvarado  was  too  often  carried  to  temerity, 
or  perverted  by  passion  ; while  Olid,  dark  and  doubt- 
ful in  his  character,  was  not  entirely  to  be  trusted. 
Sandoval  was  a native  of  Medellin,  the  birth-place 
of  Cortes  himself.  He  was  warmly  attached  to  his 
commander,  and  had  on  all  occasions  proved  him- 
self worthy  of  his  confidence.  He  was  a man  of 
few  words,  showing  his  worth  rather  by  what  he 
did,  than  what  he  said.  His  honest,  soldierlike  de- 
portment made  him  a favorite  with  the  troops,  and 
had  its  influence  even  on  his  enemies.  He  unfortu- 
nately died  in  the  flower  of  his  age.  But  he  dis- 
covered talents  and  military  skill,  which,  had  he  lived 
to  later  life,  would  undoubtedly  have  placed  his 


Continent,  and  which  now  found,  rich  harvest  for  the  same  godly 
in  the  credulity  of  the  New,  a work. 


Ch.  I.]  TRANSPORTATION  OF  THE  BRIGANTINES.  21 

name  on  the  roll  with  those  of  the  greatest  captains 
of  his  nation. 

Sandoval’s  route  was  to  lead  him  by  Zoltepec, 
a small  city  where  the  massacre  of  the  forty-five 
Spaniards,  already  noticed,  had  been  perpetrated. 
The  cavalier  received  orders  to  find  out  the  guilty 
parties,  if  possible,  and  to  punish  them  for  their 
share  in  the  transaction. 

When  the  Spaniards  arrived  at  the  spot,  they  found 
that  the  inhabitants,  who  had  previous  notice  of 
their  approach,  had  all  fled.  In  the  deserted  tem- 
ples they  discovered  abundant  traces  of  the  fate  of 
their  countrymen  ; for,  besides  their  arms  and  cloth- 
ing, and  the  hides  of  their  horses,  the  heads  of  sev- 
eral soldiers,  prepared  in  such  a tvay  that  they  could 
be  well  preserved,  were  found  suspended  as  trophies 
of  the  victory.  In  a neighbouring  building,  traced 
with  charcoal  on  the  walls,  they  found  the  following 
inscription  in  Castilian  : “ In  this  place  the  unfortu- 
nate Juan  Juste,  with  many  others  of  his  company, 
was  imprisoned.”17  This  hidalgo  was  one  of  the 
followers  of  Narvaez,  and  had  come  with  him  into 
the  country  in  quest  of  gold,  but  had  found,  instead, 
an  obscure  and  inglorious  death.  The  eyes  of  the 
soldiers  were  suffused  w'ith  tears,  as  they  gazed  on 
the  gloomy  record,  and  their  bosoms  swelled  with 
indignation,  as  they  thought  of  the  horrible  fate  of 
the  captives.  Fortunately  the  inhabitants  were  not 

17  “ Aqui  estuvo  preso  el  sin  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquis- 
ventura  de  Jua  Iuste  co  otros  mu-  ta,  cap.  140. 
chos  que  traia  en  mi  compauia.” 


22  SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI. 

then  before  them.  Some  few,  who  subsequently 
fell  into  their  hands,  were  branded  as  slaves.  But 
the  greater  part  of  the  population,  who  threw  them- 
selves, in  the  most  abject  manner,  on  the  mercy  of 
the  Conquerors,  imputing  the  blame  of  the  affair  to 
the  Aztecs,  the  Spanish  commander  spared,  from 
pity,  or  contempt.18 

He  now  resumed  his  march  on  Tlascala ; but 
scarcely  had  he  crossed  the  borders  of  the  republic, 
when  he  descried  the  flaunting  banners  of  the  con- 
voy which  transported  the  brigantines,  as  it  was 
threading  its  way  through  the  defiles  of  the  moun- 
tains. Great  was  his  satisfaction  at  the  spectacle, 
for  he  had  feared  a detention  of  some  days  at  Tlas- 
cala, before  the  preparations  for  the  march  could  be 
completed. 

There  were  thirteen  vessels  In  all,  of  different 
sizes.  They  had  been  constructed  under  the  direc- 
tion of  the  experienced  ship-builder,  Martin  Lopez, 
aided  by  three  or  four  Spanish  carpenters  and  the 
friendly  natives,  some  of  whom  showed  no  mean 
degree  of  imitative  skill.  The  brigantines,  when 
completed,  had  been  fairly  tried  on  the  waters  of  the 
Zahuapan.  They  were  then  taken  to  pieces,  and, 
as  Lopez  was  impatient  of  delay,  the  several  parts, 
the  timbers,  anchors,  iron-work,  sails,  and  cordage 
were  placed  on  the  shoulders  of  the  tamanes,  and, 
under  a numerous  military  escort,  were  thus  far  ad- 


18  Ibid.,  ubi  supra. — Oviedo,  cap.  19. — Rel.  Terc.  de  Cortes, 
Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  206. 


Ch.  I.]  TRANSPORTATION  OF  THE  BRIGANTINES.  23 

vanced  on  the  way  to  Tezcuco.19  Sandoval  dis- 
missed a part  of  the  Indian  convoy,  as  superfluous. 

Twenty  thousand  warriors  he  retained,  dividing 
them  into  two  equal  bodies  for  the  protection  of  the 
tamanes  in  the  centre.20  His  own  little  body  of 
Spaniards  he  distributed  in  like  manner.  The  Tlas- 
calans  in  the  van  marched  under  the  command  of 


a chief  who  gloried  in  the  name  of  Chichemecatl. 
For  some  reason  Sandoval  afterwards  changed  the 
order  of  march,  and  placed  this  division  in  the  rear, 
— an  arrangement  which  gave  great  umbrage  to  the 
doughty  warrior  that  led  it,  who  asserted  his  right 
to  the  front,  the  place  which  he  and  his  ancestors 
had  always  occupied,  as  the  post  of  danger.  He 
was  somewhat  appeased  by  Sandoval’s  assurance 
that  it  was  for  that  very  reason  he  had  been  transfer- 
red to  the  rear,  the  quarter  most  likely  to  be  assailed 
by  the  enemy.  But  even  then  he  was  greatly  dis- 
satisfied, on  finding  that  the  Spanish  commander 
was  to  march  by  his  side,  grudging,  it  would  seem, 
that  any  other  should  share  the  laurel  with  himself. 

Slowly  and  painfully,  encumbered  with  their  heavy 


19  “ Y despues  de  hechos  por 
orden  de  Cortes,  y probados  en  el 
rio  que  llaman  de  Tlaxcalla  Za- 
huapan,  que  se  atajo  para  probarlos 
los  bergantines,  y los  tornaron  a 
desbaratar  por  llevarlos  a cuestas 
sobre  hombros  de  los  de  Tlaxcalla 
a la  ciudad  de  Tetzcuco,  donde  se 
echaron  en  la  laguna,  y se  armaron 
de  artilleria  y municion.”  Ca- 
margo,  Hist,  de  Tlascala,  MS. 


20  Rel.  Terc.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lo- 
renzana,  p.  207. 

Bernal  Diaz  says  sixteen  thou- 
sand. (Ibid.,  ubi  supra.)  There 
is  a wonderful  agreement  between 
the  several  Castilian  writers  as  to 
the  number  of  forces,  the  order  of 
march,  and  the  events  that  occur- 
red on  it. 


24  SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI. 

burden,  the  troops  worked  their  way  over  steep  em- 
inences and  rough  mountain-passes,  presenting,  one 
might  suppose,  in  their  long  line  of  march,  many  a 
vulnerable  point  to  an  enemy.  But,  although  small 
parties  of  warriors  were  seen  hovering,  at  times,  on 
their  flanks  and  rear,  they  kept  at  a respectful  dis- 
tance, not  caring  to  encounter  so  formidable  a foe. 
On  the  fourth  day  the  warlike  caravan  arrived  in 
safety  before  Tezcuco. 

Their  approach  was  beheld  with  joy  by  Cortes 
and  the  soldiers,  who  hailed  it  as  the  signal  of  a 
speedy  termination  of  the  war.  The  general,  at- 
tended by  his  officers,  all  dressed  in  their  richest 
attire,  came  out  to  welcome  the  convoy.  It  ex- 
tended over  a space  of  two  leagues,  and  so  slow  was 
its  progress  that  six  hours  elapsed  before  the  closing 
files  had  entered  the  city.21  The  Tlascalan  chiefs 
displayed  all  their  wonted  bravery  of  apparel,  and 
the  whole  array,  composed  of  the  flower  of  their 
warriors,  made  a brilliant  appearance.  They  marched 
by  the  sound  of  atabal  and  cornet,  and,  as  they  trav- 
ersed the  streets  of  the  capital  amidst  the  acclama- 
tions of  the  soldiery,  they  made  the  city  ring  with 
the  shouts  of  “ Castile  and  Tlascala,  long  live  our 
sovereign,  the  emperor!  ”22 

21  “ Estendiase  tanto  la  Gente,  22  Dando  vozes  y silvos  y dizi- 
que  dende  que  los  primeros  comen-  endo  ; Viua,  viua  el  Emperador, 
zaron  a entrar,  hasta  que  los  pos-  nuestro  Seiior,  y Castilla,  Castilla, 
treros  hobieron  acabado,  se  pasaron  y Tlascala,  Tlascala.”  (Bernal 
mas  de  seis  horas ; sin  quebrar  el  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap. 
hilo  de  la  Gente.”  Rel.  Terc.  de  140.)  For  the  particulars  of  San- 
Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  208.  doval’s  expedition,  see,  also,  Ovie 


Ch.  I.]  TRANSPORTATION  OF  THE  BRIGANTINES.  25 


“ It  was  a marvellous  thing,”  exclaims  the  Con- 
queror, in  his  Letters,  “ that  few  have  seen,  or  even 
heard  of,  — this  transportation  of  thirteen  vessels  of 
war  on  the  shoulders  of  men,  for  nearly  twenty 
leagues  across  the  mountains  ! ” 23  It  was,  indeed,  a 
stupendous  achievement,  and  not  easily  matched  in 
ancient  or  modern  story  ; one  which  only  a genius 
like  that  of  Cortes  could  have  devised,  or  a daring 
spirit  like  his  have  so  successfully  executed.  Little 
did  he  foresee,  when  he  ordered  the  destruction  of 
the  fleet  which  first  brought  him  to  the  country,  and 
with  his  usual  forecast  commanded  the  preservation 
of  the  iron-work  and  rigging,  — little  did  he  foresee 
the  important  uses  for  which  they  were  to  be  re- 
served. So  important,  that  on  their  preservation 
may  be  said  to  have  depended  the  successful  issue 
of  his  great  enterprise.24 

do,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33, 
cap.  19,  — Gomara,  Cronica,  cap. 

124,  — Torquemada,  Monarch.  Ind., 
lib.  4,  cap.  84,  — Ixtlilxochitl, 

Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  92, — 

Herrera,  Hist.  General,  dec.  3, 
lib.  1,  cap.  2. 

23  “ Que  era  cosa  maravillosa 
de  ver,  y assi  me  parece  que  es  de 
oir,  llevar  trece  Fustas  diez  y ocho 
leguas  por  Tierra.”  (Rel.  Terc. 
de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  207.) 

“ En  rem  Romano  populo,”  ex- 
claims Martyr,  “ quando  illustrius 
res  illorum  vigebant,  non  facilem ! ” 

De  Orbe  Novo,  dec.  5,  cap.  8. 

24  Two  memorable  examples  of 
a similar  transportation  of  vessels 

VOL.  III.  4 


across  the  land  are  recorded,  the 
one  in  ancient,  the  other  in  mod- 
ern history ; and  both,  singularly 
enough,  at  the  same  place,  Taren- 
tum,  in  Italy.  The  first  occurred 
at  the  siege  of  that  city  by  Han- 
nibal ; (see  Polybius,  lib.  8;)  the 
latter  some  seventeen  centuries 
later,  by  the  Great  Captain,  Gon- 
salvo  de  Cordova.  But  the  dis- 
tance they  were  transported  was 
inconsiderable.  A more  analo- 
gous example  is  that  of  Balboa, 
the  bold  discoverer  of  the  Pacific. 
He  made  arrangements  to  have 
four  brigantines  transported  a dis- 
tance of  twenty-two  leagues  across 
the  Isthmus  of  Darien,  a stupen- 


26 


SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI. 


He  greeted  his  Indian  allies  with  the  greatest  cor- 
diality, testifying  his  sense  of  their  services  by  those 
honors  and  attentions  which  he  knew  would  be 
most  grateful  to  their  ambitious  spirits.  “We  come,” 
exclaimed  the  hardy  warriors,  “ to  fight  under  your 
banner  ; to  avenge  our  common  quarrel,  or  to  fall  by 
your  side  ” ; and,  with  their  usual  impatience,  they 
urged  him  to  lead  them  at  once  against  the  enemy. 
“ Wait,”  replied  the  general,  bluntly,  “ till  you  are 
rested,  and  you  shall  have  your  hands  full. 25 


dous  labor,  and  not  entirely  suc- 
cessful, as  only  two  reached  their 
point  of  destination.  (See  Her- 
rera, Hist.  General,  dec.  2,  lib.  2, 
cap.  11.)  This  took  place  in  1516, 
in  the  neighbourhood,  as  it  were, 
of  Cortes,  and  may  have  suggested 
to  his  enterprising  spirit  the  first 
idea  of  his  own  more  successful, 
as  well  as  more  extensive,  under- 
taking. 


25  “Y  ellos  me  dijeron,  que 
trahian  deseo  de  se  ver  con  los  de 
Culua,  y que  viesse  lo  que  manda- 
ba,  que  ellos,  y aquella  Gente  ve- 
nian  con  deseos,  y voluntad  de  se 
vengar,  6 morir  con  nosotros ; y yo 
les  di  las  gracias,  y les  dije,  que 
reposassen,  y que  presto  les  daria 
las  manos  llenas.”  Rel.  Terc., 
ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  208. 


CHAPTER  II. 

Cort£s  reconnoitres  the  Capital.  — Occupies  Tacuba.  — Skir- 
mishes with  the  Enemy. — Expedition  of  Sandoval. — Arri- 
val of  Reinforcements. 

1521. 

In  the  course  of  three  or  four  days,  the  Spanish 
general  furnished  the  Tlascalans  with  the  opportu- 
nity so  much  coveted,  and  allowed  their  boiling 
spirits  to  effervesce  in  active  operations.  He  had, 
for  some  time,  meditated  an  expedition  to  recon- 
noitre the  capital  and  its  environs,  and  to  chastise, 
on  the  way,  certain  places,  which  had  sent  him 
insulting  messages  of  defiance,  and  which  were 
particularly  active  in  their  hostilities.  He  disclosed 
his  design  to  a few  only  of  his  principal  officers,  from 
his  distrust  of  the  Tezcucans,  whom  he  suspected 
to  be  in  correspondence  with  the  enemy. 

Early  in  the  spring,  he  left  Tezcuco,  at  the  head 
of  three  hundred  and  fifty  Spaniards  and  the  whole 
strength  of  his  allies.  He  took  with  him  Alvarado 
and  Olid,  and  entrusted  the  charge  of  the  garrison 
to  Sandoval.  Cortes  had  had  practical  accpiaintance 
with  the  incompetence  of  the  first  of  these  cavaliers 
for  so  delicate  a post,  during  his  short,  but  disastrous, 
rule  in  Mexico. 


28 


SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI. 


But  all  his  precautions  had  not  availed  to  shroud 
his  designs  from  the  vigilant  foe,  whose  eye  was  on 
all  his  movements  ; who  seemed  even  to  divine  his 
thoughts,  and  to  be  prepared  to  thwart  their  execu- 
tion. He  had  advanced  but  a few  leagues,  when  he 
was  met  by  a considerable  body  of  Mexicans,  drawn 
up  to  dispute  his  progress.  A sharp  skirmish  took 
place,  in  which  the  enemy  were  driven  from  the 
ground,  and  the  way  was  left  open  to  the  Christians. 
They  held  a circuitous  route  to  the  north,  and  their 
first  point  of  attack  was  the  insular  town  of  Xalto- 
can,  situated  on  the  northern  extremity  of  the  lake 
of  that  name,  now  called  San  Christobal.  The 
town  was  entirely  surrounded  by  water,  and  com- 
municated with  the  main  land  by  means  of  cause- 
ways, in  the  same  manner  as  the  Mexican  capital. 
Cortes,  riding  at  the  head  of  his  cavalry,  advanced 
along  the  dike,  till  he  was  brought  to  a stand  by 
finding  a wide  opening  in  it,  through  which  the 
waters  poured  so  as  to  be  altogether  impracticable, 
not  only  for  horse,  but  for  infantry.  The  lake  was 
covered  with  canoes,  filled  with  Aztec  warriors,  who, 
anticipating  the  movement  of  the  Spaniards,  had 
come  to  the  aid  of  the  city.  They  now  began  a 
furious  discharge  of  stones  and  arrows  on  the  assail- 
ants, while  they  were  themselves  tolerably  well  pro- 
tected from  the  musketry  of  their  enemy  by  the 
light  bulwarks,  with  which,  for  that  purpose,  they 
had  fortified  their  canoes. 

The  severe  volleys  of  the  Mexicans  did  some  in- 
jury to  the  Spaniards  and  their  allies,  and  began  to 


Ch.  II.]  CORTES  RECONNOITRES  THE  CAPITAL.  29 

throw  them  into  disorder,  crowded  as  they  were  on 
the  narrow  causeway,  without  the  means  of  advanc- 
ing, when  Cortes  ordered  a retreat.  This  was  fol- 
lowed by  renewed  tempests  of  missiles,  accompanied 
by  taunts  and  fierce  yells  of  defiance.  The  battle- 
cry  of  the  Aztec,  like  the  war-whoop  of  the  North 
American  Indian,  was  an  appalling  note,  according 
to  the  Conqueror’s  own  acknowledgment,  in  the 
ears  of  the  Spaniards.1  At  this  juncture,  the  general 
fortunately  obtained  information  from  a deserter,  one 
of  the  Mexican  allies,  of  a ford,  by  which  the  army 
might  traverse  the  shallow  lake,  and  penetrate  into 
the  place.  He  instantly  detached  the  greater  part  of 
the  infantry  on  the  service,  posting  himself  with  the 
remainder  and  with  the  horse  at  the  entrance  of  the 
passage,  to  cover  the  attack  and  prevent  any  inter- 
ruption in  the  rear. 

The  soldiers,  under  the  direction  of  the  Indian 
guide,  forded  the  lake  without  much  difficulty,  though 
in  some  places  the  water  came  above  their  girdles. 
During  the  passage,  they  were  annoyed  by  the  en- 
emy’s missiles ; but,  when  they  had  gained  the  dry 
level,  they  took  ample  revenge,  and  speedily  put  all 
who  resisted  to  the  sword.  The  greater  part,  to- 
gether with  the  townsmen,  made  their  escape  in  the 
boats.  The  place  was  now  abandoned  to  pillage. 
The  troops  found  in  it  many  women,  who  had  been 
left  to  their  fate  ; and  these,  together  with  a consid- 


1 “ De  lejos  comenzaron  a gritar,  que  cierto  es  cosa  espantosa  oillos.” 
como  lo  suelen  hacet  en  la  Guerra,  Rel.  Terc.,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  209. 


30  SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI. 

erable  quantity  of  cotton  stuffs,  gold,  and  articles  of 
food,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  victors,  who,  setting 
fire  to  the  deserted  city,  returned  in  triumph  to  their 
comrades.2 

Continuing  his  circuitous  route,  Cortes  presented 
himself  successively  before  three  other  places,  each 
of  which  had  been  deserted  by  the  inhabitants  in 
anticipation  of  his  arrival.3  The  principal  of  these, 
Azcapozalco,  had  once  been  the  capital  of  an  inde- 
pendent state.  It  was  now  the  great  slave-market 
of  the  Aztecs,  where  their  unfortunate  captives  were 
brought,  and  disposed  of  at  public  sale.  It  wras 
also  the  quarter  occupied  by  the  jewellers  ; and  the 
place  whence  the  Spaniards  obtained  the  goldsmiths 
who  melted  down  the  rich  treasures  received  from 
Montezuma.  But  they  found  there  only  a small 
supply  of  the  precious  metals,  or,  indeed,  of  any 
thing  else  of  value,  as  the  people  had  been  careful 
to  remove  their  effects.  They  spared  the  buildings, 
however,  in  consideration  of  their  having  met  with 
no  resistance. 

During  the  nights,  the  troops  bivouacked  in  the 
open  fields,  maintaining  the  strictest  watch,  for  the 
country  was  all  in  arms,  and  beacons  were  flaming 

2 Ibid.,  loc.  cit.  — Bernal  Diaz,  melodious  names  of  Tenajoccan, 
Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  141. — Quauhtitlan  and  Azcapozalco.  I 
Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  have  constantly  endeavoured  to 
lib.  33,  cap.  20.  — Ixtlilxochitl,  spare  the  reader,  in  the  text,  any 
Venida  de  los  Esp.,  pp.  13,  14. — unnecessary  accumulation  of  Mex- 
Idem,  Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  ican  names,  which,  as  he  is  aware 
92.  — Gomara,  Cronica,  cap.  125.  by  this  time,  have  not  even  brevity 

3 These  towns  rejoiced  in  the  to  recommend  them. 


Ch.  II.]  CORTES  RECONNOITRES  THE  CAPITAL.  31 

on  every  hill-top,  while  dark  masses  of  the  enemy 
were  occcasionally  descried  in  the  distance.  The 
Spaniards  were  now  traversing  the  most  opulent  re- 
gion of  Anahuac.  Cities  and  villages  were  scattered 
over  hill  and  valley,  with  cultivated  environs  bloom- 
ing around  them,  all  giving  token  of  a dense  and 
industrious  population.  In  the  centre  of  this  brilliant 
circumference  stood  the  Indian  metropolis,  with  its 
gorgeous  tiara  of  pyramids  and  temples,  attracting 
the  eye  of  the  soldier  from  every  other  object,  as  he 
wound  round  the  borders  of  the  lake.  Every  inch 
of  ground,  which  the  army  trod,  wras  familiar  to 
them,  — familiar  as  the  scenes  of  childhood,  though 
with  very  different  associations,  for  it  had  been  writ- 
ten on  their  memories  in  characters  of  blood.  On 
the  right  rose  the  Hill  of  Montezuma,  crowned  by 
the  teocalli,  under  the  roof  of  which  the  shattered 
relics  of  the  army  had  been  gathered,  on  the  day 
following  the  flight  from  the  capital.  In  front  lay 
the  city  of  Tacuba,  through  whose  inhospitable 
streets  they  had  hurried  in  fear  and  consternation ; 
and  away  to  the  east  of  it,  stretched  the  melancholy 
causeway. 

It  was  the  general’s  purpose  to  march  at  once  on 
Tacuba,  and  establish  his  quarters  in  that  ancient 
capital  for  the  present.  He  found  a strong  force 
encamped  under  its  walls,  prepared  to  dispute  his 
entrance.  Without  waiting  for  their  advance,  he 
rode  at  full  gallop  against  them  with  his  little  body 
of  horse.  The  arquebuses  and  crossbows  opened 
a lively  volley  on  their  extended  wings,  and  the  in- 


32 


SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI. 


fantrjj  armed  with  their  swords  and  copper-headed 
lances,  and  supported  by  the  Indian  battalions,  fol- 
lowed up  the  attack  of  the  horse  with  an  alacrity 
which  soon  put  the  enemy  to  flight.  The  Span 
iards  usually  opened  the  combat  with  a charge  of 
cavalry.  But,  had  the  science  of  the  Aztecs  been 
equal  to  their  courage,  they  might  with  their  long 
spears  have  turned  the  scale  of  battle,  sometimes  at 
least,  in  their  own  favor ; for  it  was  with  the  same 
formidable  weapon,  that  the  Swiss  mountaineers,  but 
a few  years  before  this  period  of  our  history,  broke 
and  completely  foiled  the  famous  ordonnance  of 
Charles  the  Bold,  the  best  appointed  cavalry  of  their 
day.  But  the  barbarians  were  ignorant  of  the  value 
of  this  weapon  when  opposed  to  cavalry.  And,  in- 
deed, the  appalling  apparition  of  the  war-horse  and 
his  rider  still  held  a mysterious  power  over  their  im- 
aginations, which  contributed,  perhaps,  quite  as  much 
as  the  effective  force  of  the  cavalry  itself,  to  their  dis- 
comfiture.— Cortes  led  his  troops  without  further  op- 
position into  the  suburbs  of  Tacuba,  the  ancient  Tla- 
copan,  where  he  established  himself  for  the  night. 

On  the  following  morning,  he  found  the  indefati- 
gable Aztecs  again  under  arms,  and,  on  the  open 
ground  before  the  city,  prepared  to  give  him  battle. 
He  marched  out  against  them,  and,  after  an  action, 
hotly  contested,  though  of  no  long  duration,  again 
routed  them.  They  fled  towards  the  town,  but 
were  driven  through  the  streets  at  the  point  of  the 
lance,  and  were  compelled,  together  with  the  inhab- 
itants, to  evacuate  the  place.  The  city  was  then 


Ch.  II  ] 


OCCUPIES  TACUBA. 


33 


delivered  over  to  pillage ; and  the  Indian  allies,  not 
content  with  plundering  the  houses  of  every  thing 
portable  within  them,  set  them  on  fire,  and  in  a 
short  time  a quarter  of  the  town  — the  poorer 
dwellings,  probably,  built  of  light,  combustible  mate- 
rials— was  in  flames.  Cortes  and  his  troops  did 
all  in  their  power  to  stop  the  conflagration,  but  the 
Tlascalans  were  a fierce  race,  not  easily  guided  at 
any  time,  and,  when  their  passions  were  once  kin- 
dled, it  was  impossible,  even  for  the  general  him- 
self, to  control  them.  They  were  a terrible  auxilia- 
ry, and,  from  their  insubordination,  as  terrible  some- 
times to  friend  as  to  foe.4 

Cortes  proposed  to  remain  in  his  present  quarters 
for  some  days,  during  which  time  he  established  his 
own  residence  in  the  ancient  palace  of  the  lords  of 
Tlacopan.  It  was  a long  range  of  low  buildings,  like 
most  of  the  royal  residences  in  the  country,  and  of- 
fered good  accommodations  for  the  Spanish  forces. 
During  his  halt  here,  there  was  not  a day  on  which 
the  army  was  not  engaged  in  one  or  more  rencontres 
with  the  enemy.  They  terminated  almost  uniformly 
in  favor  of  the  Spaniards,  though  with  more  or  less 
injury  to  them  and  to  their  allies.  One  encounter, 

4 They  burned  this  place,  ac-  gencia,  que  aun  de  el  se  quemo  un 
cording  to  Cortes,  in  retaliation  of  Quarto  ; y esto  se  hizo,  porque 
the  injuries  inflicted  by  the  inhab-  quando  salimos  la  otra  vez  desba- 
itants  on  their  countrymen  in  the  ratados  de  Temixtitan,  pasando  por 
retreat.  “Yen  amaneciendo  los  esta  Ciudad,  los  Naturales  de  ella 
Indios  nuestros  Amigos  comenza-  juntamente  con  los  de  Temixtitan 
ron  a saquear,  y quemar  toda  la  nos  hicieron  muv  cruel  Guerra,  y 
Ciudad,  salvo  el  Aposento  donde  nos  mataron  muchos  EspaHoles.” 
estabamos,  y pusieron  tanta  dili-  Rel.  Terc.,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  210. 

VOL.  III.  5 


34  SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI. 

indeed,  had  nearly  been  attended  with  more  fatal 
consequences. 

The  Spanish  general,  in  the  heat  of  pursuit,  had 
allowed  himself  to  be  decoyed  upon  the  great  cause- 
way, — the  same  which  had  once  been  so  fatal  to 
his  army.  He  followed  the  flying  foe,  until  he  had 
gained  the  further  side  of  the  nearest  bridge,  which 
had  been  repaired  since  the  disastrous  action  of  the 
noche  triste.  When  thus  far  advanced,  the  Aztecs, 
with  the  rapidity  of  lightning,  turned  on  him,  and  he 
beheld  a large  reinforcement  in  their  rear,  all  fresh 
on  the  field,  prepared  to  support  their  countrymen. 
At  the  same  time,  swarms  of  boats,  unobserved  in  the 
eagerness  of  the  chase,  seemed  to  start  up  as  if  by 
magic,  covering  the  waters  around.  The  Spaniards 
were  now  exposed  to  a perfect  hail-storm  of  missiles, 
both  from  the  causeway  and  the  lake  ; but  they 
stood  unmoved  amidst  the  tempest,  when  Cortes, 
too  late  perceiving  his  error,  gave  orders  for  the 
retreat.  Slowly,  and  with  admirable  coolness,  his 
men  receded,  step  by  step,  offering  a resolute  front 
to  the  enemy.5  The  Mexicans  came  on  with  their 
usual  vociferation,  making  the  shores  echo  to  their 
war-cries,  and  striking  at  the  Spaniards  with  their 
long  pikes,  and  with  poles,  to  which  the  swords 
taken  from  the  Christians  had  been  fastened.  A 
cavalier,  named  Volante,  bearing  the  standard  of 

5 “Luego  mando,  que  todos  se  contrarios,  pie  contra  pie,  como 
retraxessen  ; y con  el  mejor  con-  quien  haze  represas.”  Bernal  Diaz, 
cierto  que  pudo,  y no  bueltas  ias  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  141. 
espaldas,  sino  los  rostros  a los 


Ch.  II.] 


SKIRMISHES  WITH  THE  ENEMY. 


35 


Cortes,  was  felled  by  one  of  their  weapons,  and, 
tumbling  into  the  lake,  was  picked  up  by  the  Mexi- 
can boats.  He  was  a man  of  a muscular  frame,  and, 
as  the  enemy  were  dragging  him  off,  he  succeeded 
in  extricating  himself  from  their  grasp,  and,  clench- 
ing his  colors  in  his  hand,  with  a desperate  effort 
sprang  back  upon  the  causeway.  At  length,  after 
some  hard  fighting,  in  which  many  of  the  Spaniards 
were  wounded,  and  many  of  their  allies  slain,  the 
troops  regained  the  land,  where  Cortes,  with  a full 
heart,  returned  thanks  to  Heaven  for  what  he  might 
well  regard  as  a providential  deliverance.6  It  was  a 
salutary  lesson ; though  he  should  scarcely  have 
needed  one,  so  soon  after  the  affair  of  Iztapalapan, 
to  warn  him  of  the  wily  tactics  of  his  enemy. 

It  had  been  one  of  Cortes’  principal  objects  in 
this  expedition  to  obtain  an  interview,  if  possible, 
with  the  Aztec  emperor,  or  with  some  of  the  great 
lords  at  his  court,  and  to  try  if  some  means  for  an 
accommodation  could  not  be  found,  by  which  he 
might  avoid  the  appeal  to  arms.  An  occasion  for 
such  a parley  presented  itself,  when  his  forces  were 
one  day  confronted  with  those  of  the  enemy,  with  a 
broken  bridge  interposed  between  them.  Cortes, 
riding  in  advance  of  his  people,  intimated  by  signs 
his  peaceful  intent,  and  that  he  wished  to  confer 
with  the  Aztecs.  They  respected  the  signal,  and, 
with  the  aid  of  his  interpreter,  he  requested,  that,  if 

6 “ Desta  manera  se  escapo  Cor-  dio  muchas  gracias  a Dios.”  Ibid., 
tes  aquella  vez  del  poder  de  Mexi-  ubi  supra, 
co,  y quando  se  vio  en  tierra  firme, 


36 


SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI. 


there  were  any  great  chief  among  them,  he  would 
come  forward  and  hold  a parley  with  him.  The 
Mexicans  replied,  in  derision,  they  were  all  chiefs, 
and  bade  him  speak  openly  whatever  he  had  to  tell 
them.  As  the  general  returned  no  answer,  they 
asked,  why  he  did  not  make  another  visit  to  the 
capital,  and,  tauntingly,  added,  “ Perhaps  Malinche 
does  not  expect  to  find  there  another  Montezuma, 
as  obedient  to  his  commands  as  the  former.” 7 Some 
of  them  complimented  the  Tlascalans  with  the  epi- 
thet of  ivomen,  who,  they  said,  would  never  have 
ventured  so  near  the  capital,  but  for  the  protection 
of  the  white  men. 

The  animosity  of  the  two  nations  was  not  con- 
fined to  these  harmless,  though  bitter,  jests,  but 
showed  itself  in  regular  cartels  of  defiance,  which 
daily  passed  between  the  principal  chieftains.  These 
were  followed  by  combats,  in  which  one  or  more 
champions  fought  on  a side,  to  vindicate  the  honor 
of  their  respective  countries.  A fair  field  of  fight 
was  given  to  the  warriors,  who  conducted  those 
combats,  a Poutrance , with  the  punctilio  of  a Euro- 
pean tourney ; displaying  a valor  worthy  of  the  two 
boldest  of  the  races  of  Anahuac,  and  a skill  in  the 
management  of  their  weapons,  which  drew  forth 
the  admiration  of  the  Spaniards.8 

Cortes  had  now  been  six  days  in  Tacuba.  There 

7 “ Pensais,  que  hay  agora  otro  8 “ Y peleaban  los  unos  con  los 

Muteczuma,  para  que  haga  todo,  otros  muy  hermosamente.”  Ibid., 
lo  que  quisieredesl  ” Rel.  Terc.  ubi  supra. — Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las 
dq  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  211.  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  20. 


Ch.  II-l 


SKIRMISHES  WITH  THE  ENEMY. 


37 


was  nothing  further  to  detain  him,  as  he  had  accom- 
plished the  chief  objects  of  his  expedition.  He 
had  humbled  several  of  the  places  which  had  been 
most  active  in  their  hostility ; and  he  had  revived 
the  credit  of  the  Castilian  arms,  which  had  been 
much  tarnished  by  their  former  reverses  in  this  quarter 
of  the  Valley.  He  had  also  made  himself  acquainted 
with  the  condition  of  the  capital,  which  he  found  in 
a better  posture  of  defence  than  he  had  imagined. 
All  the  ravages  of  the  preceding  year  seemed  to 
be  repaired,  and  there  was  no  evidence,  even  to  his 
experienced  eye,  that  the  wasting  hand  of  war  had 
so  lately  swept  over  the  land.  The  Aztec  troops, 
which  swarmed  through  the  Valley,  seemed  to  be 
well  appointed,  and  showed  an  invincible  spirit,  as 
if  prepared  to  resist  to  the  last.  It  is  true,  they  had 
been  beaten  in  every  encounter.  In  the  open  field 
they  were  no  match  for  the  Spaniards,  whose  caval- 
ry they  could  never  comprehend,  and  whose  fire- 
arms easily  penetrated  the  cotton  mail,  which  formed 
the  stoutest  defence  of  the  Indian  warrior.  But, 
entangled  in  the  long  streets  and  narrow  lanes  of 
the  metropolis,  where  every  house  was  a citadel,  the 
Spaniards,  as  experience  had  shown,  would  lose 
much  of  their  superiority.  With  the  Mexican  em- 
peror, confident  in  the  strength  of  his  preparations, 
the  general  saw  there  was  no  probability  of  effecting 
an  accommodation.  He  saw,  too,  the  necessity  of 
the  most  careful  preparations  on  his  own  part,  in- 
deed, that  he  must  strain  his  resources  to  the  utmost, 
before  he  could  safely  venture  to  rouse  the  lion  in 
his  lair. 


38  SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI. 

The  Spaniards  returned  by  the  same  route  by 
which  they  had  come.  Their  retreat  was  inter- 
preted into  a flight  by  the  natives,  who  hung  on  the 
rear  of  the  army,  uttering  vainglorious  vaunts,  and 
saluting  the  troops  with  showers  of  arrows,  which 
did  some  mischief.  Cortes  resorted  to  one  of  their 
own  stratagems  to  rid  himself  of  this  annoyance. 
He  divided  his  cavalry  into  two  or  three  small  par- 
ties, and  concealed  them  among  some  thick  shrub- 
bery, which  fringed  both  sides  of  the  road.  The 
rest  of  the  army  continued  its  march.  The  Mexi- 
cans followed,  unsuspicious  of  the  ambuscade,  when 
the  horse,  suddenly  darting  from  their  place  of  con- 
cealment, threw  the  enemy’s  flanks  into  confusion, 
and  the  retreating  columns  of  infantry,  facing  about 
suddenly,  commenced  a brisk  attack,  which  com- 
pleted their  consternation.  It  was  a broad  and  level 
plain,  over  which  the  panic-struck  Mexicans  made 
the  best  of  their  way,  without  attempting  resistance  ; 
while  the  cavalry,  riding  them  down  and  piercing 
the  fugitives  with  their  lances,  followed  up  the  chase 
for  several  miles,  in  what  Cortes  calls  a truly  beau- 
tiful style.9  The  army  experienced  no  further  an- 
noyance from  the  enemy. 

On  their  arrival  at  Tezcuco,  they  were  greeted 
with  joy  by  their  comrades,  who  had  received  no 
tidings  of  them  during  the  fortnight  which  had 
elapsed  since  their  departure.  The  Tlascalans,  im- 

9 “Y  comenzamos  a lanzear  en  palma,  quefuernuyhermosacosa.’’ 
ellos,  y duro  el  alcanze  cerca  de  Rel.  Terc.,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  212. 
dos  leguas  todas  lianas,  como  la 


Ch.  ll.J 


EXPEDITION  OF  SANDOVAL. 


39 


mediately  on  their  return,  requested  the  general’s 
permission  to  carry  back  to  their  own  country  the 
valuable  booty  which  they  had  gathered  in  their 
foray,  — a request,  which,  however  unpalatable,  he 
could  not  refuse.10 

The  troops  had  not  been  in  quarters  more  than 
two  or  three  days,  when  an  embassy  arrived  from 
Chaleo,  again  soliciting  the  protection  of  the  Span- 
iards against  the  Mexicans,  who  menaced  them  from 
several  points  in  their  neighbourhood.  But  the  sol- 
diers were  so  much  exhausted  by  unintermitted  vig- 
ils, forced  marches,  battles,  and  wounds,  that  Cortes 
wished  to  give  them  a breathing-time  to  recruit, 
before  engaging  in  a new  expedition.  He  answered 
the  application  of  the  Chalcans,  by  sending  his  mis- 
sives to  the  allied  cities,  calling  on  them  to  march  to 
the  assistance  of  their  confederate.  It  is  not  to  be 
supposed,  that  they  could  comprehend  the  import  of 
his  despatches.  But  the  paper,  with  its  mysterious 
characters,  served  for  a warrant  to  the  officer  who 
bore  it,  as  the  interpreter  of  the  general’s  commands. 

But,  although  these  were  implicitly  obeyed,  the 
Chalcans  felt  the  danger  so  pressing,  that  they  soon 
repeated  their  petition  for  the  Spaniards  to  come  in 
person  to  their  relief.  Cortes  no  longer  hesitated ; 
for  he  was  well  aware  of  the  importance  of  Chaleo, 

10  For  the  particulars  of  this  ex-  Monarch.  Ind.,  lib.  4,  cap.  85, — 
pedition  of  Cortes,  see,  besides  his  Gomara,  Cronica,  cap.  125,  — Ix- 
own  Commentaries  so  often  quoted,  tlilxochitl,  Venida  de  los  Esp.,  pp. 
Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  13,  14,  — Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la 
lib.  33.  cap.  20, — Torquemada,  Conquista,  cap.  141. 


40  SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI. 

not  merely  on  its  own  account,  but  from  its  position, 
which  commanded  one  of  the  great  avenues  to  Tlas- 
cala,  and  to  Vera  Cruz,  the  intercourse  with  which 
should  run  no  risk  of  interruption.  Without  further 
loss  of  time,  therefore,  he  detached  a body  of  three 
hundred  Spanish  foot  and  twenty  horse,  under  the 
command  of  Sandoval,  for  the  protection  of  the  city. 

That  active  officer  soon  presented  himself  before 
Chaleo,  and,  strengthened  by  the  reinforcement  of 
its  own  troops  and  those  of  the  confederate  towns, 
directed  his  first  operations  against  Huaxtepec,  a 
place  of  some  importance,  lying  five  leagues  or  more 
to  the  south  among  the  mountains.  It  was  held  by 
a strong  Mexican  force,  watching  their  opportunity 
to  make  a descent  upon  Chaleo.  The  Spaniards 
found  the  enemy  drawn  up  at  a distance  from  the 
town,  prepared  to  receive  them.  The  ground  was 
broken  and  tangled  with  bushes,  unfavorable  to  the 
cavalry,  which,  in  consequence,  soon  fell  into  disor- 
der ; and  Sandoval,  finding  himself  embarrassed  by 
their  movements,  ordered  them,  after  sustaining  some 
loss,  from  the  field.  In  their  place  he  brought  up 
his  musketeers  and  crossbow-men,  who  poured  a 
rapid  fire  into  the  thick  columns  of  the  Indians. 
The  rest  of  the  infantry,  with  sword  and  pike, 
charged  the  flanks  of  the  enemy,  who,  bewildered 
by  the  shock,  after  sustaining  considerable  slaughter, 
fell  back  in  an  irregular  manner,  leaving  the  field  of 
battle  to  the  Spaniards. 

The  victors  proposed  to  bivouac  there,  for  the 
night.  But,  while  engaged  in  preparations  for  their 


Ch.  II  ] 


EXPEDITION  OF  SANDOVAL. 


41 


evening  meal,  they  were  aroused  by  the  cry  of  “ To 
arms,  to  arms  ! the  enemy  is  upon  us  ! ” In  an  in- 
stant, the  trooper  was  in  his  saddle,  the  soldier 
grasped  his  musket  or  his  good  Toledo,  and  the  ac- 
tion was  renewed  with  greater  fury  than  before. 
The  Mexicans  had  received  a reinforcement  from 
the  city.  But  their  second  attempt  was  not  more 
fortunate  than  their  first ; and  the  victorious  Span- 
iards, driving  their  antagonists  before  them,  entered 
and  took  possession  of  the  town  itself,  which  had 
already  been  evacuated  by  the  inhabitants.11 

Sandoval  took  up  his  quarters  in  the  dwelling  of 
the  lord  of  the  place,  surrounded  by  gardens,  which 
rivalled  those  of  Iztapalapan  in  magnificence,  and 
surpassed  them  in  extent.  They  are  said  to  have 
been  two  leagues  in  circumference,  having  pleasure 
houses,  and  numerous  tanks  stocked  with  various 
kinds  of  fish ; and  they  were  embellished  with  trees, 
shrubs,  and  plants,  native  and  exotic,  some  selected 
for  their  beauty  and  fragrance,  others  for  their  medi- 
cinal properties.  They  were  scientifically  arranged  ; 
and  the  whole  establishment  displayed  a degree  of 
horticultural  taste  and  knowledge,  of  which  it  would 
not  have  been  easy  to  find  a counterpart,  at  that 
day,  in  the  more  civilized  communities  of  Europe.12 


11  Rel.  Terc.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lo- 
renzana,  pp.  214,  215. — Gomara, 
Cronica,  cap.  146.  — Bernal  Diaz, 
Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  142. 
— Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS., 
lib.  33.  cap.  21. 

12  “ La  qual  Huerta,”  says  Cor- 

VOL.  III.  6 


tes,  who  afterwards  passed  a day 
there,  “ es  la  mayor,  y mas  her- 
mosa,  y fresca,  que  nunca  se  vio, 
porque  tiene  dosleguas  de  circuito, 
y por  medio  de  ella  va  una  muy 
gentil  Ribera  de  Agua,  y de  trecho 
a trecho,  cantidad  de  dos  tiros  de 


42 


SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI. 


Such  is  the  testimony  not  only  of  the  rude  Conquer- 
ors, but  of  men  of  science,  who  visited  these  beauti- 
ful repositories  in  the  day  of  their  glory.13 

After  halting  two  days  to  refresh  his  forces  in  this 
agreeable  spot,  Sandoval  marched  on  Jacapichtla, 
about  twelve  miles  to  the  eastward.  It  was  a town, 
or  rather  fortress,  perched  on  a rocky  eminence,  al- 
most inaccessible  from  its  steepness.  It  was  garrison- 
ed by  a Mexican  force,  who  rolled  down  on  the  as- 
sailants, as  they  attempted  to  scale  the  heights,  huge 
fragments  of  rock,  which,  thundering  over  the  sides 
of  the  precipice,  carried  ruin  and  desolation  in  their 
path.  The  Indian  confederates  fell  back  in  dismay 
from  the  attempt.  But  Sandoval,  indignant  that  any 
achievement  should  be  too  difficult  for  a Spaniard, 
commanded  his  cavaliers  to  dismount,  and,  declaring 
that  he  “ would  carry  the  place  or  die  in  the  at- 
tempt,” led  on  his  men  with  the  cheering  cry  of  “ St. 
Iago.”14  With  renewed  courage,  they  now  followed 


Ballesta,  hay  Aposentamientos,  y 
Jardines  muy  frescos,  y infinitos 
Arboles  de  diversas  Frutas,  y mu- 
chas  Yervas,  y Flores  olorosas,  que 
cierto  es  cosa  de  admiracion  ver  la 
gentileza,  y grandeza  de  toda  esta 
Huerta.”  (Rel.  Terc.,ap.  Lorenza- 
na,  pp.  221,  222.)  Bernal  Diaz  is 
not  less  emphatic  in  his  admiration. 
Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  142. 

13  The  distinguished  naturalist, 
Hernandez,  has  frequent  occasion 
to  notice  this  garden,  which  fur- 
nished him  with  many  specimens 
for  his  great  work.  It  had  the 
good  fortune  to  be  preserved  after 


the  Conquest,  when  particular  at- 
tention was  given  to  its  medicinal 
plants,  for  the  use  of  a great  hos- 
pital established  in  the  neighbour- 
hood. See  Clavigero,  Stor.  del 
Messico,  tom.  II.  p.  153. 

14  “ E como  esto  vio  el  dicho 
Alguacil  Mayor,  y los  Espanoles, 
determinaron  de  morir,  6 subilles 
por  fuerza  a lo  alto  del  Pueblo,  y 
con  el  apellido  de  Senor  Santiago 
comenzaron  a subir.”  Rel.  Terc 
de  Cortds,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  214 
— Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS., 
lib.  33,  cap.  21. 


Ch.  II.] 


EXPEDITION  OF  SANDOVAL. 


43 


their  gallant  leader  up  the  ascent,  under  a storm  of 
lighter  missiles,  mingled  with  huge  masses  of  stone, 
which,  breaking  into  splinters,  overturned  the  assail- 
ants, and  made  fearful  havoc  in  their  ranks.  San- 
doval, who  had  been  wounded  on  the  preceding  day, 
received  a severe  contusion  on  the  head,  while  more 
than  one  of  his  brave  comrades  were  struck  down 
by  his  side.  Still  they  clambered  up,  sustaining 
themselves  by  the  bushes  or  projecting  pieces  of 
rock,  and  seemed  to  force  themselves  onward  as 
much  by  the  energy  of  their  wills,  as  by  the  strength 
of  their  bodies. 

After  incredible  toil,  they  stood  on  the  summit, 
face  to  face  with  the  astonished  garrison.  For  a 
moment  they  paused  to  recover  breath,  then  sprang 
furiously  on  their  foes.  The  struggle  was  short,  but 
desperate.  Most  of  the  Aztecs  were  put  to  the 
sword.  Some  were  thrown  headlong  over  the  bat- 
tlements, and  others,  letting  themselves  down  the 
precipice,  were  killed  on  the  borders  of  a little 
stream  that  wound  round  its  base,  the  waters  of 
which  were  so  polluted  with  blood,  that  the  victors 
were  unable  to  slake  their  thirst  with  them  for  a full 
hour ! 15 

Sandoval,  having  now  accomplished  the  object  of 
his  expedition,  by  reducing  the  strong-holds  which 
had  so  long  held  the  Chalcans  in  awe,  returned  in 

15  So  says  the  Conquistador,  as  long  as  one  might  take  to  say  an 
(Rel.  Terc.,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  215.)  Ave  Maria!”  (Hist.de  la  Con- 
Diaz,  who  will  allow  no  one  to  quista,  cap.  142.)  Neither  was 
hyperbolize  but  himself,  says, “For  present. 


44  SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Rook  VI. 

triumph  to  Tezcuco.  Meanwhile,  the  Aztec  emperor, 
whose  vigilant  eye  had  been  attentive  to  all  that  had 
passed,  thought  that  the  absence  of  so  many  of  its 
warriors  afforded  a favorable  opportunity  for  recover- 
ing Chaleo.  He  sent  a fleet  of  boats,  for  this  pur- 
pose, across  the  lake,  with  a numerous  force  under 
the  command  of  some  of  his  most  valiant  chiefs.16 
Fortunately  the  absent  Chalcans  reached  their  city 
before  the  arrival  of  the  enemy  ; but,  though  sup- 
ported by  their  Indian  allies,  they  were  so  much 
alarmed  by  the  magnitude  of  the  hostile  array,  that 
they  sent  again  to  the  Spaniards,  invoking  their  aid. 

The  messengers  arrived  at  the  same  time  with 
Sandoval  and  his  army.  Cortes  wras  much  puzzled 
by  the  contradictory  accounts.  He  suspected  some 
negligence  in  his  lieutenant,  and,  displeased  with  his 
precipitate  return  in  this  unsettled  state  of  the  affair, 
ordered  him  back  at  once,  with  such  of  his  forces 
as  were  in  fighting  condition.  Sandoval  felt  deeply 
injured  by  this  proceeding,  but  he  made  no  attempt 
at  exculpation,  and,  obeying  his  commander  in  si- 
lence, put  himself  at  the  head  of  his  troops,  and 
made  a rapid  countermarch  on  the  Indian  city.17 

Before  he  reached  it,  a battle  had  been  fought  be- 
tween the  Mexicans  and  the  confederates,  in  which 

16  The  gallant  Captain  Diaz,  17  “El  Cortes  no  le  quiso  escu- 
who  affects  a sobriety  in  his  own  char  a Sandoual  de  enojo,  creyendo 
estimates,  which  often  leads  him  to  que  por  su  culpa,  6 descuido,  reci- 
disparage  those  of  the  chaplain,  bia  mala  obra  nuestros  amigos  lcs 
Gomara,  says,  that  the  force  con-  de  Chaleo  ; y luego  sin  mas  dila- 
sisted  of  20,000  warriors  in  2000  cion,  ni  le  oyr,  le  mandd  bolver.” 
canoes.  Ibid.,  loc.  cit.  Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 


Ch.  II.] 


EXPEDITION  OF  SANDOVAL. 


45 


the  latter,  who  had  acquired  unwonted  confidence 
from  their  recent  successes,  were  victorious.  A 
number  of  Aztec  nobles  fell  into  their  hands  in  the 
engagement,  whom  they  delivered  to  Sandoval  to  be 
carried  off  as  prisoners  to  Tezcuco.  On  his  arrival 
there,  the  cavalier,  wounded  by  the  unworthy  treat- 
ment he  had  received,  retired  to  his  own  quarters 
without  presenting  himself  before  his  chief. 

During  his  absence,  the  inquiries  of  Cortes  had 
satisfied  him  of  his  own  precipitate  conduct,  and  of 
the  great  injustice  he  had  done  his  lieutenant. 
There  was  no  man  in  the  army,  on  whose  services 
he  set  so  high  a value,  as  the  responsible  situations 
in  which  he  had  placed  him  plainly  showed  ; and 
there  was  none,  for  whom  he  seemed  to  have  enter- 
tained a greater  personal  regard.  On  Sandoval’s 
return,  therefore,  Cortes  instantly  sent  to  request 
his  attendance ; when,  with  a soldier’s  frankness,  he 
made  such  an  explanation,  as  soothed  the  irritated 
spirit  of  the  cavalier,  — a matter  of  no  great  difficul- 
ty, as  the  latter  had  too  generous  a nature,  and  too 
earnest  a devotion  to  his  commander  and  the  cause 
in  which  they  were  embarked,  to  harbour  a petty 
feeling  of  resentment  in  his  bosom.18 

During  the  occurrence  of  these  events,  the  work 
was  going  forward  actively  on  the  canal,  and  the 
brigantines  were  within  a fortnight  of  their  comple- 
tion. The  greatest  vigilance  was  required,  in  the 

18  Besides  the  authorities  al-  126,  — Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chich., 
ready  quoted  for  Sandoval's  expe-  MS.,  cap.  92,—' Torquemada,  Moa 
dition,  see  Gomara,  Cronica,  cap.  arch.  Ind.,  lib.  4,  cap.  86. 


46 


SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI. 


mean  time,  to  prevent  their  destruction  by  the  ene- 
my, who  had  already  made  three  ineffectual  attempts 
to  burn  them  on  the  stocks.  The  precautions,  which 
Cortes  thought  it  necessary  to  take  against  the  Tez- 
cucans  themselves,  added  not  a little  to  his  embar- 
rassment. 

At  this  time  he  received  embassies  from  different 
Indian  states,  some  of  them  on  the  remote  shores  of 
the  Mexican  Gulf,  tendering  their  allegiance  and 
soliciting  his  protection.  For  this  he  was  partly 
indebted  to  the  good  offices  of  Ixtlilxochitl,  who,  in 
consequence  of  his  brother’s  death,  was  now  ad- 
vanced to  the  sovereignty  of  Tezcuco.  This  im- 
portant position  greatly  increased  his  consideration 
and  authority  through  the  country,  of  which  he  free- 
ly availed  himself  to  bring  the  natives  under  the 
dominion  of  the  Spaniards.19 

The  general  received  also  at  this  time  the  wel- 
come intelligence  of  the  arrival  of  three  vessels  at 
Villa  Rica,  with  two  hundred  men  on  board,  well  pro- 
vided with  arms  and  ammunition,  and  with  seventy 
or  eighty  horses.  It  was  a most  seasonable  reinforce- 
ment. From  what  quarter  it  came  is  uncertain  ; 
most  probably,  from  Hispaniola.  Cortes,  it  may  be 
remembered,  had  sent  for  supplies  to  that  place ; 

19  “Ixtlilxochitl  procuraba  si-  que  aunque  de  las  guerras  pasadas 
empre  traer  a la  devocion  y amistad  algunos  tuviesen  culpa,  era  tan 
de  los  Cristianos  no  tan  solamente  afable  y deseaba  tanto  la  paz  que 
a los  de  el  Reyno  de  Tezcuco  sino  luego  al  punto  los  reciviria  en 
aun  los  de  las  Provincias  remotas,  su  amistad.”  Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist, 
rogandoles  que  todos  se  procurasen  Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  92. 
dar  de  paz  al  Capitan  Cortes,  y 


Ch.  II.] 


ARRIVAL  OF  REINFORCEMENTS. 


47 


and  the  authorities  of  the  island,  who  had  general 
jurisdiction  over  the  affairs  of  the  colonies,  had 
shown  themselves,  on  more  than  one  occasion,  well 
inclined  towards  him,  probably  considering  him,  un- 
der all  circumstances,  as  better  fitted  than  any  other 
man  to  achieve  the  conquest  of  the  country.20 

The  new  recruits  soon  found  their  way  to  Tezcu- 
co ; as  the  communications  with  the  port  were  now 
open  and  unobstructed.  Among  them  were  several 
cavaliers  of  consideration,  one  of  whom,  Julian  de 
Alderete,  the  royal  treasurer,  came  over  to  superin- 
tend the  interests  of  the  Crown. 

There  was  also  in  the  number  a Dominican  friar, 
who  brought  a quantity  of  pontifical  bulls,  offering 
indulgences  to  those  engaged  in  war  against  the 
infidel.  The  soldiers  were  not  slow  to  fortify  them- 
selves with  the  good  graces  of  the  Church  ; and  the 
worthy  father,  after  driving  a prosperous  traffic  with 
his  spiritual  wares,  had  the  satisfaction  to  return 
home,  at  the  end  of  a few  months,  well  freighted, 
in  exchange,  with  the  more  substantial  treasures  of 
the  Indies.21 


20  Cortes  speaks  of  these  ves- 
sels, as  coming-  at  the  same  time, 
but  does  not  intimate  from  what 
quarter.  (Rel.  Terc.,  ap.  Lorenzana, 
p.  216.)  Bernal  Diaz,  who  notices 
only  one,  says  it  came  from  Cas- 
tile. (Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap. 
143.)  But  the  old  soldier  wrote 
long  after  the  events  he  commem- 
orates, and  may  have  confused  the 
true  order  of  things.  It  seems 
hardly  probable  that  so  important 


a reinforcement  should  have  ar- 
rived from  Castile,  considering  that 
Cortes  had  yet  received  none  of 
the  royal  patronage,  or  even  sanc- 
tion, which  would  stimulate  ad- 
venturers in  the  mother  country  to 
enlist  under  his  standard. 

21  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Con- 
quista, cap.  143.  — Oviedo,  Hist, 
de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  21. 
— Herrera,  Hist.  General,  dec.  3, 
lib.  1,  cap.  6. 


) 


CHAPTER  III. 

Second  Reconnoitring  Expedition. — Engagements  on  the  Sier- 
ra.— Capture  of  Cuernavaca. — Battles  at  Xochimilco. — 
Narrow  Escape  of  Cortes.  — He  enters  Tacuba. 

1521. 

Notwithstanding  the  relief  which  had  been  af- 
forded to  the  people  of  Chaleo,  it  was  so  ineffectual, 
that  envoys  from  that  city  again  arrived  at  Tezcuco, 
bearing  a hieroglyphical  chart,  on  which  were  de- 
picted several  strong  places  in  their  neighbourhood, 
garrisoned  by  the  Aztecs,  from  which  they  expected 
annoyance.  Cortes  determined,  this  time,  to  take 
the  affair  into  his  own  hands,  and  to  scour  the  coun- 
try so  effectually,  as  to  place  Chaleo,  if  possible,  in 
a state  of  security.  He  did  not  confine  himself  to 
this  object,  but  proposed,  before  his  return,  to  pass 
quite  round  the  great  lakes,  and  reconnoitre  the 
country  to  the  south  of  them,  in  the  same  manner 
as  he  had  before  done  to  the  west.  In  the  course 
of  his  march,  he  would  direct  his  arms  against  some 
of  the  strong  places  from  which  the  Mexicans  might 
expect  support  in  the  siege.  Two  or  three  weeks 
must  elapse  before  the  completion  of  the  brigantines; 
and,  if  no  other  good  resulted  from  the  expedition, 
it  would  give  active  occupation  to  his  troops,  whose 


Ch.  III.]  SECOND  RECONNOITRING  EXPEDITION. 


49 


turbulent  spirits  might  fester  into  discontent  in  the 
monotonous  existence  of  a camp. 

He  selected  for  the  expedition  thirty  horse  and 
three  hundred  Spanish  infantry,  with  a considerable 
body  of  Tlascalan  and  Tezcucan  warriors.  The 
remaining  garrison  he  left  in  charge  of  the  trusty 
Sandoval,  who,  with  the  friendly  lord  of  the  capital, 
would  watch  over  the  construction  of  the  brigantines, 
and  protect  them  from  the  assaults  of  the  Aztecs. 

On  the  fifth  of  April  he  began  his  march,  and  on 
the  following  day  arrived  at  Chaleo,  where  he  was 
met  by  a number  of  the  confederate  chiefs.  With 
the  aid  of  his  faithful  interpreters,  Dona  Marina  and 
Aguilar,  he  explained  to  them  the  objects  of  his 
present  expedition ; stated  his  purpose  soon  to  en- 
force the  blockade  of  Mexico,  and  required  their 
cooperation  with  the  whole  strength  of  their  levies. 
To  this  they  readily  assented  ; and  he  soon  received 
a sufficient  proof  of  their  friendly  disposition  in  the 
forces  which  joined  him  on  the  march,  amounting, 
according  to  one  of  the  army,  to  more  than  had  ever 
before  followed  his  banner.1 

Taking  a southerly  direction,  the  troops,  after 
leaving  Chaleo,  struck  into  the  recesses  of  the  wild 
sierra,  which,  with  its  bristling  peaks,  serves  as  a 
formidable  palisade  to  fence  round  the  beautiful 
Valley ; while,  within  its  rugged  arms,  it  shuts  up 

1 “Vinieron  tantos,  que  en  to-  ra  de  nuestros  amigos,  como  ao- 
das  las  entradas  que  yo  auia  ido,  ra  fueron  en  nuestra  compania.” 
despues  que  en  la  Nueua  Espafia  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquis- 
entre,  nunca  vi  tanta  gente  de  guer-  ta,  cap.  144. 

VOL.  III. 


7 


50  SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Boob  VI. 

many  a green  and  fruitful  pasture  of  its  own.  As 
the  Spaniards  passed  through  its  deep  gorges,  they 
occasionally  wound  round  the  base  of  some  huge 
cliff  or  rocky  eminence,  on  which  the  inhabitants 
had  built  their  towns,  in  the  same  manner  as  was 
done  by  the  people  of  Europe  in  the  feudal  ages ; a 
position,  which,  however  favorable  to  the  picturesque, 
intimates  a sense  of  insecurity  as  the  cause  of  it, 
which  may  reconcile  us  to  the  absence  of  this  strik- 
ing appendage  of  the  landscape  in  our  own  more 
fortunate  country. 

The  occupants  of  these  airy  pinnacles  took  advan- 
tage of  their  situation,  to  shower  down  stones  and 
arrows  on  the  troops,  as  they  defiled  through  the 
narrow  passes  of  the  sierra.  Though  greatly  an- 
noyed by  their  incessant  hostilities,  Cortes  held  on 
his  way,  till,  winding  round  the  base  of  a castellated 
cliff,  occupied  by  a strong  garrison  of  Indians,  he 
was  so  severely  pressed,  that  he  felt,  to  pass  on 
without  chastising  the  aggressors  would  imply  a 
want  of  strength,  which  must  disparage  him  in  the 
eyes  of  his  allies.  Halting  in  the  valley,  therefore, 
he  detached  a small  body  of  light  troops  to  scale 
the  heights,  while  he  remained  with  the  main  body 
of  the  army  below,  to  guard  against  surprise  from 
the  enemy. 

The  lower  region  of  the  rocky  eminence  was  so 
steep,  that  the  soldiers  found  it  no  easy  matter  to 
ascend,  scrambling,  as  well  as  they  could,  with  hand 
and  knee.  But,  as  they  came  into  the  more  exposed 
view  of  the  garrison,  the  latter  rolled  down  huge 


Ch.  III.l 


ENGAGEMENTS  ON  THE  SIERRA. 


51 


masses  of  rock,  which,  bounding  along  the  declivity, 
and  breaking  into  fragments,  crushed  the  foremost 
assailants,  and  mangled  their  limbs  in  a frightful 
manner.  Still  they  strove  to  work  their  way  upward, 
now  taking  advantage  of  some  gulley,  worn  by  the 
winter  torrent,  now  sheltering  themselves  behind  a 
projecting  cliff,  or  some  straggling  tree,  anchored 
among  the  crevices  of  the  mountain.  It  was  all  in 
vain.  For  no  sooner  did  they  emerge  again  into 
open  view,  than  the  rocky  avalanche  thundered  on 
their  heads  with  a fury,  against  which  steel  helm  and 
cuirass  were  as  little  defence  as  gossamer.  All  the 
party  were  more  or  less  wounded.  Eight  of  the 
number  were  killed  on  the  spot,  — a loss  the  little 
band  could  ill  afford,  — and  the  gallant  ensign,  Cor- 
ral, who  led  the  advance,  saw  the  banner  in  his 
hand  torn  into  shreds.2  Cortes,  at  length,  convinced 
of  the  impracticability  of  the  attempt,  at  least  with- 
out a more  severe  loss  than  he  was  disposed  to  incur, 
commanded  a retreat.  It  was  high  time  ; for  a large 
body  of  the  enemy  were  on  full  march  across  the 
valley  to  attack  him. 

He  did  not  wait  for  their  approach,  but,  gathering 
his  broken  files  together,  headed  his  cavalry,  and 
spurred  boldly  against  them.  On  the  level  plain, 
the  Spaniards  were  on  their  own  ground.  The 
Indians,  unable  to  sustain  the  furious  onset,  broke, 
and  fell  back  before  it.  The  flight  soon  became  a 
rout,  and  the  fiery  cavaliers,  dashing  over  them  at  full 

2 “ Todos  descalabrados,  y cor-  y ocho  muertos.”  Ibid.,  ubi  su- 
riendo  sangre,  y las  vanderas  rotas,  pra. 


52  SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI. 

gallop,  or  running  them  through  with  their  lances, 
took  some  revenge  for  their  late  discomfiture.  The 
pursuit  continued  for  some  miles,  till  the  nimble  foe 
made  their  escape  into  the  rugged  fastnesses  of  the 
sierra,  where  the  Spaniards  did  not  care  to  follow. 
The  weather  was  sultry,  and,  as  the  country  was 
nearly  destitute  of  water,  the  men  and  horses  suf- 
fered extremely.  Before  evening  they  reached  a 
spot  overshadowed  by  a grove  of  wild  mulberry 
trees,  in  which  some  scanty  springs  afforded  a mis- 
erable supply  to  the  army. 

Near  the  place  rose  another  rocky  summit  of  the 
sierra,  garrisoned  by  a stronger  force  than  the  one 
which  they  had  encountered  in  the  former  part  of  the 
day ; and  at  no  great  distance  stood  a second  fortress 
at  a still  greater  height,  though  considerably  smaller 
than  its  neighbour.  This  was  also  tenanted  by  a body 
of  warriors,  who,  as  well  as  those  of  the  adjoining 
cliff,  soon  made  active  demonstration  of  their  hostil- 
ity by  pouring  down  missiles  on  the  troops  belotv. 
Cortes,  anxious  to  retrieve  the  disgrace  of  the  morn- 
ing, ordered  an  assault  on  the  larger,  and,  as  it 
seemed,  more  practicable  eminence.  But,  though 
two  attempts  were  made  with  great  resolution,  they 
were  repulsed  with  loss  to  the  assailants.  The 
rocky  sides  of  the  hill  had  been  artificially  cut  and 
smoothed,  so  as  greatly  to  increase  the  natural  dif- 
ficulties of  the  ascent.  — The  shades  of  evening 
now  closed  around ; and  Cortes  drew  off  his  men  to 
the  mulberry  grove,  where  he  took  up  his  bivouac  for 
the  night,  deeply  chagrined  at  having  been  twice 
foiled  by  the  enemy  on  the  same  day. 


Ch.  III.] 


ENGAGEMENTS  ON  THE  SIERRA. 


53 


During  the  night,  the  Indian  force,  which  occupied 
the  adjoining  height,  passed  over  to  their  brethren, 
to  aid  them  in  the  encounter,  which  they  foresaw 
would  be  renewed  on  the  following  morning.  No 
sooner  did  the  Spanish  general,  at  the  break  of  day, 
become  aware  of  this  manoeuvre,  than,  with  his 
usual  quickness,  he  took  advantage  of  it.  He  de- 
tached a body  of  musketeers  and  crossbow- men  to 
occupy  the  deserted  eminence,  purposing,  as  soon  as 
this  was  done,  to  lead  the  assault  in  person  against 
the  other.  It  was  not  long  before  the  Castilian 
banner  was  seen  streaming  from  the  rocky  pinnacle, 
when  the  general  instantly  led  up  his  men  to  the 
attack.  And,  while  the  garrison  were  meeting  them 
resolutely  on  that  quarter,  the  detachment  on  the 
neighbouring  heights  poured  into  the  place  a well- 
directed  fire,  which  so  much  distressed  the  enemy, 
that,  in  a very  short  time,  they  signified  their  wil- 
lingness to  capitulate.3 

On  entering  the  place,  the  Spaniards  found  that  a 
plain  of  some  extent  ran  along  the  crest  of  the  sierra, 
and  that  it  was  tenanted,  not  only  by  men,  but  by 
women  and  their  families,  with  their  effects.  No 
violence  was  offered  by  the  victors  to  the  property  or 
persons  of  the  vanquished,  and  the  knowledge  of 
this  lenity  induced  the  Indian  garrison,  who  had 

3 For  the  assault  on  the  rocks,  tes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  pp.  218-221, 
— the  topography  of  which  it  is  — Gomara,  Cronica,  cap.  127,  — 
impossible  to  verify  from  the  nar-  Ixtlilxochitl,  Venida  de  los  Esp., 
ratives  of  the  Conquerors, — see  pp.  16,  17, — Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las 
Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquis-  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  21. 
ta,  cap.  114,  — Rel.  Terc.  de  Cor- 


54 


SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI 


made  so  stout  a resistance  on  the  morning  of  the 
preceding  day,  to  tender  their  submission.4 

After  a halt  of  two  days  in  this  sequestered  region, 
the  army  resumed  its  march  in  a south-westerly  di- 
rection on  Huaxtepec,  the  same  city  which  had  sur- 
rendered to  Sandoval.  Here  they  were  kindly  re- 
ceived by  the  cacique,  and  entertained  in  his  mag- 
nificent gardens,  which  Cortes  and  his  officers,  who 
had  not  before  seen  them,  compared  with  the  best  in 
Castile.5  Still  threading  the  wild  mountain  mazes, 
the  army  passed  through  Jauhtepec  and  several  other 
places,  which  were  abandoned  at  their  approach.  As 
the  inhabitants,  however,  hung  in  armed  bodies  on 
their  flanks  and  rear,  doing  them  occasionally  some 
mischief,  the  Spaniards  took  their  revenge  by  burn- 
ing the  deserted  towns. 

Thus  holding  on  their  fiery  track,  they  descended 
the  bold  slope  of  the  Cordilleras,  which,  on  the 
south,  are  far  more  precipitous  than  on  the  Atlantic 
side.  Indeed,  a single  day’s  journey  is  sufficient 
to  place  the  traveller  on  a level  several  thousand 


4 Cortes,  according  to  Bernal 
Diaz,  ordered  the  troops,  who  took 
possession  of  the  second  fortress, 
“ not  to  meddle  with  a grain  of 
maize  belonging  to  the  besieged.” 
Diaz,  giving  this  a very  liberal  in- 
terpretation, proceeded  forthwith 
to  load  his  Indian  tamanes  with 
everything  but  maize,  as  fair  booty. 

He  was  interrupted  in  his  labors, 
however,  by  the  captain  of  the 
detachment,  who  gave  a more  nar- 
row construction  to  his  general's 


orders,  much  to  the  dissatisfaction 
of  the  latter,  if  we  may  trust  the 
doughty  chronicler.  Ibid.,  ubi  su- 
pra. 

5 “ Adonde  estaua  la  huerli  que 
he  dicho,  que  es  la  mejor  que  auia 
visto  en  toda  mi  vida,  y ansi  lo 
torno  a dezir,  que  Cortes,  y el 
Tesorero  Alderete,  desque  enton- 
ces  la  vieron,  y passearon  algo  de 
ella,  se  admiraron,  y dixeron,  que 
mejor  cosa  de  huerta  no  auian  vis- 
to en  Castilla.”  Ibid.,  loc.  cit. 


Ch.  III.] 


CAPTURE  OF  CUERNAVACA. 


55 


feet  lower  than  that  occupied  by  him  in  the  morn- 
ing ; thus  conveying  him,  in  a few  hours,  through 
the  climates  of  many  degrees  of  latitude.  The 
route  of  the  army  led  them  across  many  an  acre, 
covered  with  lava  and  blackened  scoriae,  attest- 
ing the  volcanic  character  of  the  region ; though 
this  was  frequently  relieved  by  patches  of  verdure, 
and  even  tracts  of  prodigal  fertiftv,  as  if  Nature 
were  desirous  to  compensate  by  these  extraordinary 
efforts  for  the  curse  of  barrenness,  which  elsewhere 
had  fallen  on  the  land.  On  the  ninth  day  of  their 
march,  the  troops  arrived  before  the  strong  city  of 
Quauhnahuac,  or  Cuernavaca,  as  since  called  by  the 
Spaniards.6  It  was  the  ancient  capital  of  the  Tla- 
huicas,  and  the  most  considerable  place  for  wealth 
and  population  in  this  part  of  the  country.  It  was 
tributary  to  the  Aztecs,  and  a garrison  of  this  nation 
was  quartered  within  its  walls.  The  town  was  sin- 
gularly situated,  on  a projecting  piece  of  land,  en- 
compassed by  barrancas , or  formidable  ravines,  except 
on  one  side,  which  opened  on  a rich  and  well  cul- 
tivated country.  For,  though  the  place  stood  at  an 
elevation  of  between  five  and  six  thousand  feet 
above  the  level  of  the  sea,  it  had  a southern  ex- 
posure so  sheltered  by  the  mountain  barrier  on  the 

6 This  barbarous  Indian  name  indicated  on  modern  maps.  “ Pre- 
is  tortured  into  all  possible  varia-  valse  poi  quello  di  Cuernabaca,  col 
tions  by  the  old  chroniclers.  The  quale  e presentemente  conosciuta 
town  soon  received  from  the  Span-  dagli  Spagnuoli.”  Clavigero,  Stor. 
iards  the  name  which  it  now  bears,  del  Messico,  tom.  III.  p.  185,  nota 
of  Cuernavaca,  and  by  which  it  is 


56  SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI 

north,  that  its  climate  was  as  soft  and  genial  as 
that  of  a much  lower  region. 

The  Spaniards,  on  arriving  before  this  city,  the 
limit  of  their  southerly  progress,  found  themselves 
separated  from  it  by  one  of  the  vast  barrancas  be- 
fore noticed,  which  resembled  one  of  those  frightful 
rents  not  unfrequent  in  the  Mexican  Andes,  the 
result,  no  doubt,  of  some  terrible  convulsion  in  earlier 
ages.  The  locky  sides  of  the  ravine  sunk  perpen- 
dicularly down,  and  so  bare  as  scarcely  to  exhibit 
even  a vestige  of  the  cactus,  or  of  the  other  hardy 
plants  with  which  Nature  in  these  fruitful  regions 
so  gracefully  covers  up  her  deformities.  The  bottom 
of  the  chasm,  however,  showed  a striking  contrast 
to  this,  being  literally  choked  up  with  a rich  and 
spontaneous  vegetation ; for  the  huge  walls  of 
rock,  which  shut  in  these  barrancas,  while  they 
screen  them  from  the  cold  winds  of  the  Cordilleras, 
reflect  the  rays  of  a vertical  sun,  so  as  to  produce  an 
almost  suffocating  heat  in  the  inclosure,  stimulating 
the  soil  to  the  rank  fertility  of  the  tierra  caliente. 
Under  the  action  of  this  forcing  apparatus,  — so 
to  speak,  — the  inhabitants  of  the  towns  on  their 
margin  above  may  with  ease  obtain  the  vegetable 
products  which  are  to  be  found  on  the  sultry  level 
of  the  lowlands. 

At  the  bottom  of  the  ravine  was  seen  a little 
stream,  which,  oozing  from  the  stony  bowels  of  the 
sierra,  tumbled  along  its  narrow  channel,  and  con- 
tributed by  its  perpetual  moisture  to  the  exuberant 
fertility  of  the  valley.  This  rivulet,  which  at  cer- 


Ch.  III.] 


CAPTURE  OF  CUERNAVACA. 


57 


tain  seasons  of  the  year  was  swollen  to  a torrent, 
was  traversed,  at  some  distance  below  the  town, 
where  the  sloping  sides  of  the  barranca  afforded  a 
more  practicable  passage,  by  two  rude  bridges,  both 
of  which  had  been  broken,  in  anticipation  of  the 
coming  of  the  Spaniards.  The  latter  had  now  ar- 
rived on  the  brink  of  the  chasm,  which  intervened 
between  them  and  the  city.  It  was,  as  has  been  re- 
marked, of  no  great  width,  and  the  army  drawn  up 
on  its  borders  was  directly  exposed  to  the  archery  of 
the  garrison,  on  whom  its  own  fire  made  little  im- 
pression, protected  as  they  were  by  their  defences. 

The  general,  annoyed  by  his  position,  sent  a de- 
tachment to  seek  a passage  lower  down,  by  which 
the  troops  might  be  landed  on  the  other  side.  But, 
although  the  banks  of  the  ravine  became  less  formid- 
able as  they  descended,  they  found  no  means  of 
crossing  the  river,  till  a path  unexpectedly  presented 
itself,  on  which,  probably,  no  one  before  had  ever 
been  daring  enough  to  venture. 

From  the  cliffs  on  the  opposite  sides  of  the  bar- 
ranca, two  huge  trees  shot  up  to  an  enormous  height, 
and,  inclining  towards  each  other,  interlaced  their 
boughs  so  as  to  form  a sort  of  natural  bridge.  Across 
this  avenue,  in  mid  air,  a Tlascalan  conceived  it 
would  not  be  difficult  to  pass  to  the  opposite  bank. 
The  bold  mountaineer  succeeded  in  the  attempt,  and 
was  soon  followed  by  several  others  of  his  country- 
men, trained  to  feats  of  agility  and  strength  among 
their  native  hills.  The  Spaniards  imitated  their  ex- 
ample. It  was  a perilous  effort  for  an  armed  man 

VOL.  III. 


8 


58 


SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI. 


to  make  his  way  over  this  aerial  causeway,  swayed 
to  and  fro  by  the  wind,  where  the  brain  might  be- 
come giddy,  and  where  a single  false  movement  of 
hand  or  foot  would  plunge  him  in  the  abyss  below. 
Three  of  the  soldiers  lost  their  hold  and  fell.  The 
rest,  consisting  of  some  twenty  or  thirty  Spaniards, 
and  a considerable  number  of  Tlascalans,  alighted  in 
safety  on  the  other  bank.7  There  hastily  forming, 
they  marched  with  all  speed  on  the  city.  The  ene- 
my, engaged  in  their  contest  with  the  Castilians  on 
the  opposite  brink  of  the  ravine,  were  taken  by  sur- 
prise, — which,  indeed,  could  scarcely  have  been 
exceeded,  if  they  had  seen  their  foe  drop  from  the 
clouds  on  the  field  of  battle. 

They  made  a brave  resistance,  however,  when 
fortunately  the  Spaniards  succeeded  in  repairing  one 
of  the  dilapidated  bridges  in  such  a manner  as  to 
enable  both  cavalry  and  foot  to  cross  the  river,  though 
with  much  delay.  The  horse,  under  Olid  and  Andres 
de  Tapia,  instantly  rode  up  to  the  succour  of  their 
countrymen.  They  were  soon  followed  by  Cortes 
at  the  head  of  the  remaining  battalions,  and  the  en- 
emy, driven  from  one  point  to  another,  were  com- 
pelled to  evacuate  the  city,  and  to  take  refuge  among 
the  mountains.  The  buildings  in  one  quarter  of  the 
town  were  speedily  wrapt  in  flames.  The  place 

7 The  stout-hearted  Diaz  was  deramete  quando  passaua,  q lo  vi 
one  of  those  who  performed  this  mui  peligroso,  e malo  de  passar,  y 
dangerous  feat,  though  his  head  se  me  desvanecia  la  cabe5a,  y to- 
swam  so,  as  he  tells  us,  that  he  davia  passe  yo,  y otros  veinte,  6 
scarcely  knew  how  he  got  on.  treinta  soldados,  y muchos  Tlas- 
“ Porque  de  mi  digo,  que  verda-  caltecas.”  Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 


Ch.  III.] 


CAPTURE  OF  CUERNAVACA. 


59 


was  abandoned  to  pillage,  and,  as  it  was  one  of  the 
most  opulent  marts  in  the  country,  it  amply  compen- 
sated the  victors  for  the  toil  and  danger  they  had 
encountered.  The  trembling  caciques,  returning, 
soon  after,  to  the  city,  appeared  before  Cortes,  and, 
deprecating  his  resentment,  by  charging  the  blame, 
as  usual,  on  the  Mexicans,  threw  themselves  on  his 
mercy.  Satisfied  with  their  submission,  he  allowed 
no  further  violence  to  the  inhabitants.8 

Having  thus  accomplished  the  great  object  of  his 
expedition  across  the  mountains,  the  Spanish  com- 
mander turned  his  face  northwards,  to  recross  the 
formidable  barrier  which  divided  him  from  the  Val- 
ley. The  ascent,  steep  and  laborious,  was  rendered 
still  more  difficult  by  fragments  of  rock  and  loose 
stones,  which  encumbered  the  passes.  The  moun- 
tain sides  and  summits  were  shaggy  with  thick  for- 
ests of  pine  and  stunted  oak,  which  threw  a melan- 
choly gloom  over  the  region,  still  further  heightened 
at  the  present  day  by  its  being  a favorite  haunt  of 
banditti. 

The  weather  was  sultry,  and,  as  the  stony  soil 
was  nearly  destitute  of  water,  the  troops  suffered 
severely  from  thirst.  Several  of  them,  indeed,  faint- 
ed on  the  road,  and  a few  of  the  Indian  allies  per- 
ished from  exhaustion.9  The  line  of  march  must 

8 For  the  preceding  account  of  General,  dec. 3,  lib.  1,  cap.  8, — 
the  capture  of  Cuernavaca,  see  Torquemada,  Monarch.  Ind.,  lib. 4, 
Bernal  Diaz,  ubi  supra, — Oviedo,  cap.  87,  — Rel.  Terc.  de  Cortes, 
Hist,  de  laslnd.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  ap.  Lorenzana,  pp.  223,  224. 

21,  — Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  9 “ Una  Tierra  de  Pinales,  des- 
MS.,  cap.  93, — Herrera,  Hist,  poblada,  y sin  ninguna  agua,  la 


60 


SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI. 


have  taken  the  army  across  the  eastern  shoulder  of 
the  mountain,  called  the  Cruz  del  Marques , or  Cross 
of  the  Marquess,  from  a huge  stone  cross,  erected 
there  to  indicate  the  boundary  of  the  territories 
granted  by  the  Crown  to  Cortes,  as  Marquess  of  the 
Valley.  Much,  indeed,  of  the  route  lately  traversed 
by  the  troops  lay  across  the  princely  domain  subse- 
quently assigned  to  the  Conqueror.10 

The  Spaniards  were  greeted  from  these  heights 
with  a different  view  from  any  which  they  had  before 
had  of  the  Mexican  Valley,  made  more  attractive  in 
their  eyes,  doubtless,  by  contrast  with  the  savage 
scenery  in  which  they  had  lately  been  involved.  It 
was  its  most  pleasant  and  populous  quarter,  for  no- 
where did  its  cities  and  villages  cluster  together  in 
such  numbers  as  round  the  lake  of  sweet  water. 
From  whatever  quarter  seen,  however,  the  enchant- 
ing region  presented  the  same  aspect  of  natural 
beauty  and  cultivation,  with  its  flourishing  villas,  and 
its  fair  lake  in  the  centre,  whose  dark  and  polished 
surface  glistened  like  a mirror,  deep  set  in  the  huge 
frame-work  of  porphyry,  in  which  nature  had  en- 
closed it. 

The  point  of  attack  selected  by  the  general  was 

qual  y un  Puerto  pasamos  con  ants  and  heirs  of  the  Conquistador. 
grandissimo  trabajo,  y sin  beber  : — The  Spaniards,  in  their  line  of 
tanto,  que  muchos  de  los  Indios  march  towards  the  north,  did  not 
que  iban  con  nosotros  perecieron  de  deviate  far,  probably,  from  the 
sed.”  Rel.  Terc.  de  Cortes,  ap.  great  road  which  now  leads  from 
Lorenzana,  p.  224.  Mexico  to  Acapulco,  still  exhibit- 

10  The  city  of  Cuernavaca  was  ing  in  this  upper  portion  of  it  the 
comprehended  in  the  patrimony  of  same  characteristic  features  as  at 
the  dukes  of  Monteleone,  descend-  the  period  of  the  Conquest. 


Ch.  lll.J 


BATTLES  AT  XOCHIMILCO. 


61 


Xochimilco,  or  “ the  field  of  flowers,”  as  its  name 
implies,  from  the  floating  gardens  which  rode  at 
anchor,  as  it  were,  on  the  neighbouring  waters.11  It 
was  one  of  the  most  potent  and  wealthy  cities  in 
the  Valley,  and  a stanch  vassal  of  the  Aztec  crown. 
It  stood,  like  the  capital  itself,  partly  in  the  water, 
and  was  approached  in  that  quarter  by  causeways 
of  no  great  length.  The  town  was  composed  of 
houses  like  those  of  most  other  places  of  like  mag- 
nitude in  the  country,  mostly  of  cottages  or  huts 
made  of  clay  and  the  light  bamboo,  mingled  with 
aspiring  teocallis,  and  edifices  of  stone,  belonging  to 
the  more  opulent  classes. 

As  the  Spaniards  advanced,  they  were  met  by 
skirmishing  parties  of  the  enemy,  who,  after  dis- 
missing a light  volley  of  arrows,  rapidly  retreated 
before  them.  As  they  took  the  direction  of  Xochi- 
milco, Cortes  inferred  that  they  were  prepared  to 
resist  him  in  considerable  force.  It  exceeded  his 
expectations. 

On  traversing  the  principal  causeway,  he  found  it 
occupied,  at  the  further  extremity,  by  a numerous 
body  of  warriors,  who,  stationed  on  the  opposite 
side  of  a bridge,  which  had  been  broken,  were 
prepared  to  dispute  his  passage.  They  had  con- 
structed a temporary  barrier  of  palisades,  which 
screened  them  from  the  fire  of  the  musketry.  But 
the  water  in  its  neighbourhood  was  very  shallow, 
and  the  cavaliers  and  infantry,  plunging  into  it,  soon 


11  Clavigero,  Stor.  del  Messico,  tom.  III.  p.  187,  nota. 


62  SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI. 

made  their  way,  swimming  or  wading,  as  they  could, 
in  face  of  a storm  of  missiles,  to  the  landing  near 
the  town.  Here  they  closed  with  the  enemy,  and, 
hand  to  hand,  after  a sharp  struggle,  drove  them 
back  on  the  city ; a few,  however,  taking  the  direc- 
tion of  the  open  country,  were  followed  up  by  the 
cavalry.  The  great  mass,  hotly  pursued  by  the 
infantry,  were  driven  through  street  and  lane,  with- 
out much  further  resistance.  Cortes,  with  a few 
followers,  disengaging  himself  from  the  tumult,  re- 
mained near  the  entrance  of  the  city.  He  had  not 
been  there  long,  when  he  was  assailed  by  a fresh 
body  of  Indians,  who  suddenly  poured  into  the  place 
from  a neighbouring  dike.  The  general,  with  his 
usual  fearlessness,  threw  himself  into  the  midst,  in 
hopes  to  check  their  advance.  But  his  own  follow- 
ers were  too  few  to  support  him,  and  he  was  over- 
whelmed by  the  crowd  of  combatants.  His  horse 
lost  his  footing  and  fell ; and  Cortes,  who  received 
a severe  blow  on  the  head  before  he  could  rise,  was 
seized  and  dragged  off  in  triumph  by  the  Indians. 
At  this  critical  moment,  a Tlascalan,  who  perceived 
the  general’s  extremity,  sprang,  like  one  of  the  wild 
ocelots  of  his  own  forests,  into  the  midst  of  the 
assailants,  and  endeavoured  to  tear  him  from  their 
grasp.  Two  of  the  general’s  servants  also  speedily 
came  to  the  rescue,  and  Cortes,  with  their  aid  and 
that  of  the  brave  Tlascalan,  succeeded  in  regaining 
his  feet  and  shaking  off  his  enemies.  To  vault  into 
the  saddle  and  brandish  his  good  lance  was  but  the 
work  of  a moment.  Others  of  his  men  quickly 


Ch  III.]  NARROW  ESCAPE  OF  CORTES.  63 

came  up,  and  the  clash  of  arms  reaching  the  ears 
of  the  Spaniards,  who  had  gone  in  pursuit,  they 
returned,  and,  after  a desperate  conflict,  forced  the 
enemy  from  the  city.  Their  retreat,  however,  was 
intercepted  by  the  cavalry,  returning  from  the  coun- 
try, and,  thus  hemmed  in  between  the  opposite  col- 
umns, they  were  cut  to  pieces,  or  saved  themselves 
only  by  plunging  into  the  lake.12 

This  was  the  greatest  personal  danger  which 
Cortes  had  yet  encountered.  His  life  was  in  the 
power  of  the  barbarians,  and,  had  it  not  been  for 
their  eagerness  to  take  him  prisoner,  he  must  un- 
doubtedly have  lost  it.  To  the  same  cause  may  be 
frequently  attributed  the  preservation  of  the  Span- 
iards in  these  engagements.  The  next  day,  he 
sought,  it  is  said,  for  the  Tlascalan  who  came  so 
boldly  to  his  rescue,  and,  as  he  could  learn  nothing 
of  him,  he  gave  the  credit  of  his  preservation  to  his 
patron,  St.  Peter.13  He  may  well  be  excused  for 
presuming  the  interposition  of  his  good  Genius,  to 


12  Rel.  Terc.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lo- 
renzana,  p.  226. — Herrera,  Hist. 
General,  dec.  3,  lib.  1,  cap.  8. — 
Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib. 
33,  cap.  21. 

This  is  the  general’s  own  ac- 
count of  the  matter.  Diaz,  how- 
ever, says,  that  he  was  indebted  for 
his  rescue  to  a Castilian,  named 
Olea,  supported  by  some  Tlasca- 
lans,  and  that  his  preserver  receiv- 
ed three  severe  wounds  himself, 
on  the  occasion.  (Hist,  de  la  Con- 
quista,  cap.  145.)  This  wajs  an 


affair,  however,  in  which  Cortes 
ought  to  be  better  informed  than 
any  one  else,  and  one,  moreover, 
not  likely  to  slip  his  memory.  The 
old  soldier  has  probably  confound- 
ed it  with  another  and  similar  ad- 
venture of  his  commander. 

13  “ Otro  Dia  busco  Cortes  al 
Indio,  que  le  socorrio,  i muerto, 
ni  vivo  no  parecio  ; i Cortes,  por 
la  devocion  de  San  Pedro,  juzgo 
que  el  le  avia  aiudado.”  Herre- 
ra, Hist.  General,  dec.  3,  lib.  1, 
cap.  8. 


64  SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI. 

shield  him  from  the  awful  doom  of  the  captive, — 
a doom  not  likely  to  be  mitigated  in  his  case.  That 
heart  must  have  been  a bold  one,  indeed,  which, 
from  any  motive,  could  voluntarily  encounter  such  a 
peril ! Yet  his  followers  did  as  much,  and  that,  too, 
for  a much  inferior  reward. 

The  period  which  we  are  reviewing  was  still  the 
age  of  chivalry ; that  stirring  and  adventurous  age, 
of  which  we  can  form  little  conception  in  the  pres- 
ent day  of  sober,  practical  reality.  The  Spaniard, 
with  his  nice  point  of  honor,  high  romance,  and 
proud,  vainglorious  vaunt,  was  the  true  representa- 
tive of  that  age.  The  Europeans,  generally,  had 
not  yet  learned  to  accommodate  themselves  to  a life 
of  literary  toil,  or  to  the  drudgery  of  trade,  or  the 
patient  tillage  of  the  soil.  They  left  these  to  the 
hooded  inmate  of  the  cloister,  the  humble  burgher, 
and  the  miserable  serf.  Arms  was  the  only  profes- 
sion worthy  of  gentle  blood,  — the  only  career  which 
the  high-mettled  cavalier  could  tread  with  honor. 
The  Newr  World,  with  its  strange  and  mysterious 
perils,  afforded  a noble  theatre  for  the  exercise  of 
his  calling ; and  the  Spaniard  entered  on  it  with  all 
the  enthusiasm  of  a paladin  of  romance. 

Other  nations  entered  on  it  also,  but  with  differ- 
ent motives.  The  French  sent  forth  their  mission- 
aries to  take  up  their  dwelling  among  the  heathen, 
who,  in  the  good  work  of  winning  souls  to  Paradise, 
were  content  to  wear  — nay,  sometimes  seemed  to 
court  — the  crown  of  martyrdom.  The  Dutch,  too, 
had  their  mission,  but  it  was  one  of  worldly  lucre, 


Ch.  III.] 


BATTLES  AT  XOCTIIMILCO. 


65 


and  they  found  a recompense  for  toil  and  suffering 
in  their  gainful  traffic  with  the  natives.  While  our 
own  Puritan  fathers,  with  the  true  Anglo-Saxon 
spirit,  left  their  pleasant  homes  across  the  waters, 
and  pitched  their  tents  in  the  howling  wilderness, 
that  they  might  enjoy  the  sweets  of  civil  and  reli- 
gious freedom.  But  the  Spaniard  came  over  to  the 
New  World  in  the  true  spirit  of  a knight-errant, 
courting  adventure  however  perilous,  wooing  danger, 
as  it  would  seem,  for  its  own  sake.  With  sword 
and  lance,  he  was  ever  ready  to  do  battle  for  the 
Faith;  and,  as  he  raised  his  old  war-cry  of  “St. 
Jago,”  he  fancied  himself  lighting  under  the  banner 
of  the  military  apostle,  and  felt  his  single  arm  a 
match  for  more  than  a hundred  infidels! — It  was 
the  expiring  age  of  chivalry ; and  Spain,  romantic 
Spain,  was  the  land  where  its  light  lingered  longest 
above  the  horizon. 

It  was  not  yet  dusk  when  Cortes  and  his  follow- 
ers reentered  the  city ; and  the  general’s  first  act 
was  to  ascend  a neighbouring  teocalli  and  recon- 
noitre the  surrounding  country.  He  there  beheld  a 
sight  which  might  have  trouWed  a bolder  spirit  than 
his.  The  surface  of  the  salt  lake  was  darkened 
with  canoes,  and  the  causeway,  for  many  a mile, 
with  Indian  squadrons,  apparently  on  their  march 
towards  the  Christian  camp.  In  fact,  no  sooner  had 
Guatemozin  been  apprized  of  the  arrival  of  the 
white  men  at  Xochimilco,  than  he  mustered  his  lev- 
ies in  great  force  to  relieve  the  city.  They  were 


VOL.  III. 


9 


66 


SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI. 


now  on  their  march,  and,  as  the  capital  was  but  four 
leagues  distant,  would  arrive  soon  after  nightfall.14 

Cortes  made  active  preparations  for  the  defence 
of  his  quarters.  He  stationed  a corps  of  pikemen 
along  the  landing  where  the  Aztecs  would  be  likely 
to  disembark.  He  doubled  the  sentinels,  and,  with 
his  principal  officers,  made  the  rounds  repeatedly 
in  the  course  of  the  night.  In  addition  to  other 
causes  for  watchfulness,  the  bolts  of  the  crossbow- 
men were  nearly  exhausted,  and  the  archers  were 
busily  employed  in  preparing  and  adjusting  shafts  to 
the  copper  heads,  of  which  great  store  had  been 
provided  for  the  army.  There  was  little  sleep  in 
the  camp  that  night.15 

It  passed  away,  however,  without  molestation 
from  the  enemy.  Though  not  stormy,  it  was  ex- 
ceedingly dark.  But,  although  the  Spaniards  on 
duty  could  see  nothing,  they  distinctly  heard  the 
sound  of  many  oars  in  the  water,  at  no  great  dis- 
tance from  the  shore.  Yet  those  on  board  the 
canoes  made  no  attempt  to  land,  distrusting,  or 
advised,  it  may  be,  of  the  preparations  made  for 
their  reception.  With  early  dawn,  they  were  under 


14  “ por  e|  Agua  a ana  muy 
grande  flota  de  Canoas,  que  creo, 
que  pasaban  de  dos  mil ; y en  ellas 
venian  mas  de  doce  mil  Hombres 
de  Guerra  ; e por  la  Tierra  llego 
tanta  multitud  de  Gente,  que  todos 
los  Campos  cubrian.”  Rel.  Terc. 
de  Cort&s,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  227. 

15  “ Y acordose  que  huviesse  mui 
buena  vela  en  todo  nuestro  Real, 


lepartida  a los  puertos,  e azequias 
poi  donde  auian  de  venir  a desem- 
baTcai  y los  de  acauallo  mui  a 
punto  tixla  la  noche  ensillados  v 
enfrenados  aguardando  en  la  cal- 
9ada,  y tier»a  firme,  y todos  los 
Capitanes,  y Cortes  con  ellos,  ha- 
ziendo  vela  y ronda  toda  la  no- 
che.” Bernal  Diaz.  Hist,  de  la 
Conquista,  cap.  145. 


Ch.  III.] 


BATTLES  AT  XOCHIMILCO. 


67 


arms,  and,  without  waiting  for  the  movement  of  the 
Spaniards,  poured  into  the  city  and  attacked  them 
in  their  own  quarters. 

The  Spaniards,  who  were  gathered  in  the  area 
round  one  of  the  teucallis,  were  taken  at  disadvan- 
tage in  the  town,  where  the  narrow  lanes  and 
streets,  many  of  them  covered  with  a smooth  and 
slippery  cement,  offered  obvious  impediments  to  the 
manoeuvres  of  cavalry.  But  Cortes  hastily  formed 
his  musketeers  and  crossbow-men,  and  poured  such 
a lively,  well-directed  lire  into  the  enemy’s  ranks,  as 
threw  him  into  disorder,  and  compelled  him  to  recoil. 
The  infantry,  with  their  long  pikes,  followed  up  the 
blow ; and  the  horse,  charging  at  full  speed,  as  the 
retreating  Aztecs  emerged  from  the  city,  drove  them 
several  miles  along  the  main  land. 

At  some  distance,  however,  they  were  met  by  a 
strong  reinforcement  of  their  countrymen,  and,  ral- 
lying, the  tide  of  battle  turned,  and  the  cavaliers, 
swept  along  by  it,  gave  the  rein  to  their  steeds,  and 
rode  back  at  full  gallop  towards  the  town.  They 
had  not  proceeded  very  far,  when  they  came  upon 
the  main  body  of  the  army,  advancing  rapidly  to 
their  support.  Thus  strengthened,  they  once  more 
returned  to  the  charge,  and  the  rival  hosts  met  to- 
gether in  full  career,  with  the  shock  of  an  earth- 
quake. For  a time,  victory  seemed  to  hang  in  the 
balance,  as  the  mighty  press  reeled  to  and  fro  under 
the  opposite  impulse,  and  a confused  shout  rose  up 
towards  heaven,  in  which  the  war-whoop  of  the 
savage  was  mingled  with  the  battle-cry  of  the  Chris- 


68 


SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI. 


tian, — a still  stranger  sound  on  these  sequestered 
shores.  But,  in  the  end,  Castilian  valor,  or  rather 
Castilian  arms  and  discipline,  proved  triumphant. 
The  enemy  faltered,  gave  way,  and,  recoiling  step 
by  step,  the  retreat  soon  terminated  in  a rout,  and 
the  Spaniards,  following  up  the  flying  foe,  drove 
them  from  the  field,  with  such  dreadful  slaughter, 
that  they  made  no  further  attempt  to  renew  the 
battle. 

The  victors  were  now  undisputed  masters  of  the 
city.  It  was  a wealthy  place,  well  stored  with  In- 
dian fabrics,  cotton,  gold,  feather-work,  and  other 
articles  of  luxury  and  use,  affording  a rich  booty  to 
the  soldiers.  While  engaged  in  the  work  of  plun- 
der, a paicy  of  the  enemy,  landing  from  their  canoes, 
fell  on  some  of  the  stragglers,  laden  with  merchan- 
dise, and  made  four  of  them  prisoners.  It  created 
a greater  sensation  among  the  troops  than  if  ten 
times  that  number  had  fallen  on  the  field.  Indeed, 
it  was  rare  that  a Spaniard  allowed  himself  to  be 
taken  alive.  In  the  present  instance  the  unfortu- 
nate men  were  taken  by  surprise.  They  were  hur- 
ried to  the  capita],  and  soon  after  sacrificed ; when 
their  arms  and  legs  were  cut  off,  by  the  command 
of  the  ferocious  young  chief  of  the  Aztecs,  and 
sent  round  to  the  different  cities,  with  the  assur- 
ance, that  this  should  be  the  fate  of  the  enemies 
of  Mexico ! 16 

16  Diaz,  who  had  an  easy  faith,  before  their  sacrifice.  “ Manda 
states,  as  a fact,  that  the  limbs  of  cortar  pies  y bravos  a los  tristes 
the  unfortunate  men  were  cut  off  nucstros  compafieros,  y las  emhia 


Ch.  III.] 


BATTLES  AT  XOCIIIMILCO. 


69 


From  the  prisoners  taken  in  the  late  engagement, 
Cortes  learned,  that  the  forces  already  sent  by  Gua- 
temozin  formed  but  a small  part  of  his  levies ; that 
his  policy  was  to  send  detachment  after  detachment, 
until  the  Spaniards,  however  victorious  they  might 
come  off'  from  the  contest  with  each  individually, 
would,  in  the  end,  succumb  from  mere  exhaustion, 
and  thus  be  vanquished,  as  it  were,  by  their  own 
victories. 

The  soldiers  having  now  sacked  the  city,  Cortes 
did  not  care  to  await  further  assaults  from  the  ene- 
my in  his  present  quarters.  On  the  fourth  morning 
after  his  arrival,  he  mustered  his  forces  on  a neigh- 
bouring plain.  They  came,  many  of  them  reeling 
under  the  weight  of  their  plunder.  The  general 
saw  this  with  uneasiness.  They  were  to  march, 
he  said,  through  a populous  country,  all  in  arms  to 
dispute  their  passage.  To  secure  their  safety,  they 
should  move  as  light  and  unencumbered  as  possible. 
The  sight  of  so  much  spoil  would  sharpen  the  appe- 
tite of  their  enemies,  and  draw  them  on,  like  a flock 
of  famished  eagles  after  their  prey.  But  his  elo- 
quence was  lost  on  his  men  ; who  plainly  told  him 
they  had  a right  to  the  fruit  of  their  victories,  and 


por  muchos  pueblos  nuestros  ami- 
gos de  los  q nos  auian  venido  de 
paz,  y les  embia  a dezir,  que  an- 
tes que  bolvamos  a Tezcueo,  pien- 
sa  no  quedara  ninguno  de  nosotros 
a vida,  y con  los  coragones  y san- 
gre  hizo  sacrificio  a sus  idolos.” 
^Hist.  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  145.) 


— This  is  not  very  probable.  The 
Aztecs  did  not,  like  our  North 
American  Indians,  torture  their  en- 
emies from  mere  cruelty,  but  in 
conformity  to  the  prescribed  regu- 
lations of  their  ritual.  The  cap- 
tive was  a religious  victim. 


70  SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI. 

that  what  they  had  won  with  their  swords,  they 
knew  well  enough  how  to  defend  with  them. 

Seeing  them  thus  bent  on  their  purpose,  the  gen- 
eral did  not  care  to  balk  their  inclinations.  He  or- 
dered the  baggage  to  the  centre,  and  placed  a few 
of  the  cavalry  over  it ; dividing  the  remainder  be- 
tween the  front  and  rear,  in  which  latter  post,  as 
that  most  exposed  to  attack,  he  also  stationed  his 
arquebusiers  and  crossbow-men.  Thus  prepared,  he 
resumed  his  march  ; but  first  set  fire  to  the  com- 
bustible buildings  of  Xochimilco,  in  retaliation  for 
the  resistance  he  had  met  there.17  The  light  of  the 
burning  city  streamed  high  into  the  air,  sending  its 
ominous  glare  far  and  wide  across  the  waters,  and 
telling  the  inhabitants  on  their  margin,  that  the  fatal 
strangers,  so  long  predicted  by  their  oracles,  had  de- 
scended like  a consuming  flame  upon  their  borders.18 


17  “ Y al  cabo  dejandola  toda 
quemada  y asolada  nos  partimos  ; 
y cierto  era  mucho  para  ver,  porque 
tenia  muchas  Casas,  y Torres  de 
sus  Idolos  de  eal  y canto.”  Rel. 
Terc.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana, 

p.  228. 

18  For  other  particulars  of  the 
actions  at  Xochimilco,  see  Ovie- 
do, Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib. 
23,  cap.  21,  — Herrera,  Hist. 
General,  dec.  3,  lib.  1,  cap.  8, 
11,  — Ixtlilxochitl,  Venida  de  los 
Esp.,  p.  18,  — Torquemada,  Mon- 
arch. Ind.,  lib.  4,  cap.  87,  88,— 
Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Con- 
quista,  cap.  145. 

The  Conqueror’s  own  account  of 


these  engagements  has  not  his  usu- 
al perspicuity,  perhaps  from  its 
brevity.  A more  than  ordinary 
confusion,  indeed,  prevails  in  the 
different  reports  of  them,  even 
those  proceeding  from  contempo- 
raries, making  it  extremely  diffi- 
cult to  collect  a probable  narrative 
from  authorities,  not  only  contra- 
dicting one  another,  but  themsel  ves. 
It  is  rare,  at  any  time,  that  two 
accounts  of  a battle  coincide  in  all 
respects  ; the  range  of  observation 
for  each  individual  is  necessarily 
so  limited  and  different,  and  it  is 
so  difficult  to  make  a cool  observa- 
tion at  all,  in  the  hurry  and  heat 
of  conflict.  Any  one,  who  has 


Ch.  Ill  ] 


BATTLES  AT  XOCHIMILCO. 


71 


Small  bodies  of  the  enemy  were  seen  occasionally 
at  a distance,  but  they  did  not  venture  to  attack  the 
army  on  its  march,  which,  before  noon,  brought 
them  to  Cojohuacan,  a large  town  about  two  leagues 
distant  from  Xochimilco.  One  could  scarcely  travel 
that  distance  in  this  populous  quarter  of  the  Valley 
without  meeting  with  a place  of  considerable  size, 
oftentimes  the  capital  of  what  had  formerly  been 
an  independent  state.  The  inhabitants,  members 
of  different  tribes,  and  speaking  dialects  somewhat 
different,  belonged  to  the  same  great  family  of  na- 
tions, who  had  come  from  the  real,  or  imaginary 
region  of  Aztlan,  in  the  far  North-west.  Gather- 
ed round  the  shores  of  their  Alpine  sea,  these  pet- 
ty communities  continued,  after  their  incorporation 
with  the  Aztec  monarchy,  to  maintain  a spirit  of 
rivalry  in  their  intercourse  with  one  another,  which 
— as  with  the  cities  on  the  Mediterranean,  in  the 
feudal  ages  — quickened  their  mental  energies,  and 
raised  the  Mexican  Valley  higher  in  the  scale  of  civ- 
ilization than  most  other  quarters  of  Anahuac. 

The  town  at  which  the  army  had  now  arrived  was 
deserted  by  its  inhabitants  ; and  Cortes  halted  two 
days  there  to  restore  his  troops,  and  give  the  needful 
attention  to  the  wounded.19  He  made  use  of  the  time 

conversed  with  the  survivors,  will  tion,  became,  after  the  Conquest, 
readily  comprehend  this,  and  be  a favorite  residence  of  Cortes, 
apt  to  conclude,  that,  wherever  he  who  founded  a nunnery  in  it,  and 
may  look  for  truth,  it  will  hardly  commanded  in  his  will,  that  his 
be  on  the  battle-ground.  bones  should  be  removed  thither, 

19  This  place,  recommended  by  from  any  part  of  the  world  in 
the  exceeding  beauty  of  its  situa-  which  he  might  die.  “ Que  mis 


72 


SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI 


to  reconnoitre  the  neighbouring  ground,  and,  taking 
with  him  a strong  detachment,  descended  on  the 
causeway  which  led  from  Cojohuacan  to  the  great 
avenue  of  Iztapalapan.20  At  the  point  of  intersection, 
called  Xoloc,  he  found  a strong  barrier  or  fortifica- 
tion, behind  which  a Mexican  force  was  intrenched. 
Their  archery  did  some  mischief  to  the  Spaniards, 
as  they  came  withi  i bowshot.  But  the  latter, 
marching  intrepidly  forward  in  face  of  the;  arrowy 
shower,  stormed  the  works,  and,  after  an  obstinate 
struggle,  drove  the  enemy  from  their  position.21  Cor- 
tes then  advanced  some  way  on  the  great  causeway 
of  Iztapalapan  ; but  he  beheld  the  further  extremity 
darkened  by  a numerous  array  of  warriors,  and,  as 
he  did  not  care  to  engage  in  unnecessary  hostilities, 
especially  as  his  ammunition  was  nearly  exhausted, 
he  fell  back  and  retreated  to  his  own  quarters. 


huesos  — los  lleven  k la  mi  Villa 
de  Coyoacan,  y alii  les  den  tierra 
en  el  Monesterio  de  Monjas,  que 
mando  hacer  y edificar  en  la  dicha 
mi  Villa.”  Testamento  de  Her- 
nan  Cortes,  MS. 

20  This,  says  archbishop  Loren- 
zana,  was  the  modern  calzada  de  la 
Picdad.  (Rel.  Terc.  de  Cortes,  p. 
229,  nota.)  But  it  is  not  easy  to 
reconcile  this  with  the  elaborate 
chart  which  M.  de  Humboldt  has 
given  of  the  Valley.  A short  arm, 
which  reached  from  this  city  in  the 
days  of  the  Aztecs,  touched  ob- 
liquely the  great  southern  avenue, 
by  which  the  Spaniards  first  en- 
tered the  capital.  As  the  waters, 
which  once  entirely  surrounded 


Mexico,  have  shrunk  into  their 
narrow  basin,  the  face  of  the  coun- 
try has  undergone  a great  change, 
and,  though  the  foundations  of  the 
principal  causeways  are  still  main- 
tained, it  is  not  always  easy  to 
discern  vestiges  of  the  ancient 
avenues. 

21  “ Y llegamos  a una  Albarra- 
da,  que  tenian  hecha  en  la  Calza- 
da, y los  Peones  comenzaronla  a 
combatir ; y aunque  fue  muy  re- 
cia,  y bubo  mucha  resistencia,  y 
hirieron  diez  Espafioles,  al  fin  se  la 
ganaron,  y mataron  muchos  de  los 
Enemigos,  aunque  los  Ballesteros, 
y Escopeteros  quedaron  sin  Pbl- 
vora,  y sin  Saetas.”  Ibid.,  ubi 
supra. 


Ch.  III.] 


HE  ENTERS  TACUBA. 


73 

The  following  day,  the  army  continued  its  march, 
taking  the  road  to  Tacuba,  but  a few  miles  distant. 
On  the  way  it  experienced  much  annoyance  from 
straggling  parties  of  the  enemy,  who,  furious  at  the 
sight  of  the  booty  which  the  invaders  were  bearing 
away,  made  repeated  attacks  on  their  flanks  and 
rear.  Cortes  retaliated,  as  on  the  former  expedition, 
by  one  of  their  own  stratagems,  but  with  less  suc- 
cess than  before  ; for,  pursuing  the  retreating  enemy 
too  hotly,  he  fell  with  his  cavalry  into  an  ambuscade, 
which  they  had  prepared  for  him  in  their  turn.  He 
was  not  yet  a match  for  their  wily  tactics.  The 
Spanish  cavaliers  were  enveloped  in  a moment  by 
their  subtle  foe,  and  separated  from  the  rest  of  the 
army.  But,  spurring  on  their  good  steeds,  and  charg- 
ing in  a solid  column  together,  they  succeeded  in 
breaking  through  the  Indian  array,  and  in  making 
their  escape,  except  two  individuals,  who  fell  into 
the  enemy’s  hands.  They  were  the  general’s  own 
servants,  who  had  followed  him  faithfully  through 
the  whole  campaign,  and  he  was  deeply  affected 
by  their  loss  ; rendered  the  more  distressing  by  the 
consideration  of  the  dismal  fate  that  awaited  them. 
When  the  little  band  rejoined  the  army,  which  had 
halted,  in  some  anxiety  at  their  absence,  under  the 
walls  of  Tacuba,  the  soldiers  were  astonished  at  the 
dejected  mien  of  their  commander,  which  too  visibly 
betrayed  his  emotion.22 

I 

22  “ Y estando  en  esto  viene  Cor-  como  lloroso.'’  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist, 
tes,  con  el  qual  nos  alegramos,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  145. 
puesto  que  el  venia  muy  triste  y 

VOL.  III.  IQ 


74 


SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI. 


The  sun  was  still  high  in  the  heavens,  when  they 
entered  the  ancient  capital  of  the  Tepanecs.  The 
first  care  of  Cortes  was  to  ascend  the  principal  teo- 
calli,  and  survey  the  surrounding  country.  It  was 
an  admirable  point  of  view,  commanding  the  capital, 
which  lay  but  little  more  than  a league  distant,  and 
its  immediate  environs.  Cortes  was  accompanied 
by  Alderete,  the  treasurer,  and  some  other  cavaliers, 
who  had  lately  joined  his  banner.  The  spectacle 
was  still  new  to  them  ; and,  as  they  gazed  on  the 
stately  city,  with  its  broad  lake  covered  with  boats 
and  barges  hurrying  to  and  fro,  some  laden  with 
merchandise,  or  fruits  and  vegetables,  for  the  markets 
of  Tenochtitlan,  others  crowded  with  warriors,  they 
could  not  withhold  their  admiration  at  the  life  and 
activity  of  the  scene,  declaring  that  nothing  but  the 
hand  of  Providence  could  have  led  their  countrymen 
safe  through  the  heart  of  this  powerful  empire.23 

In  the  midst  of  the  admiring  circle,  the  brow  of 
Cortes  alone  was  observed  to  be  overcast,  and  a 
sigh,  which  now  and  then  stole  audibly  from  his 
bosom,  showed  the  gloomy  working  of  his  thoughts.24 
“ Take  comfort,”  said  one  of  the  cavaliers,  approach- 


23  “ Pues  quando  vieron  la  gran 
ciudad  de  Mexico,  y la  laguna,  y 
tanta  multitud  de  canoas,  que  vnas 
ivan  cargadas  con  bastimentos,  y 
otras  ivan  a pescar,  y otras  valdias, 
mucho  mas  se  espantaron,  porque 
no  las  auianvisto,  hasta  en  aquella 
saqon  : y dixeron,  que  nuestra  ve- 
nida  en  esta  Nueua  Espaila,  que 


no  eran  cosas  de  hombres  huma- 
nos,  sino  que  la  gran  misericordia 
de  Dios  era  quie  nos  sostenia.” 
Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 

24  “ En  este  instante  suspiro 
Cortes  co  vna  muy  gra  tristeza, 
mui  mayor  q la  q de  antes  traia.” 
Ibid.,  loc.  cit. 


Ch.  III.] 


HE  ENTERS  TACUBA. 


75 


mg  his  commander,  and  wishing  to  console  him  in 
his  rough  way  for  his  recent  loss,  “ you  must  not  lay 
these  things  so  much  to  heart ; it  is,  after  all,  but  the 
fortune  of  war.”  The  general’s  answer  showed  the 
nature  of  his  meditations.  “ You  are  my  witness,” 
said  he,  “ how  often  I have  endeavoured  to  persuade 
yonder  capital  peacefully  to  submit.  It  fills  me  with 
grief,  when  I think  of  the  toil  and  the  dangers  my 
brave  followers  have  yet  to  encounter  before  wre  can 
call  it  ours.  But  the  time  is  come  when  we  must 
put  our  hands  to  the  work.” 25 

There  can  be  no  doubt,  that  Cortes,  with  every 
other  man  in  his  army,  felt  he  was  engaged  on  a 
holy  crusade,  and  that,  independently  of  personal 
considerations,  he  could  not  serve  Heaven  better, 
than  by  planting  the  Cross  on  the  blood-stained 
towrers  of  the  heathen  metropolis.  But  it  was  natu- 
ral that  he  should  feel  some  compunction,  as  he 
gazed  on  the  goodly  scene,  and  thought  of  the  com- 
ing tempest,  and  how  soon  the  opening  blossoms  of 
civilization  which  there  met  his  eye  must  wither  un- 
der the  rude  breath  of  War.  It  was  a striking; 

o 

spectacle,  that  of  the  great  Conqueror,  thus  brood- 
ing in  silence  over  the  desolation  he  was  about  to 
bring  on  the  land  ! It  seems  to  have  made  a deep 
impression  on  his  soldiers,  little  accustomed  to  such 

25  “ Y Cortes  le  dixo,  que  ya  grandes  trabajos  en  que  nos  auia- 
veia  quantas  vezes  auia  embiado  a mosde  ver,  hasta  tornar  a sefiorear; 
Mexico  a rogalles  con  la  paz,  y y que  con  la  ayuda  de  Dios  presto 
que  la  tristeza  no  la  tenia  por  sola  lo  porniamos  por  la  obra.”  Ibid., 
vna  cosa,  sino  en  pensar  en  los  ubi  supra. 


76 


SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI. 


proofs  of  his  sensibility  ; and  it  forms  the  burden  of 
some  of  those  romances , or  national  ballads,  with 
which  the  Castilian  minstrel,  in  the  olden  time,  de- 
lighted to  commemorate  the  favorite  heroes  of  his 
country,  and  which,  coming  mid-way  between  oral 
tradition  and  chronicle,  have  been  found  as  imperish- 
able a record  as  chronicle  itself.26 

Taeuba  was  the  point  which  Cortes  had  reached 
on  his  former  expedition  round  the  northern  side  of 
the  Valley.  He  had  now,  therefore,  made  the  en- 
tire circuit  of  the  great  lake  ; had  reconnoitred  the 
several  approaches  to  the  capital,  and  inspected  with 
his  own  eyes  the  dispositions  made  on  the  opposite 
quarters  for  its  defence.  He  had  no  occasion  to 
prolong  his  stay  in  Taeuba,  the  vicinity  of  which  to 
Mexico  must  soon  bring  on  him  its  whole  warlike 
population. 

Early  on  the  following  morning,  he  resumed  his 
march,  taking  the  route  pursued  in  the  former  expedi- 
tion north  of  the  small  lakes.  He  met  with  less 
annoyance  from  the  enemy,  than  on  the  preceding 
days ; a circumstance  owing  in  some  degree,  perhaps, 
to  the  state  of  the  weather,  which  w:as  exceedingly 
tempestuous.  The  soldiers,  with  their  garments 


26  Diaz  gives  the  opening  redon- 
dillas  of  the  romance , which  I have 
not  been  able  to  find  in  any  of  the 
printed  collections. 

“ En  Taeuba  esta  Cort6g, 
co  su  ©squadron  esfor^ado, 
triste  estaua,  y muy  penoso, 
triste,  y con  gran  cuidado, 
la  vna  mano  en  la  mexilla, 
y la  otra  en  el  costado,”  &c. 


It  may  be  thus  done  into  pretty 
literal  doggerel. 

In  Taeuba  stood  Cortes, 

With  many  a care  opprest. 

Thoughts  of  the  past  came  o’er  him, 
And  he  bowed  his  haughty  crest. 

One  hand  upon  his  cheek  he  laid, 

The  other  on  his  breast, 

While  his  valiant  squadrons  round 
him,  &c. 


Ch.  III.] 


HE  ENTERS  TACUBA. 


77 


heavy  with  moisture,  ploughed  their  way  with  diffi- 
culty through  miry  roads  flooded  by  the  torrents. 
On  one  occasion,  as  their  military  chronicler  informs 
us,  the  officers  neglected  to  go  the  rounds  of  the 
camp,  at  night,  and  the  sentinels  to  mount  guard, 
trusting  to  the  violence  of  the  storm  for  their  protec- 
tion. Yet  the  fate  of  Narvaez  might  have  taught 
them  not  to  put  their  faith  in  the  elements. 

At  Acolman,  in  the  Acolhuan  territory,  they  were 
met  by  Sandoval,  with  the  friendly  cacique  of  Tez- 
cuco,  and  several  cavaliers,  among  whom  were  some 
recently  arrived  from  the  Islands.  They  cordially 
greeted  their  countrymen,  and  communicated  the 
tidings,  that  the  canal  was  completed,  and  that  the 
brigantines,  rigged  and  equipped,  were  ready  to 
be  launched  on  the  bosom  of  the  lake.  There 
seemed  to  be  no  reason,  therefore,  for  longer  post- 
poning operations  against  Mexico.  — With  this  wel- 
come intelligence,  Cortes  and  his  victorious  legions 
made  their  entry  for  the  last  time  into  the  Acolhuan 
capital,  having  consumed  just  three  weeks  in  com- 
pleting the  circuit  of  the  Valley. 


CHAPTER  IV. 


Conspiracy  in  the  Army.  — Brigantines  Launched.  — Muster 
of  Forces. — Execution  of  Xicotencatl. — March  of  the  Ar- 
my. — Beginning  of  the  Siege. 

1521. 

At  the  very  time  when  Cortes  was  occupied 
with  reconnoitring  the  Valley,  preparatory  to  his 
siege  of  the  capital,  a busy  faction  in  Castile  was 
laboring  to  subvert  his  authority  and  defeat  his  plans 
of  conquest  altogether.  The  fame  of  his  brilliant 
exploits  had  spread  not  only  through  the  Isles,  but  to 
Spain  and  many  parts  of  Europe,  where  a general 
admiration  was  felt  for  the  invincible  energy  of  the 
man,  who,  with  his  single  arm,  as  it  were,  could  so 
long  maintain  a contest  with  the  powerful  Indian 
empire.  The  absence  of  the  Spanish  monarch  from 
his  dominions,  and  the  troubles  of  the  country,  can 
alone  explain  the  supine  indifference  shown  by  the 
government  to  the  prosecution  of  this  great  enter- 
prise. To  the  same  causes  it  may  be  ascribed,  that 
no  action  was  had  in  regard  to  the  suits  of  Velas- 
quez and  Narvaez,  backed,  as  they  wTere,  by  so  po- 
tent an  advocate  as  Bishop  Fonseca,  president  of 
the  Council  of  the  Indies.  The  reins  of  government 
had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  Adrian  of  Utrecht, 


Ch.  IV.] 


CONSPIRACY  IN  THE  ARMY. 


79 


Charles’s  preceptor,  and  afterwards  Pope,  — a man 
of  learning,  and  not  without  sagacity,  but  slow  and 
timid  in  his  policy,  and  altogether  incapable  of  that 
decisive  action  which  suited  the  bold  genius  of  his 
predecessor,  Cardinal  Ximenes. 

In  the  spring  of  1521,  however,  a number  of  ordin- 
ances passed  the  Council  of  the  Indies,  which  threat- 
ened an  important  innovation  in  the  affairs  of  New 
Spain.  It  was  decreed,  that  the  Royal  Audience  of 
Hispaniola  should  abandon  the  proceedings  already 
instituted  against  Narvaez,  for  his  treatment  of  the 
commissioner  Ayllon ; that  that  unfortunate  com- 
mander should  be  released  from  his  confinement  at 
Vera  Cruz;  and  that  an  arbitrator  should  be  sent 
to  Mexico,  with  authority  to  investigate  the  affairs 
and  conduct  of  Cortes,  and  to  render  ample  justice 
to  the  governor  of  Cuba.  There  were  not  wanting 
persons  at  court,  who  looked  with  dissatisfaction  on 
these  proceedings,  as  an  unworthy  requital  of  the 
services  of  Cortes,  and  who  thought  the  present 
moment,  at  any  rate,  not  the  most  suitable  for  taking 
measures,  which  might  discourage  the  general,  and, 
perhaps,  render  him  desperate.  But  the  arrogant 
temper  of  the  bishop  of  Burgos  overruled  all  objec- 
tions ; and  the  ordinances  having  been  approved  by 
the  Regency,  were  signed  by  that  body,  April  11, 
1521.  A person  named  Tapia,  one  of  the  function- 
aries of  the  Audience  at  St.  Domingo,  was  selected 
as  the  new  commissioner  to  be  despatched  to  Vera 
Cruz.  Fortunately  circumstances  occurred,  which 
postponed  the  execution  of  the  design  for  the  pres- 


80  SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI. 

ent,  and  permitted  Cortes  to  go  forward  unmolested 
in  his  career  of  conquest.1 

But,  while  thus  allowed  to  remain,  for  the  present 
at  least,  in  possession  of  authority,  he  was  assailed 
by  a danger  nearer  home,  which  menaced  not  only 
his  authority,  but  his  life.  This  was  a conspiracy  in 
the  army,  of  a more  dark  and  dangerous  character 
than  any  hitherto  formed  there.  It  was  set  on  foot 
by  a common  soldier,  named  Antonio  Villafana,  a na- 
tive of  Old  Castile,  of  whom  nothing  is  known  but  his 
share  in  this  transaction.  He  was  one  of  the  troop 
of  Narvaez,  — that  leaven  of  disaffection,  which 
had  remained  with  the  army,  swelling  with  discon- 
tent on  every  light  occasion,  and  ready,  at  all  times, 
to  rise  into  mutiny.  They  had  voluntarily  continu- 
ed in  the  service,  after  the  secession  of  their  com- 
rades at  Tlascala ; but  it  was  from  the  same 
mercenary  hopes  with  which  they  had  originally 
embarked  in  the  expedition,  — and  in  these  they 
were  destined  still  to  be  disappointed.  They  had 
little  of  the  true  spirit  of  adventure,  which  distin- 
guished the  old  companions  of  Cortes ; and  they 
found  the  barren  laurels  of  victory  but  a sorry  rec- 
ompense for  all  their  toils  and  sufferings. 

With  these  men  were  joined  others,  who  had 
causes  of  personal  disgust  with  the  general  ; and 
others,  again,  who  looked  with  distrust  on  the  result 
of  the  war.  The  gloomy  fate  of  their  countrymen, 


1 Herrera,  Hist.  General,  dec.  Alonso  deVerzara,Escrivano  Pub- 
3,  lib.  1,  cap.  15.  — Relacion  de  lico  de  Vera  Cruz,  MS.,  dec.  21. 


Ch.  IV.] 


CONSPIRACY  IN  THE  ARMY. 


81 


who  had  fallen  into  the  enemy’s  hands,  filled  them 
with  dismay.  They  felt  themselves  the  victims  of  a 
chimerical  spirit  in  their  leader,  who,  with  such  in- 
adequate means,  was  urging  to  extremity  so  fero- 
cious and  formidable  a foe  ; and  they  shrunk  with 
something  like  apprehension  from  thus  pursuing  the 
enemy  into  his  own  haunts,  where  he  would  gather 
tenfold  energy  from  despair. 

These  men  would  have  willingly  abandoned  the 
enterprise,  and  returned  to  Cuba ; but  how  could 
they  do  it  ? Cortes  had  control  over  the  whole  route 
from  the  city  to  the  sea-coast;  and  not  a vessel 
could  leave  its  ports  without  his  warrant.  Even  if 
he  were  put  out  of  the  way,  there  were  others, 
his  principal  officers,  ready  to  step  into  his  place, 
and  avenge  the  death  of  their  commander.  It  was 
necessary  to  embrace  these,  also,  in  the  scheme  of 
destruction  ; and  it  was  proposed,  therefore,  together 
with  Cortes,  to  assassinate  Sandoval,  Olid,  Alvarado, 
and  two  or  three  others  most  devoted  to  his  interests. 
The  conspirators  would  then  raise  the  cry  of  liberty, 
and  doubted  not  that  they  should  be  joined  by  the 
greater  part  of  the  army,  or  enough,  at  least,  to 
enable  them  to  work  their  own  pleasure.  They 
proposed  to  offer  the  command,  on  Cortes’  death,  to 
Francisco  Verdugo,  a brother-in  law  of  Velasquez. 
He  was  an  honorable  cavalier,  and  not  privy  to  their 
design.  But  they  had  little  doubt  that  he  would 
acquiesce  in  the  command,  thus,  in  a manner,  forced 
upon  him,  and  this  would  secure  them  the  protection 
of  the  governor  of  Cuba,  who,  indeed,  from  his  own 

VOL.  in. 


11 


82 


SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI 


hatred  of  Cortes,  would  be  disposed  to  look  with  a 
lenient  eye  on  their  proceedings. 

The  conspirators  even  went  so  far  as  to  appoint 
the  subordinate  officers,  an  alguacil  mayor  in  place 
of  Sandoval,  a quartermaster-general  to  succeed 
Olid,  and  some  others.2  The  time  fixed  for  the 
execution  of  the  plot  was  soon  after  the  return  of 
Cortes  from  his  expedition.  A parcel,  pretended  to 
have  come  by  a fresh  arrival  from  Castile,  was  to  be 
presented  to  him  while  at  table,  and,  when  he  was 
engaged  in  breaking  open  the  letters,  the  conspira- 
tors were  to  fall  on  him  and  his  officers,  and  despatch 
them  with  their  poniards.  Such  was  the  iniquitous 
scheme  devised  for  the  destruction  of  Cortes  and 
the  expedition.  But  a conspiracy,  to  be  successful, 
especially  when  numbers  are  concerned,  should  allow 
but  little  time  to  elapse  between  its  conception  and 
its  execution. 

On  the  day  previous  to  that  appointed  for  the 
perpetration  of  the  deed,  one  of  the  party,  feeling 
a natural  compunction  at  the  commission  of  the 
crime,  went  to  the  general’s  quarters,  and  solicited 
a private  interview  with  him.  He  threw  himself  at 
his  commander’s  feet,  and  revealed  all  the  particulars 
relating  to  the  conspiracy,  adding,  that  in  Villafana’s 
possession  a paper  would  be  found,  containing  the 
names  of  his  accomplices.  Cortes,  thunder-struck 

3 “ Hazia  Alguazil  mayor  e Al-  repartido  entre  ellos  nuestros  bie- 
f6rez,  y Alcaldes,  y Regidores,  y nes,  y cauallos.”  Bernal  Diaz, 
Contador,  y Tesorero,  y Ueedor,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  146. 
y otras  cosas  deste  arte,  y aun 


Ch.  IV.] 


CONSPIRACY  IN  THE  ARMY. 


83 


at  the  disclosure,  lost  not  a moment  in  profiting  by 
it.  He  sent  for  Alvarado,  Sandoval,  and  one  or  two 
other  officers  marked  out  by  the  conspirator,  and, 
after  communicating  the  affair  to  them,  went  at  once 
with  them  to  Villafana’s  quarters,  attended  by  four 
alguacils. 

They  found  him  in  conference  with  three  or  four 
friends,  who  were  instantly  taken  from  the  apart- 
ment, and  placed  in  custody.  Villafana,  confounded 
at  this  sudden  apparition  of  his  commander,  had 
barely  time  to  snatch  a paper,  containing  the  signa- 
tures of  the  confederates,  from  his  bosom,  and  at- 
tempt to  swallow  it.  But  Cortes  arrested  his  arm, 
and  seized  the  paper.  As  he  glanced  his  eye  rapidly 
over  the  fatal  list,  he  was  much  moved  at  finding 
there  the  names  of  more  than  one,  who  had  some 
claim  to  consideration  in  the  army.  He  tore  the 
scroll  in  pieces,  and  ordered  Villafana  to  be  taken 
into  custody.  He  was  immediately  tried  by  a mili- 
tary court  hastily  got  together,  at  which  the  general 
himself  presided.  There  seems  to  have  been  no 
doubt  of  the  man’s  guilt.  He  was  condemned  to 
death,  and,  after  allowing  him  time  for  confession 
and  absolution,  the  sentence  was  executed  by  hang- 
ing him  from  the  window  of  his  own  quarters.3 

Those  ignorant  of  the  affair  were  astonished  at  the 
spectacle  ; and  the  remaining  conspirators  were  filled 
with  consternation,  when  they  saw  that  their  plot 
was  detected,  and  anticipated  a similar  fate  for  them- 

3 Ibid.,loc.  cit. — Oviedo,  Hist.  — Herrera,  Hist.  General,  dec.  3, 
de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  48.  lib.  1,  cap.  1. 


84 


SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI. 


selves.  But  they  Avere  mistaken.  Cortes  pursued 
the  matter  no  further.  A little  reflection  convinced 
him,  that  to  do  so  would  involve  him  in  the  most 
disagreeable,  and  even  dangerous,  perplexities.  And, 
hoAvever  much  the  parties  implicated  in  so  foul  a 
deed  might  deserve  death,  he  could  ill  afford  the  loss 
even  of  the  guilty,  with  his  present  limited  numbers. 
He  resolved,  therefore,  to  content  himself  AA'ith  the 
punishment  of  the  ringleader. 

He  called  his  troops  together,  and  briefly  explained 
to  them  the  nature  of  the  crime  for  which  Villafana 
had  suffered.  He  had  made  no  confession,  he  said, 
and  the  guilty  secret  had  perished  Avith  him.  He 
then  expressed  his  sorroAV,  that  any  should  have  been 
found  in  their  ranks  capable  of  so  base  an  act,  and 
stated  his  OAvn  unconsciousness  of  ha\ring  AATonged 
any  individual  among  them  ; but,  if  he  had  done  so, 
he  invited  them  frankly  to  declare  it,  as  he  AAras 
most  anxious  to  afford  them  all  the  redress  in  his 
poAver.4  — But  there  A\ras  no  one  of  his  audience, 
Avhatever  might  be  his  grieArances,  AAdio  cared  to  en- 
ter his  complaint  at  such  a moment ; least  of  all 
Avere  the  conspirators  Avilling  to  do  so,  for  they  Avere 
too  happy  at  having,  as  they  fancied,  escaped  detec- 
tion, to  stand  fonvard  noAV  in  the  ranks  of  the  male- 
contents.  The  affair  passed  off,  therefore,  Avithout 
further  consequences. 

The  conduct  of  Cortes,  in  this  delicate  conjunc- 
ture, shows  great  coolness,  and  knoAvledge  of  human 


4 Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 


Ch.  IV.] 


CONSPIRACY  IN  THE  ARMY. 


86 


nature.  Had  he  suffered  his  detection,  or  even  his 
suspicion,  of  the  guilty  parties  to  take  air,  it  would 
have  placed  him  in  hostile  relations  with  them  for 
the  rest  of  his  life.  It  was  a disclosure  of  this  kind, 
in  the  early  part  of  Louis  the  Eleventh’s  reign,  to 
which  many  of  the  troubles  of  his  later  years  were 
attributed.5  The  mask  once  torn  away,  there  is  no 
longer  occasion  to  consult  even  appearances.  The 
door  seems  to  be  closed  against  reform.  The  alien- 
ation, which  might  have  been  changed  by  circum- 
stances, or  conciliated  by  kindness,  settles  into  a 
deep  and  deadly  rancor.  And  Cortes  would  have 
been  surrounded  by  enemies  in  his  own  camp,  more 
implacable  than  those  in  the  camp  of  the  Aztecs. 

As  it  was,  the  guilty  soldiers  had  suffered  too 
serious  apprehensions  to  place  their  lives  hastily  in  a 
similar  jeopardy.  They  strove,  on  the  contrary,  by 
demonstrations  of  loyalty,  and  the  assiduous  dis- 
charge of  their  duties,  to  turn  away  suspicion  from 
themselves.  Cortes,  on  his  part,  was  careful  to  pre- 
serve his  natural  demeanour,  equally  removed  from 
distrust,  and  — what  was  perhaps  more  difficult  — 
that  studied  courtesy,  which  intimates,  quite  as 
plainly,  suspicion  of  the  party  who  is  the  object  of 
it.  To  do  this  required  no  little  address.  Yet  he 
did  not  forget  the  past.  He  had,  it  is  true,  de- 

5 So  says  M.  de  Barante  in  his  vouloir,  ou  du  raoins  leur  peu  de 
picturesque  rifacimento  of  the  an-  fidelite  pour  le  roi ; its  ne  pouvai- 
cient  chronicles.  “ Les  proces  du  ent  done  douter  qu’il  desirat  ou 
connetable  et  de  monsieur  de  Ne-  complotat  leur  ruine.”  Histoire 
mours,  bien  d’autres  revelations,  des  Dues  de  Bourgogne,  (Paris 
avaient  fait  eclater  leur  mauvais  1838,)  tom.  XI.  p.  169. 


86 


SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI. 


stroyed  the  scroll  containing  the  list  of  the  con- 
spirators. But  the  man,  that  has  once  learned 
the  names  of  those  who  have  conspired  against 
his  life,  has  no  need  of  a written  record  to  keep 
them  fresh  in  his  memory.  Cortes  kept  his  eye 
on  all  their  movements,  and  took  care  to  place  them 
in  no  situation,  afterwards,  where  they  could  do  him 
injury.6 

This  attempt  on  the  life  of  their  commander  ex- 
cited a strong  sensation  in  the  army,  with  whom  his 
many  dazzling  qualities  and  brilliant  military  talents 
had  made  him  a general  favorite.  They  were  anx- 
ious to  testify  their  reprobation  of  so  foul  a deed, 
coming  from  their  own  body,  and  they  felt  the  ne- 
cessity of  taking  some  effectual  measures  for  watch- 
ing over  the  safety  of  one,  with  whom  their  own 
destinies,  as  well  as  the , fate  of  the  enterprise,  were 
so  intimately  connected.  It  was  arranged,  there- 
fore, that  he  should  be  provided  with  a guard  of 
soldiers,  who  were  placed  under  the  direction  of  a 
trusty  cavalier  named  Antonio  de  Quinones.  They 
constituted  the  general’s  body-guard,  during  the  rest 
of  the  campaign,  watching  over  him  day  and  night, 
and  protecting  him  from  domestic  treason,  no  less 
than  from  the  sword  of  the  enemy. 

As  was  stated  at  the  close  of  the  last  Chapter, 
the  Spaniards,  on  their  return  to  quarters,  found  the 
construction  of  the  brigantines  completed,  and  that 

6 “Ydesde  alii  adelante,  aun-  siempre  se  rezelaua  dellos.”  Ber- 
que  mostraua  gran  voluntad  a las  nal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista, 
personas  que  eran  en  la  cojuracio,  cap.  146. 


Ch.  IV.] 


BRIGANTINES  LAUNCHED. 


87 


they  were  fully  rigged,  equipped,  and  ready  for  ser- 
vice. The  canal,  also,  after  having  occupied  eight 
thousand  men  for  nearly  two  months,  was  finished. 

It  was  a work  of  great  labor;  for  it  extended  half  a 
league  in  length,  was  twelve  feet  wide,  and  as  many 
deep.  The  sides  were  strengthened  by  palisades  of 
wood,  or  solid  masonry.  At  intervals,  dams  and 
locks  were  constructed,  and  part  of  the  opening  was 
through  the  hard  rock.  By  this  avenue  the  brigan- 
tines might  now  be  safely  introduced  on  the  lake.7 

Cortes  was  resolved  that  so  auspicious  an  event 
should  be  celebrated  with  due  solemnity.  On  the 
28th  of  April,  the  troops  were  drawn  up  under  arms, 
and  the  whole  population  of  Tezcuco  assembled  to 
witness  the  ceremony.  Mass  was  performed,  and 
every  man  in  the  army,  together  with  the  general, 
confessed  and  received  the  sacrament.  Prayers 
were  offered  up  by  father  Olmedo,  and  a bene- 
diction invoked  on  the  little  navy,  the  first  — worthy 
of  the  name  — ever  launched  on  American  waters.s 
The  signal  was  given  by  the  firing  of  a cannon, 
when  the  vessels,  dropping  down  the  canal,  one  after 
another,  reached  the  lake  in  good  order ; and,  as 

7 Ixtlilxochitl,  Venida  de  los  agua  y laguna  de  Mejico,  que  fud 
Esp.,  p.  19.  — Rel.  Terc.  de  Cor-  obrade  mucho  efecto  para  tomarse 
tes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  234.  Mejico.”  Hist,  de  Tlascala,  MS. 

“Obra  grandissima,”  exclaims  8 The  brigantines  were  still  to 
the  Conqueror,  “y  mucho  para  be  seen,  preserved,  as  precious 
ver.” — “Fueron  en  guarde  de  memorials,  long  after  the  Con- 
estos  bergantines,”  adds  Camar-  quest,  in  the  dockyards  of  Mexico, 
go,  “ mas  de  diez  mil  hombres  de  Toribio,  Hist,  de  los  Indios,  MS. 
guerra  con  los  maestros  dellas,  has-  Parte  1,  cap.  1. 
ta  que  los  armaron  y echaron  en  el 


88 


SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI. 


they  emerged  on  its  ample  bosom,  with  music  sound- 
ing, and  the  royal  ensign  of  Castile  proudly  floating 
from  their  masts,  a shout  of  admiration  arose  from 
the  countless  multitudes  of  spectators,  which  mingled 
with  the  roar  of  artillery  and  musketry  from  the  ves- 
sels and  the  shore  ! 9 It  was  a novel  spectacle  to 
the  simple  natives ; and  they  gazed  with  wonder  on 
the  gallant  ships,  which,  fluttering  like  sea-birds  on 
their  snowy  pinions,  bounded  lightly  over  the  waters, 
as  if  rejoicing  in  their  element.  It  touched  the  stern 
hearts  of  the  Conquerors  with  a glow  of  rapture,  and, 
as  they  felt  that  Heaven  had  blessed  their  undertak- 
ing, they  broke  forth,  by  general  accord,  into  the 
noble  anthem  of  the  Te  Deum.  But  there  was  no 
one  of  that  vast  multitude  for  whom  the  sight  had 
deeper  interest  than  their  commander.  For  he 
looked  on  it  as  the  work,  in  a manner,  of  his  own 
hands  ; and  his  bosom  swelled  with  exultation,  as 
he  felt  he  was  now  possessed  of  a power  strong 
enough  to  command  the  lake,  and  to  shake  the 
haughty  towers  of  Tenochtitlan.10 


9 “Deda  la  serial,  solto  la  Pre- 
sa,  fueron  saliendo  los  Vergantines, 
sin  tocar  vno  a otro,  i apartandose 
por  la  Laguna,  desplegaron  las 
Vanderas,  toco  la  Musica,  dispara- 
ron  su  Artilleria,  respondio  la  del 
Exercito,  asi  de  Castellanos,  como 
de  Indios.”  Herrera,  Hist.  Gen- 
eral, dec.  3,  lib.  1,  cap.  6. 

10  Ibid.,  ubi  supra.  — Rel.  Terc. 
de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  234. 
— Ixtlilxochitl,  Venida  de  los  Esp., 


p.  19.  — Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind., 
MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  48. 

The  last-mentioned  chronicler 
indulges  in  no  slight  swell  of  ex- 
ultation at  this  achievement  of  his 
hero,  which  in  his  opinion  throws 
into  shade  the  boasted  exploits  of 
the  great  Sesostris.  “Otrasmu- 
chas  e notables  cosas,  cuenta  este 
actor  que  he  dieho  de  aqueste  Rey 
Sesori,  en  que  no  me  quiero  deten- 
er,  ni  las  tengo  en  tanto  como  esta 


Ch.  IV.] 


MUSTER  OF  FORCES. 


89 


The  general’s  next  step  was  to  muster  his  forces 
in  the  great  square  of  the  capital.  He  found  they 
amounted  to  eighty-seven  horse,  and  eight  hundred 
and  eighteen  foot,  of  which  one  hundred  and  eigh- 
teen were  arquebusiers  and  crossbow-men.  He  had 
three  large  field-pieces  of  iron,  and  fifteen  lighter 
guns  or  falconets  of  brass.'1  The  heavier  cannon 
had  been  transported  from  Vera  Cruz  to  Tezcuco,  a 
little  while  before,  by  the  faithful  Tlascalans.  He 
was  well  supplied  with  shot  and  balls,  with  about 
ten  hundred  weight  of  powder,  and  fifty  thousand 
copper-headed  arrows,  made  after  a pattern  furnished 
by  him  to  the  natives.12  The  number  and  appoint- 
ments of  the  army  much  exceeded  what  they  had 
been  at  any  time  since  the  flight  from  Mexico,  and 
showed  the  good  effects  of  the  late  arrivals  from  the 
Islands.  Indeed,  taking  the  fleet  into  the  account, 
Cortes  had  never  before  been  in  so  good  a condition 
for  carrying  on  his  operations.  Three  hundred  of 
the  men  were  sent  to  man  the  vessels,  thirteen,  or 
rather  twelve,  in  number,  one  of  the  smallest  having 
been  found,  on  trial,  too  dull  a sailer  to  be  of  service. 
Half  of  the  crews  were  required  to  navigate  the 
ships.  There  was  some  difficulty  in  finding  hands 
for  this,  as  the  men  were  averse  to  the  employment. 
Cortes  selected  those  who  came  from  Palos,  Moguer, 

tranchea,  6 canja  que  es  dicho,  y por  la  industria  de  Hernando  Cor 
los  Vergantines  de  que  tratamos,  tes.”  Ibid.,  lib.  33,  cap.  22. 
los  quales  dieron  ocasion  a que  se  11  Rel.  Terc.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lo- 
oviesen  mayores  Thesoros  e Pro-  renzana,  p.  234. 
vincias,  e Reynos,  que  no  tuvo  Se-  12  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Con- 
sori,  para  la  corona  Real  de  Castilla  quista,  cap.  147. 

VOL.  III.  12 


90 


SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI. 


and  other  maritime  towns,  and,  notwithstanding 
their  frequent  claims  of  exemption,  as  hidalgos,  from 
this  menial  occupation,  he  pressed  them  into  the  ser- 
vice.13 Each  vessel  mounted  a piece  of  heavy  ord- 
nance, and  was  placed  under  an  officer  of  respecta- 
bility, to  whom  Cortes  gave  a general  code  of  in- 
structions for  the  government  of  the  little  navy,  of 
which  he  proposed  to  take  the  command  in  person. 

He  had  already  sent  to  his  Indian  confederates, 
announcing  his  purpose  of  immediately  laying  siege 
to  Mexico,  and  called  on  them  to  furnish  their  prom- 
ised levies,  within  the  space  of  ten  days  at  furthest. 
The  Tlascalans  he  ordered  to  join  him  in  Tezcuco ; 
the  others  were  to  assemble  at  Chaleo,  a more  con- 
venient place  of  rendezvous  for  the  operations  in  the 
southern  quarter  of  the  Valley.  The  Tlascalans 
arrived  within  the  time  prescribed,  led  by  the 
younger  Xicotencatl,  supported  by  Chichemecatl, 
the  same  doughty  warrior  who  had  convoyed  the 
brigantines  to  Tezcuco.  They  came  fifty  thousand 
strong,  according  to  Cortes,14  making  a brilliant 

13  Ibid.,  ubi  supra.  as  the  writings  of  Le  Sage,  Cer- 

Hidalguia,  besides  its  legal  priv-  vantes,  and  Lope  de  Vega  abund- 
ileges,  brought  with  it  some  fanci-  antly  show. 

ful  ones  to  its  possessor ; if,  indeed,  14  “ Y los  Capitanes  de  Tascal- 
it  be  considered  a privilege  to  have  tecal  con  toda  su  gente,  muy  luci- 

excluded  him  from  many  a humble,  da,  y bien  armada, y segun 

but  honest,  calling,  by  which  the  la  cuenta,  que  los  Capitanes  nos 
poor  man  might  have  gained  his  di6ron,  pasaban  de  cinquenta  mil 
bread.  (For  an  amusing  account  Hombres  de  Guerra.”  (Rel.  Terc. 
of  these,  see  Doblado’s  Letters  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  236.) 
from  Spain,  let.  2.)  In  no  coun-  “I  toda  la  Gente,”  adds  Herrera, 
try  has  the  poor  gentleman  afforded  “ tardo  tres  Dias  en  entrar,  segun 
so  rich  a theme  for  the  satirist,  en  sus  Memoriales  dice  Alonso  de 


Ch.  IV/] 


MUSTER  OF  FORCES. 


91 


show  with  then-  military  finery,  and  marching  proud- 
ly forward  under  the  great  national  banner,  embla- 
zoned with  a spread  eagle,  the  arms  of  the  republic.15 
With  as  blithe  and  manly  a step,  as  if  they  were 
going  to  the  battle-ground,  they  defiled  through  the 
gates  of  the  capital,  making  its  walls  ring  with  the 
friendly  shouts  of  “ Castile  and  Tlascala.” 

The  observations,  which  Cortes  had  made  in  his 
late  tour  of  reconnaissance , had  determined  him  to 
begin  the  siege  by  distributing  his  forces  into  three 
separate  camps,  which  he  proposed  to  establish  at 
the  extremities  of  the  principal  causeways.  By  this 
arrangement  the  troops  would  be  enabled  to  move  in 
concert  on  the  capital,  and  be  in  the  best  position  to 
intercept  its  supplies  from  the  surrounding  country. 
The  first  of  these  points  was  Tacuba,  commanding 
the  fatal  causeway  of  the  noche  triste.  This  was 
assigned  to  Pedro  de  Alvarado,  with  a force  consist- 
ing, according  to  Cortes’  own  statement,  of  thirty 
horse,  one  hundred  and  sixty-eight  Spanish  infantry, 
and  five  and  twenty  thousand  Tlascalans.  Christo- 
val  de  Olid  had  command  of  the  second  army,  of 
much  the  same  magnitude,  which  was  to  take  up  its 
position  at  Cojohuacan,  the  city,  it  will  be  remem- 


Ojeda,  ni  con  ser  Tezcuco  tan  gran  of  gold,  Clavigero  considers  as  the 
Ciudad,  cabian  en  ella.”  Hist,  arms  of  the  republic.  (Clavigero, 
General,  dec.  3,  lib.  1,  cap.  13.  Stor.  del  Messico,tom.  II.  p.  145.) 

lo  “ Y sus  vaderas  tedidas,  y el  But,  as  Bernal  Diaz  speaks  of  it 
aue  blaca  q tienen  por  armas,  q pa-  as  “ white,”  it  may  have  been  the 
rece  aguila,  con  sus  alas  tendidas.”  white  heron,  which  belonged  to 
(Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Con-  the  house  of  Xicotencatl. 
quista,  cap.  149.)  A spread  eagle 


92 


SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI 


bered,  overlooking  the  short  causeway  connected 
with  that  of  Iztapalapan.  Gonzalo  de  Sandoval  had 
charge  of  the  third  division,  of  equal  strength  with 
each  of  the  two  preceding,  but  which  was  to  draw 
its  Indian  levies  from  the  forces  assembled  at  Chaleo. 
This  officer  was  to  march  on  Iztapalapan,  and  com- 
plete the  destruction  of  that  city,  begun  by  Cortes 
soon  after  his  entrance  into  the  Valley.  It  was  too 
formidable  a post  to  remain  in  the  rear  of  the  army. 
The  general  intended  to  support  the  attack  with  his 
brigantines,  after  which  the  subsequent  movements 
of  Sandoval  would  be  determined  by  circumstances.16 

Having  announced  his  intended  dispositions  to  his 
officers,  the  Spanish  commander  called  his  troops 
together,  and  made  one  of  those  brief  and  stirring 
harangues,  with  which  he  was  wont  on  great  occa- 
sions to  kindle  the  hearts  of  his  soldiery.  “ I have 
tpken  the  last  step,”  he  said ; “ I have  brought  you 
to  the  goal  for  which  you  have  so  long  panted.  A 
few  days  will  place  you  before  the  gates  of  Mexico, 
— the  capital  from  which  you  were  driven  with  so 
much  ignominy.  But  we  now  go  forward  under  the 
smiles  of  Providence.  Does  any  one  doubt  it  ? Let 
him  but  compare  our  present  condition  with  that  in 
which  we  found  ourselves  not  twelve  m(  Rths  since, 
when,  broken  and  dispirited,  we  sought  shelter  within 

16  The  precise  amount  of  each  di-  and  in  Sandoval's,  24  horse,  167 
vision,  as  given  by  Cortes,  was,  — infantry,  30,000  Indians.  — (Rel. 
in  that  of  Alvarado,  30  horse,  168  Terc.,ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  236.)  Diaz 
Castilian  infantry,  and  25,000  Tlas-  reduces  the  number  of  native  troops 
calan  ; in  that  of  Olid,  33  horse,  to  one  third.  Hist,  de  la  Conquis 
178  infantry,  20,000  Tlascalans ; ta,  cap.  150. 


Ch.  IV.] 


MUSTER  OF  FORCES. 


93 


the  walls  of  Tlascala ; nay,  with  that  in  which  we 
were  but  a few  months  since,  when  we  took  up  our 
quarters  in  Tezcuco.17  Since  that  time  our  strength 
has  been  nearly  doubled.  We  are  fighting  the  bat- 
tles of  the  Faith,  fighting  for  our  honor,  for  riches,  for 
revenge.  I have  brought  you  face  to  face  with  your 
foe.  It  is  for  you  to  do  the  rest.”  13 

The  address  of  the  bold  chief  was  answered  by 
the  thundering  acclamations  of  his  followers,  who 
declared  that  every  man  would  do  his  duty  under 
such  a leader ; and  they  only  asked  to  be  led  against 
the  enemy.19  Cortes  then  caused  the  regulations 
for  the  army,  published  at  Tlascala,  to  be  read  again 
to  the  troops,  with  the  assurance  that  they  should  be 
enforced  to  the  letter. 

It  was  arranged,  that  the  Indian  forces  should 
precede  the  Spanish  by  a day’s  march,  and  should 
halt  for  their  confederates  on  the  borders  of  the 


17  “ Que  se  alegrassen,  y esfor- 
zassen  mucho,  pues  que  veian,  que 
nuestro  Senor  nos  encaminaba  para 
haber  victoria  de  nuestros  Enemi- 
gos  : porque  bien  sabian,  que  quan- 
do  habiamos  entrado  en  Tesaico, 
no  habiamos  trahido  mas  de  qua- 
renta  de  Caballo,  y que  Dios  nos 
habia  socorrido  mejor,  que  lo  ha- 
biamos pensado.”  Rel.  Terc.  de 
Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  235. 

18  Oviedo  expands,  what  he, 
nevertheless,  calls  the  “brebe  e 
substancial  oracion  ” of  Cortes,  in- 
to treble  the  length  of  it,  as  found 
in  the  general's  own  pages ; in 
which  he  is  imitated  by  most  of 


the  other  chroniclers.  Hist,  de  las 
Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  22. 

19  “ Y con  estas  ultimas  palabras 
cqso  ; y todos  respondieron  sin  dis- 
crepancia,  e a.  una  voce  dicentes  : 
Sirvanse  Dios  y el  Emperador  nu- 
estro Senor  de  tan  buen  capitan,  y 
de  nosotros,  que  asi  lo  haremos  to- 
dos  como  quien  somos,  y como  se 
debe  esperar  de  buenos  Espanoles, 
y con  tanta  voluntad,  y deseo  , 
dicho  que  parecia  que  cada  hora 
les  era  perder  vn  ano  de  tiempo  por 
estar  ya  a las  manos  con  los  Ene- 
migos.”  Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind., 
MS.,  ubi  supra. 


94 


SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI. 


Tezcucan  territory.  A circumstance  occurred  soon 
after  their  departure,  which  gave  bad  augury  for  the 
future.  A quarrel  had  arisen  in  the  camp  at  Tezcu- 
co,  between  a Spanish  soldier  and  a Tlascalan  chief, 
in  which  the  latter  was  badly  hurt.  He  was  sent 
back  to  Tlascala,  and  the  matter  was  hushed  up, 
that  it  might  not  reach  the  ears  of  the  general,  who, 
it  was  known,  would  not  pass  it  over  lightly.  Xico- 
tencatl  was  a near  relative  of  the  injured  party,  and, 
on  the  first  day’s  halt,  he  took  the  opportunity  to 
leave  the  army,  with  a number  of  his  followers,  and 
set  off  for  Tlascala.  Other  causes  are  assigned  for 
his  desertion.20  It  is  certain,  that,  from  the  first,  he 
had  looked  on  the  expedition  with  an  evil  eye,  and 
had  predicted  that  no  good  would  come  of  it.  He 
came  into  it  with  reluctance,  as,  indeed,  he  detested 
the  Spaniards  in  his  heart. 

His  partner  in  the  command  instantly  sent  infor- 
mation of  the  affair  to  the  Spanish  general,  still 
encamped  at  Tezcuco.  Cortes,  who  saw  at  once 
the  mischievous  consequences  of  this  defection  at 
such  a time,  detached  a party  of  Tlascalan  and  Tez- 
cucan Indians  after  the  fugitive,  with  instructions  to 
prevail  on  him,  if  possible,  to  return  to  his  duty. 
They  overtook  him  on  the  road,  and  remonstrated 
with  him  on  his  conduct,  contrasting  it  with  that  of 

90  According  to  Diaz,  the  desire  carried  him  home.  (Hist.  Gene- 
to  possess  himself  of  the  lands  of  ral,  dec.  3,  lib.  1,  cap.  17.)  Both 
his  comrade  Chichemecatl,  who  re-  and  all  agree  on  the  chief's  aver- 
mained  with  the  army;  (Hist,  de  la  sion  to  the  Spaniards,  and  to  the 
Conquista,  cap.  150  ;)  according  war. 
to  Herrera,  it  was  an  amour  that 


C u *V.] 


EXECUTION  OF  XICOTENCATL. 


95 


his  countrymen  generally,  and  of  his  own  father  in 
particular,  the  steady  friend  of  the  white  men.  “So 
much  the  worse,”  replied  the  chieftain  ; “ if  they 
had  taken  my  counsel,  they  would  never  have  be- 
come the  dupes  of  the  perfidious  strangers.”21  Find- 
ing their  remonstrances  received  only  with  anger  or 
contemptuous  taunts,  the  emissaries  returned  with- 
out accomplishing  their  object. 

Cortes  did  not  hesitate  on  the  course  he  was  to 
pursue.  “Xicotencatl,”  he  said,  “had  always  been 
the  enemy  of  the  Spaniards,  first  in  the  field,  and 
since  in  the  council-chamber ; openly,  or  in  secret, 
still  the  same, — their  implacable  enemy.  There 
was  no  use  in  parleying  with  the  false-hearted  Indi- 
an.” He  instantly  despatched  a small  body  of  horse 
with  an  alguacil  to  arrest  the  chief,  wherever  he 
might  be  found,  even  though  it  were  in  the  streets 
of  Tlascala,  and  to  bring  him  back  to  Tezcuco.  At 
the  same  time,  he  sent  information  of  Xicotencatl’s 
proceedings  to  the  Tlascalan  senate,  adding,  that 
desertion  among  the  Spaniards  was  punished  with 
death. 

The  emissaries  of  Cortes  punctually  fulfilled  his 
orders.  They  arrested  the  fugitive  chief, — whether  in 
Tlascala  or  in  its  neighbourhood  is  uncertain,  — and 
brought  him  a prisoner  to  Tezcuco,  where  a high 

21  “ Y la  respuesta  que  le  embio  todo  lo  que  quiere  : y por  no  gastar 
& dezir  fue,  que  si  el  viejo  de  su  mas  palal>ras,  dixo,  que  no  queria 
padre,  y Masse  Escaci  le  huvieran  venir.”  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la 
creido,  que  no  se  huvieran  senore-  Conquista,  cap.  150. 
ado  tanto  dellos,  que  les  haze  hazer 


96  SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI. 

gallows,  erected  in  the  great  square,  was  prepared  for 
his  reception.  He  was  instantly  led  to  the  place  of 
execution ; his  sentence  and  the  cause  for  which  he 
suffered  were  publicly  proclaimed,  and  the  unfortu- 
nate cacique  expiated  his  offence  by  the  vile  death 
of  a malefactor.  His  ample  property,  consisting  of 
lands,  slaves,  and  some  gold,  was  all  confiscated  to 
the  Castilian  crown.22 

Thus  perished  Xicotencatl,  in  the  flower  of  his 
age,  — as  dauntless  a warrior  as  ever  led  an  Indian 
army  to  battle.  He  was  the  first  chief  who  success- 
fully resisted  the  arms  of  the  invaders ; and,  had  the 
natives  of  Anahuac,  generally,  been  animated  with 
a spirit  like  his,  Cortes  would  probably  never  have 
set  foot  in  the  capital  of  Montezuma.  He  was 
gifted  with  a clearer  insight  into  the  future  than  his 
countrymen ; for  he  saw  that  the  European  was  an 
enemy  far  more  to  be  dreaded  than  the  Aztec.  Yet, 


22  So  says  Herrera,  who  had 
the  Memorial  of  Ojeda  in  his  pos- 
session, one  of  the  Spaniards  em- 
ployed to  apprehend  the  chieftain. 
(Hist.  General,  dec.  3,  lib  1,  cap. 
17,  and  Torquemada,  Monarch. 
Ind.,  lib.  4,  cap.  90.)  Bernal 
Diaz,  on  the  other  hand,  says,  that 
the  Tlasealan  chief  was  taken  and 
executed  on  the  road.  (Hist,  de 
la  Conquista,  cap.  150.)  But  the 
latter  chronicler  was  probably  ab- 
sent at  the  time  with  Alvarado’s 
division,  in  which  he  served.  — 
Solis,  however,  prefers  his  testi- 
mony, on  the  ground,  that  Cortes 


would  not  have  hazarded  the  ex- 
ecution of  Xicotencatl  before  the 
eyes  of  his  own  troops.  (Con- 
quista, lib.  5,  cap.  19.)  But  the 
Tlascalans  were  already  well  on 
their  way  towards  Tacuba.  A 
very  few  only  could  have  remained 
in  Tezcuco,  which  was  occupied 
by  the  citizens  and  the  Castilian 
army,  — neither  of  them  very  likely 
to  interfere  in  the  prisoner's  behalf. 
His  execution  there  would  be  an 
easier  matter  than  in  the  terri- 
tory of  Tlascala,  which  he  had 
probably  reached  before  his  appre- 
hension. 


) 


Ch.  IV.] 


MARCH  OF  THE  ARM  V. 


97 


when  he  consented  to  fight  under  the  banner  of  the 
wrhite  men,  he  had  no  right  to  desert  it,  and  he 
incurred  the  penalty  prescribed  by  the  code  of  savage 
as  well  as  of  civilized  nations.  It  is  said,  indeed, 
that  the  Tlascalan  senate  aided  in  apprehending 
him,  having  previously  answered  Cortes,  that  his 
crime  was  punishable  with  death  by  their  own  laws.23 
It  was  a bold  act,  however,  thus  to  execute  him  in 
the  midst  of  his  people.  For  he  was  a powerful 
chief,  heir  to  one  of  the  four  seigniories  of  the  re- 
public. His  chivalrous  qualities  made  him  popular, 
especially  with  the  younger  part  of  his  countrymen ; 
and  his  garments  were  torn  into  shreds  at  his  death, 
and  distributed  as  sacred  relics  among  them.  Still, 
no  resistance  was  offered  to  the  execution  of  the 
sentence,  and  no  commotion  followed  it.  He  was 
the  only  Tlascalan  who  ever  swerved  from  his  loy- 
alty to  the  Spaniards. 

According  to  the  plan  of  operations  settled  by 
Cortes,  Sandoval,  with  his  division,  was  to  take  a 
southern  direction,  while  Alvarado  and  Olid  would 
make  the  northern  circuit  of  the  lakes.  These  two 
cavaliers,  after  getting  possession  of  Tacuba,  were 
to  advance  to  Chapoltepec,  and  demolish  the  great 
aqueduct  there,  which  supplied  Mexico  with  water. 
On  the  10th  of  May,  they  commenced  their  march; 
but  at  Acolman,  where  they  halted  for  the  night,  a 
dispute  arose  between  the  soldiers  of  the  two  divis- 

23  Herrera,  Hist.  General,  dec.  3,  lib.  1,  cap.  17. — Torquemada, 
Monarch.  Ind.,  lib.  4,  cap.  90. 

VOL.  III.  13 


98  SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI. 

ions,  respecting  their  quarters.  From  words  they 
came  to  blows,  and  a defiance  was  even  exchanged 
between  the  leaders,  who  entered  into  the  angry 
feelings  of  their  followers.24  Intelligence  of  this  was 
soon  communicated  to  Cortes,  who  sent  at  once  to 
the  fiery  chiefs,  imploring  them,  by  their  regard  for 
him  and  the  common  cause,  to  lay  aside  their  differ- 
ences, which  must  end  in  their  own  ruin,  and  that 
of  the  expedition.  His  remonstrance  prevailed,  at 
least,  so  far  as  to  establish  a show  of  reconciliation 
between  the  parties.  But  Olid  was  not  a man  to 
forget,  or  easily  to  forgive ; and  Alvarado,  though 
frank  and  liberal,  had  an  impatient  temper  much 
more  easily  excited  than  appeased.  They  were 
never  afterwards  friends.25 

The  Spaniards  met  with  no  opposition  on  their 
march.  The  principal  towns  were  all  abandoned  by 
the  inhabitants,  who  had  gone  to  strengthen  the 
garrison  of  Mexico,  or  taken  refuge  with  their  fam- 
ilies among  the  mountains.  Tacuba  was  in  like 
manner  deserted,  and  the  troops  once  more  estab- 
lished themselves  in  their  old  quarters  in  the  lordly 
city  of  the  Tepanecs.26 


24  “ Y sobre  ello  ya  auiamos 
echado  mano  a las  armas  los  de 
nuestra  Capitania  contra  los  de 
Christoual  de  Oli,  y aun  los  Cap- 
itanes  desafiados.”  Bernal  Diaz, 
Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  150. 

25  Ibid.,  loc.  cit. — Rel.  Terc. 
de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  237. 
— Gomara,  Cronica,  cap.  130. — 


Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS., 
lib.  33,  cap.  22. 

26  The  Tepanec  capital,  shorn 
of  its  ancient  splendors,  is  now 
only  interesting  from  its  historic 
associations.  “These  plains  of 
Tacuba,”  says  the  spirited  author 
of  “Life  in  Mexico,”  “once  the 
theatre  of  fierce  and  bloody  con- 


Ch.  IV.] 


MARCH  OF  THE  ARMY. 


99 


Their  first  undertaking  was,  to  cut  off  the  pipes 
that  conducted  the  water  from  the  royal  streams  of 
Chapoltepec  to  feed  the  numerous  tanks  and  foun- 
tains which  sparkled  in  the  court-yards  of  the  cap- 
ital. The  aqueduct,  partly  constructed  of  brick- 
work, and  partly  of  stone  and  mortar,  was  raised  on 
a strong,  though  narrow,  dike,  which  transported  it 
across  an  arm  of  the  lake ; and  the  whole  work  was 
one  of  the  most  pleasing  monuments  of  Mexican 
civilization.  The  Indians,  well  aware  of  its  impor- 
tance, had  stationed  a large  body  of  troops  for  its 
protection.  A battle  followed,  in  which  both  sides 
suffered  considerably,  but  the  Spaniards  were  victo- 
rious. A part  of  the  aqueduct  was  demolished,  and 
during  the  siege  no  water  found  its  way  again  to 
the  capital  through  this  channel. 

On  the  following  day,  the  combined  forces  de- 
scended on  the  fatal  causeway,  to  make  themselves 
masters,  if  possible,  of  the  nearest  bridge.  They 
found  the  dike  covered  with  a swarm  of  warriors, 
as  numerous  as  on  the  night  of  their  disaster,  while 
the  surface  of  the  lake  was  dark  with  the  multitude 
of  canoes.  The  intrepid  Christians  strove  to  ad- 
vance under  a perfect  hurricane  of  missiles  from  the 
water  and  the  land,  but  they  made  slow  progress. 

flicts,  and  where,  during  the  siege  ined  church,  and  some  traces  of  a 

of  Mexico,  Alvarado  “ of  the  leap”  building,  which assured  us 

fixed  his  camp,  now  present  a had  been  the  palace  of  their  last 
very  tranquil  scene.  Taeuba  it-  monarch ; whilst  others  declare  it 
self  is  now  a small  village  of  mud  to  have  been  the  site  of  the  Spanish 
huts,  with  some  fine  old  trees,  a encampment.”  Vol.  I.  let.  13. 
few  very  old  ruined  houses,  a ru- 


100 


SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI. 


Barricades  thrown  across  the  causeway  embarrassed 
the  cavalry,  and  rendered  it  nearly  useless.  The 
sides  of  the  Indian  boats  were  fortified  with  bul- 
warks, which  shielded  the  crews  from  the  arque- 
buses and  crossbows  ; and,  when  the  warriors  on 
the  dike  were  hard  pushed  by  the  pike-men,  they 
threw  themselves  fearlessly  into  the  water,  as  if  it 
were  their  native  element,  and,  reappearing  along 
the  sides  of  the  dike,  shot  off  their  arrows  and  jave- 
lins with  fatal  execution.  After  a long  and  obstinate 
struggle,  the  Christians  were  compelled  to  fall  back 
on  their  own  quarters  with  disgrace,  and  — including 
the  allies  — with  nearly  as  much  damage  as  they 
had  inflicted  on  the  enemy.  Olid,  disgusted  with 
the  result  of  the  engagement,  inveighed  against  his 
companion,  as  having  involved  them  in  it  by  his 
wanton  temerity,  and  drew  off  his  forces  the  next 
morning  to  his  own  station  at  Cojolmacan. 

The  camps,  separated  by  only  two  leagues,  main- 
tained an  easy  communication  with  each  other. 
They  found  abundant  employment  in  foraging  the 
neighbouring  country  for  provisions,  and  in  repelling 
the  active  sallies  of  the  enemy ; on  whom  they  took 
their  revenge  by  cutting  off  his  supplies.  But  their 
own  position  was  precarious,  and  they  looked  with 
impatience  for  the  arrival  of  the  brigantines  under 
Cortes.  It  was  in  the  latter  part  of  May,  that  Olid 
took  up  his  quarters  at  Cojohuacan ; and  from  that 
time  may  be  dated  the  commencement  of  the  siege 
of  Mexico.27 


27  Rel.  Terc.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  pp.  237-239.  — Ixtlilxo- 


Ch  IV.] 


BEGINNING  OF  THE  SIEGE. 


101 


chitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  94. 
— Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS., 
lib.  33,  cap.  22.  — Bernal  Diaz, 
Hist,  de  1a,  Conquista,  cap.  50.  — 
Gomara,  Cronica,  cap.  130. 

Clavigero  settles  this  date  at  the 
day  of  Corpus  Christi,  May  30th. 
(Clavigero,  Stor.  del  Messico,  tom. 
III.  p.  196.)  But  the  Spaniards 
left  Tezcuco,  May  10th,  according 
to  Cortes : and  three  weeks  could 


not  have  intervened  between  their 
departure,  and  their  occupation  of 
Cojohuacan.  Clavigero  disposes 
of  this  difficulty,  it  is  true,  by 
dating  the  beginning  of  their 
march  on  the  20th,  instead  of  the 
10th  of  May  ; following  the  chro- 
nology of  Herrera,  instead  of  that 
of  Cortes.  Surely,  the  general  is 
the  better  authority  of  the  two. 


CHAPTER  V. 


Indian  Flotilla  defeated. — Occupation  of  the  Causeways. — 
Desperate  Assaults. — Firing  of  the  Palaces. — Spirit  of 
the  Besieged.  — Barracks  for  the  Troops. 

1521. 

No  sooner  had  Cortes  received  intelligence  that 
his  two  officers  had  established  themselves  in  their 
respective  posts,  than  he  ordered  Sandoval  to  march 
on  Iztapalapan.  The  cavalier’s  route  led  him 
through  a country  for  the  most  part  friendly ; and  at 
Chaleo  his  little  body  of  Spaniards  was  swelled  by 
the  formidable  muster  of  Indian  levies  who  awaited 
there  his  approach.  After  this  junction,  he  contin- 
ued his  march  without  opposition  till  he  arrived 
before  the  hostile  city,  under  whose  walls  he  found 
a large  force  drawn  up  to  receive  him.  A battle 
followed,  and  the  natives,  after  maintaining  their 
ground  sturdily  for  some  time,  were  compelled  to 
give  way,  and  to  seek  refuge  either  on  the  water,  or 
in  that  part  of  the  town  which  hung  over  it.  The 
remainder  was  speedily  occupied  by  the  Spaniards. 

Meanwhile  Cortes  had  set  sail  with  his  flotilla, 
intending  to  support  his  lieutenant’s  attack  by  water. 
On  drawing  near  the  southern  shore  of  the  lake,  he 
passed  under  the  shadow  of  an  insulated  peak,  since 


Ch.  V.] 


INDIAN  FLOTILLA  DEFEATED. 


103 


named  from  him  the  “ Rock  of  the  Marquess,”  It 
was  held  by  a body  of  Indians,  who  saluted  the 
fleet,  as  it  passed, with  showers  of  stones  and  arrows. 
Cortes,  resolving  to  punish  their  audacity,  and  to 
clear  the  lake  of  his  troublesome  enemy,  instantly 
landed  with  a hundred  and  fifty  of  his  followers. 
He  placed  himself  at  their  head,  scaled  the  steep 
ascent,  in  the  face  of  a driving  storm  of  missiles, 
and,  reaching  the  summit,  put  the  garrison  to  the 
sword.  There  was  a number  of  women  and  child- 
ren, also,  gathered  in  the  place,  whom  he  spared.1 

On  the  top  of  the  eminence  was  a blazing  bea- 
con, serving  to  notify  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  cap- 
ital when  the  Spanish  fleet  weighed  anchor.  Be- 
fore Cortes  had  regained  his  brigantine,  the  canoes 
and  piraguas  of  the  enemy  had  left  the  harbours  of 
Mexico,  and  were  seen  darkening  the  lake  for  many 
a rood.  There  were  several  hundred  of  them,  all 
crowded  with  warriors,  and  advancing  rapidly  by 
means  of  their  oars  over  the  calm  bosom  of  the 
waters.2 

Cortes,  who  regarded  his  fleet,  to  use  his  own  lan 
guage,  as  “ the  key  of  the  war,”  felt  the  importance 
of  striking  a decisive  blow  in  the  first  encounter  with 

1 It  was  a beautiful  victory,”  2 About  five  hundred  boats,  ac- 
exclaims  the  Conqueror.  “E  en-  cording  to  the  general’s  own  esti- 
tmmoslos  de  tal  manera,  que  nin-  mate;  (Ibid.,  loc.  cit. ;)  but  more 
guno  de  ellos  se  escapo,  excepto  than  four  thousand  according  to 
las  Mugeres,  y Ninos  ; y en  este  Bernal  Diaz ; (Hist,  de  la  Con- 
combate  me  hirieron  veinte  y cinco  quista,  cap.  150  ;)  who,  however, 
Espaiioles,  pero  fue  muy  hermosa  was  not  present. 

Victoria.”  Rel.  Terc.,  ap.  Loren- 
zana,  p.  241. 


104  SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI. 

the  enemy.3  It  was  with  chagrin,  therefore,  that  he 
found  his  sails  rendered  useless  by  the  want  of  wind. 
He  calmly  waited  the  approach  of  the  Indian  squad- 
ron, which,  however,  ley  on  their  oars,  at  something 
more  than  musket-shol  distance,  as  if  hesitating  to 
encounter  these  leviathans  of  their  waters.  At  this 
moment,  a light  air  from  land  rippled  the  surface  of 
the  lake ; it  gradually  freshened  into  a breeze,  and 
Cortes,  taking  advantage  of  the  friendly  succour, 
which  he  may  be  excused,  under  all  the  circum- 
stances, for  regarding  as  especially  sent  him  by 
Heaven,  extended  his  line  of  battle,  and  bore  down, 
under  full  press  of  canvass,  on  the  enemy.4 

The  latter  no  sooner  encountered  the  bows  of 
their  formidable  opponents,  than  they  were  overturn- 
ed and  sent  to  the  bottom  by  the  shock,  or  so  much 
damaged  that  they  speedily  filled  and  sank.  The 
water  was  covered  with  the  wreck  of  broken  canoes, 
and  with  the  bodies  of  men  struggling  for  life  in  the 
waves,  and  vainly  imploring  their  companions  to  take 
them  on  board  their  over-crowded  vessels.  The 
Spanish  fleet,  as  it  dashed  through  the  mob  of 
boats,  sent  off  its  volleys  to  the  right  and  left  with  a 
terrible  effect,  completing  the  discomfiture  of  the 
Aztecs.  The  latter  made  no  attempt  at  resistance, 

3 “ Y como  yo  deseaba  macho,  los.”  Rel.  Terc.,  ap.  Lorenzana, 
que  el  primer  reencuentro,  que  con  pp.  241,  242. 
ellos  obiessemos,  fuesse  de  mucha  4 “ Plugo  a nuestro  Seiior,  que 

victoria ; y se  hiciesse  de  manera,  estandonos  mirando  los  unos  a los 
que  ellos  cobrassen  mucho  temor  otros,  vino  un  viento  de  la  Tierra 
de  los  bergantines,  porque  la  Have  muy  favorable  para  embestir  con 
de  toda  la  Guerra  estaba  en  el-  ellos.”  Ibid.,  p.  242. 


Cn.  V.]  INDIAN  FLOTILLA  DEFEATED.  105 

scarcely  venturing  a single  flight  of  arrows,  but 
strove  with  all  their  strength  to  regain  the  port 
from  which  they  had  so  lately  issued.  They  were  no 
match  in  the  chase,  any  more  than  in  the  fight,  for 
their  terrible  antagonist,  who,  borne  on  the  wings  of 
the  wind,  careered  to  and  fro  at  his  pleasure,  dealing 
death  widely  around  him,  and  making  the  shores 
ring  with  the  thunders  of  his  ordnance.  A few 
only  of  the  Indian  flotilla  succeeded  in  recovering 
the  port,  and,  gliding  up  the  canals,  found  a shelter 
in  the  bosom  of  the  city,  where  the  heavier  burden 
of  the  brigantines  made  it  impossible  for  them  to 
follow.  This  victory,  more  complete  than  even  the 
sanguine  temper  of  Cortes  had  prognosticated,  prov- 
ed the  superiority  of  the  Spaniards,  and  left  them, 
henceforth,  undisputed  masters  of  the  Aztec  sea.5 

It  was  nearly  dusk,  when  the  squadron,  coasting 
along  the  great  southern  causeway,  anchored  off  the 
point  of  junction,  called  Xoloc,  where  the  branch 
from  Cojohuacan  meets  the  principal  dike.  The 
avenue  widened  at  this  point,  so  as  to  afford  room 
for  two  towers,  or  turreted  temples,  built  of  stone, 


5 Ibid.,  loc.  cit.  — Oviedo,  Hist, 
de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  48. 
— Sahagun,  Hist,  de  Nueva  Es- 
pana,  MS.,  lib.  12,  cap.  32. 

I may  be  excused  for  again 
quoting  a few  verses  from  a beau- 
tiful description  in  “ Madoc,”  and 
one  as  pertinent  as  it  is  beautiful. 
“Their  thousand  boats,  and  the  ten  thousand 
oars 

From  whose  broad  bowls  the  waters  fall  and 
flash, 


And  twice  ten  thousand  feathered  helm3, 
and  shields, 

Glittering  with  gold  and  scarlet  plumery. 

Onward  they  come  with  song  and  swell.ng 
hom; 

On  the  other  side 

Advance  the  British  barks;  the  freshening 
breeze 

Fills  the  broad  sail ; around  the  rushing 
keel 

The  waters  sing,  while  proudly  they  sail  on, 

Lords  of  the  water.” 

Madoc,  Part  2,  canto  25. 


VOL.  III. 


14 


106 


SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI. 


and  surrounded  by  walls  of  the  same  material,  which 
presented  altogether  a position  of  some  strength, 
and,  at  the  present  moment,  was  garrisoned  by  a 
body  of  Aztecs.  They  were  not  numerous,  and 
Cortes,  landing  with  his  soldiers,  succeeded  without 
much  difficulty  in  dislodging  the  enemy,  and  in  get- 
ing  possession  of  the  works. 

It  seems  to  have  been  originally  the  general’s 
design,  to  take  up  his  own  quarters  with  Olid  at 
Cojohuacan.  But,  if  so,  he  now  changed  his  pur- 
pose, and  wisely  fixed  on  this  spot,  as  the  best  posi- 
tion for  his  encampment.  It  was  but  half  a league 
distant  from  the  capital ; and,  while  it  commanded 
its  great  southern  avenue,  had  a direct  communica- 
tion with  the  garrison  at  Cojohuacan,  through  which 
he  might  receive  supplies  from  the  surrounding  coun- 
try. Here,  then,  he  determined  to  establish  his  head- 
quarters. He  at  once  caused  his  heavy  iron  cannon 
to  be  transferred  from  the  brigantines  to  the  cause- 
way, and  sent  orders  to  Olid  to  join  him  with  half 
his  force,  while  Sandoval  was  instructed  to  abandon 
his  present  quarters,  and  advance  to  Cojohuacan, 
whence  he  was  to  detach  fifty  picked  men  of  his 
infantry  to  the  camp  of  Cortes.  Having  made  these 
arrangements,  the  general  busily  occupied  himself 
with  strengthening  the  works  at  Xoloc,  and  putting 
them  in  the  best  posture  of  defence. 

During  the  first  five  or  six  days  after  their  en- 
campment, the  Spaniards  experienced  much  annoy- 
ance from  the  enemy,  who  too  late  endeavoured  to 
prevent  their  taking  up  a position  so  near  the  cap- 


Ch.  V.]  OCCUPATION  OF  THE  CAUSEWAYS.  107 

ital,  and  which,  had  they  known  much  of  the  science 
of  war,  they  would  have  taken  better  care  them- 
selves to  secure.  Contrary  to  their  usual  practice, 
the  Indians  made  their  attacks  by  night  as  well  as 
by  day.  The  water  swarmed  with  canoes,  which 
hovered  at  a distance  in  terror  of  the  brigantines, 
but  still  approached  near  enough,  especially  under 
cover  of  the  darkness,  to  send  showers  of  arrows 
into  the  Christian  camp,  that  fell  so  thick  as  to 
hide  the  surface  of  the  ground,  and  impede  the 
movements  of  the  soldiers.  Others  ran  along  the 
western  side  of  the  causeway,  unprotected,  as  it 
was,  by  the  Spanish  fleet,  and  plied  their  archery 
with  such  galling  effect,  that  the  Spaniards  were 
forced  to  make  a temporary  breach  in  the  dike,  wide 
enough  to  admit  two  of  their  own  smaller  vessels, 
which,  passing  through,  soon  obtained  as  entire 
command  of  the  interior  basin,  as  they  before  had 
of  the  outer.  Still,  the  bold  barbarians,  advancing 
along  the  causeway,  marched  up  within  bow-shot 
of  the  Christian  ramparts,  sending  forth  such  yells 
and  discordant  battle-cries,  that  it  seemed,  in  the 
words  of  Cortes,  “ as  if  heaven  and  earth  were 
coming  together.”  But  they  were  severely  punished 
for  their  temerity,  as  the  batteries,  which  command- 
ed the  approaches  to  the  camp,  opened  a desolating 
fire,  that  scattered  the  assailants,  and  drove  them 
back  in  confusion  to  their  own  quarters.6 

6 “ Y era  tanta  la  multitud,”  te,  y daban  tantas  gritas,  y alari- 
says  Cortes,  “ que  por  el  Agua,  y dos,  que  parecia  que  se  hundia  el 
por  la  Tierra  no  viamos  sino  Gen-  Mundo.”'  Ibid.,  p.245. — Oviedo, 


108 


SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI. 


The  two  principal  avenues  to  Mexico,  those  on 
the  south  and  the  west,  were  now  occupied  by  the 
Christians.  There  still  remained  a third,  the  great 
dike  of  Tepejacac,  on  the  north,  which,  indeed, 
taking  up  the  principal  street,  that  passed  in  a direct 
line  through  the  heart  of  the  city,  might  be  regarded 
as  a continuation  of  the  dike  of  Iztapalapan.  By 
this  northern  route  a means  of  escape  was  still  left 
open  to  the  besieged,  and  they  availed  themselves 
of  it,  at  present,  to  maintain  their  communications 
with  the  country,  and  to  supply  themselves  with 
provisions.  Alvarado,  who  observed  this  from  his 
station  at  Tacuba,  advised  his  commander  of  it,  and 
the  latter  instructed  Sandoval  to  take  up  his  position 
on  the  causeway.  That  officer,  though  suffering,  at 
the  time,  from  a severe  wound,  received  from  a lance 
in  one  of  the  late  skirmishes,  hastened  to  obey ; and 
thus,  by  shutting  up  its  only  communication  with  the 
surrounding  country,  completed  the  blockade  of  the 
capital.7 

But  Cortes  was  not  content  to  wait  patiently  the 
effects  of  a dilatory  blockade,  which  might  exhaust 
the  patience  of  his  allies,  and  his  own  resources. 
He  determined  to  support  it  by  such  active  assaults 
on  the  city,  as  should  still  further  distress  the  be- 
sieged, and  hasten  the  hour  of  surrender.  For  this 

Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  renzana,  pp.  246,  247. — Bernal 
23.  — Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap. 
MS.,  cap.  95.  — Sahagun,  Hist.  150.  — Herrera,  Hist,  de  las  Ind., 
de  Nueva  Espaiia,  MS.,  lib.  12,  dec.  3,  lib.  1,  cap.  17. — Defensa 
cap.  32.  MS.,  cap.  28. 

7 Rel.  Terc.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lo- 


Ch.  V.] 


DESPERATE  ASSAULTS. 


109 


purpose,  lie  ordered  a simultaneous  attack,  by  the 
two  commanders  at  the  other  stations,  on  the  quar- 
ters nearest  their  encampments. 

On  the  day  appointed,  his  forces  were  under 
arms  with  the  dawn.  Mass,  as  usual,  was  perform- 
ed ; and  the  Indian  confederates,  as  they  listened 
with  grave  attention  to  the  stately  and  imposing 
service,  regarded  with  undisguised  admiration  the  de- 
votional reverence  shown  by  the  Christians,  whom, 
in  their  simplicity,  they  looked  upon  as  little  less 
than  divinities  themselves.8  The  Spanish  infantry 
marched  in  the  van,  led  on  by  Cortes,  attended  by 
a number  of  cavaliers,  dismounted  like  himself. 
They  had  not  moved  far  upon  the  causeway,  when 
they  were  brought  to  a stand  by  one  of  the  open 
breaches,  that  had  formerly  been  traversed  by  a 
bridge.  On  the  further  side  a solid  rampart  of 
stone  and  lime  had  been  erected,  and  behind  this  a 
strong  body  of  Aztecs  were  posted,  who  discharged 
on  the  Spaniards,  as  they  advanced,  a thick  volley 
of  arrows.  The  latter  vainly  endeavoured  to  dis- 
lodge them  with  their  fire-arms  and  crossbows ; they 
were  too  well  secured  behind  their  defences. 

Cortes  then  ordered  two  of  the  brigantines,  which 
had  kept  along,  one  on  each  side  of  the  causeway, 
in  order  to  cooperate  with  the  army,  to  station  them- 

8 “ Asi  como  fue  de  dia  se  dixo  estaban  atentos  notando  el  silencio 
vna  misa  de  Espiritu  Santo,  que  de  los  catholicos  y el  acatamiento 
todos  los  Christianos  oyeron  con  que  al  altar,  y al  sacerdote  los 
mucha  devocion  ; e aun  los  Indios,  Christianos  tovieron  hasta  recevir 
como  simples,  e no  entendientes  la  benedicion.  Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las 
de  tan  alto  misterio,  con  admiracion  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  24. 


110 


SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI. 


selves  so  as  to  enfilade  the  position  occupied  by  the 
enemy.  Thus  placed  between  two  well  directed 
fires,  the  Indians  were  compelled  to  recede.  The 
soldiers  on  board  the  vessels,  springing  to  land 
bounded  like  deer  up  the  sides  of  the  dike.  The) 
were  soon  followed  by  their  countrymen,  ur.der  Cor- 
tes, who,  throwing  themselves  into  the  water,  swam 
the  undefended  chasm,  and  joined  in  pursuit  of  the 
enemy.  The  Mexicans  fell  back,  however,  in  some- 
thing like  order,  till  they  reached  another  opening  in 
the  dike,  like  the  former,  dismantled  of  its  bridge, 
and  fortified  in  the  same  manner  by  a bulwark  of 
stone,  behind  which  the  retreating  Aztecs,  swimming 
across  the  chasm,  and  reinforced  by  fresh  bodies  of 
their  countrymen,  again  took  shelter. 
b They  made  good  their  post,  till,  again  assailed  by 
the  cannonade  from  the  brigantines,  they  were  com- 
pelled to  give  way.  In  this  manner  breach  after 
breach  was  carried,  and,  at  every  fresh  instance  of 
success,  a shout  went  up  from  the  crews  of  the  ves- 
sels, which,  answered  by  the  long  files  of  the  Span- 
iards and  their  confederates  on  the  causeway,  made 
the  Valley  echo  to  its  borders. 

Cortes  had  now  reached  the  end  of  the  great 
avenue,  where  it  entered  the  suburbs.  There  he 
halted  to  give  time  for  the  rear-guard  to  come  up 
with  him.  It  was  detained  by  the  labor  of  filling 
up  the  breaches,  in  such  a manner  as  to  make  a 
practicable  passage  for  the  artillery  and  horse,  and 
to  secure  one  for  the  rest  of  the  army  on  its  retreat. 
This  important  duty  was  intrusted  to  the  allies,  who 


Ch.  V.] 


DESPERATE  ASSAULTS. 


Ill 


executed  it  by  tearing  down  the  ramparts  on  the 
margins,  and  throwing  them  into  the  chasms,  and, 
when  this  was  not  sufficient,  — for  the  water  was 
deep  around  the  southern  causeway,  — by  dislodg- 
ing the  great  stones  and  rubbish  from  the  dike 
itself,  which  was  broad  enough  to  admit  of  it,  and 
adding  them  to  the  pile,  until  it  was  raised  above 
the  level  of  the  water. 

The  street,  on  which  the  Spaniards  now  entered, 
was  the  great  avenue  that  intersected  the  town  from 
north  to  south,  and  the  same  by  which  they  had  first 
visited  the  capital.  It  was  broad  and  perfectly 
straight,  and,  in  the  distance,  dark  masses  of  war- 
riors might  be  seen  gathering  to  the  support  of  their 
countrymen,  who  were  prepared  to  dispute  the  fur- 
ther progress  of  the  Spaniards.  The  sides  were 
lined  with  buildings,  the  terraced  roofs  of  which 
were  also  crowded  with  combatants,  who,  as  the 
army  advanced,  poured  down  a pitiless  storm  of  mis- 
siles on  their  heads,  which  glanced  harmless,  indeed, 
from  the  coat  of  mail,  but  too  often  found  their  way 
through  the  more  common  escavpil  of  the  soldier, 
already  gaping  with  many  a ghastly  rent.  Cortes, 
to  rid  himself  of  this  annoyance  for  the  future,  or- 
dered his  Indian  pioneers  to  level  the  principal  build- 
ings, as  they  advanced  ; in  which  work  of  demoli- 
tion, no  less  than  in  the  repair  of  the  breaches,  they 
proved  of  inestimable  service.9 

9 Sahagun,  Hist,  de  Nueva  Es-  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  23. — Rel. 
pana,  MS.,  lib.  12,  cap.  32.  — Terc.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana 
Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,  pp.  247,  248. 
cap.  95.  — Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las 


112  SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  \1 

The  Spaniards,  meanwhile,  were  steadily,  but 
slowly,  advancing,  as  the  enemy  recoiled  before  the 
rolling  fire  of  musketry,  though  turning,  at  intervals, 
to  discharge  their  javelins  and  arrows  against  their 
pursuers.  In  this  way  they  kept  along  the  great 
street,  until  their  course  was  interrupted  by  a wide 
ditch  or  canal,  once  traversed  by  a bridge,  of  which 
only  a few  planks  now  remained.  These  were 
broken  by  the  Indians,  the  moment  they  had  crossed, 
and  a formidable  array  of  spears  was  instantly  seen 
bristling  over  the  summit  of  a solid  rampart  of  stone, 
which  protected  the  opposite  side  of  the  canal. 
Cortes  was  no  longer  supported  by  his  brigantines, 
which  the  shallowness  of  the  canals  prevented  from 
penetrating  into  the  suburbs.  He  brought  forward 
his  arquebusiers,  who,  protected  by  the  targets  of 
their  comrades,  opened  a fire  on  the  enemy.  But 
the  balls  fell  harmless  from  the  bulwarks  of  stone ; 
while  the  assailants  presented  but  too  easy  a mark 
to  their  opponents. 

The  general  then  caused  the  heavy  guns  to  be 
brought  up,  and  opened  a lively  cannonade,  which 
soon  cleared  a breach  in  the  works,  through  which 
the  musketeers  and  crossbow-men  poured  in  their 
volleys  thick  as  hail.  The  Indians  now  gave  way  in 
disorder,  after  having  held  their  antagonists  at  bay 
for  two  hours.10  The  latter,  jumping  into  the  shal- 


10  Ibid.,  ubi  supra. — Ixtlilxo-  who  has  accompanied  us  from  the 
chitl,  Hist.  Chieh.,  MS.,  cap.  95.  earliest  period  of  our  narrative 
Here  terminates  the  work  last  down  to  this  point  in  the  final  siege 
cited  of  the  Tezcucan  chronicler  ; of  the  capital.  Whether  the  con 


Ch.  V.] 


DESPERATE  ASSAULTS. 


113 


low  water,  scaled  the  opposite  bank  without  further 
resistance,  and  drove  the  enemy  along  the  street 
towards  the  square,  where  the  sacred  pyramid  reared 
its  colossal  bulk  high  over  the  other  edifices  of  the 
city. 

It  was  a spot  too  familiar  to  the  Spaniards.  On 
one  side  stood  the  palace  of  Axayacatl,  their  old 
quarters,  the  scene  to  many  of  them  of  so  much  suf- 
fering. Opposite  was  the  pile  of  low,  irregular 
buildings,  once  the  residence  of  the  unfortunate 
Montezuma ; while  a third  side  of  the  square  was 
flanked  by  the  Coatepantli,  or  Wall  of  Serpents, 
which  encompassed  the  great  teocalli  with  its  little 
city  of  holy  edifices.  The  Spaniards  halted  at  the 
entrance  of  the  square,  as  if  oppressed,  and  for  the 
moment  overpowered,  by  the  bitter  recollections  that 
crowded  on  their  minds.  But  their  intrepid  leader, 
impatient  at  their  hesitation,  loudly  called  on  them 
to  advance  before  the  Aztecs  had  time  to  rally;  and, 
grasping  his  target  in  one  hand,  and  waving  his 


eluding  pages  of  the  manuscript 
have  been  lost,  or  whether  he  was 
interrupted  by  death,  it  is  impos- 
sible to  say.  But  the  deficiency 
is  supplied  by  a brief  sketch  of  the 
principal  events  of  the  siege,  which 
he  has  left  in  another  of  his  writ- 
ings. He  had,  undoubtedly,  un- 
common sources  of  information  in 
his  knowledge  of  the  Indian  lan- 
guages and  picture-writing,  and 
in  the  oral  testimony  which  he 
was  at  pains  to  collect  from  the 
actors  in  the  scenes  he  describes. 


All  these  advantages  ate  too  often 
counterbalanced  by  a singular  in- 
capacity for  discriminating  — I 
jvill  not  say,  between  historic  truth 
and  falsehood  (for  what  is  truth  1) 
— but  between  the  probable,  or 
rather  the  possible,  and  the  impos- 
sible. One  of  the  generation  of 
primitive  converts  to  the  Romish 
faith,  he  lived  in  a state  of  twilight 
civilization,  when,  if  miracles  were 
not  easily  wrought,  it  was  at  least 
easy  to  believe  them. 


VOL.  III. 


15 


1 14  SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI 

sword  high  above  his  head  with  the  other,  he  cried 
his  war-cry  of  “ St.  Iago,”  and  led  them  at  onct 
against  the  enemy.11 

The  Mexicans,  intimidated  by  the  presence  of 
their  detested  foe,  who,  in  spite  of  all  their  efforts, 
had  again  forced  his  way  into  the  heart  of  their  city, 
made  no  further  resistance,  but  retreated,  or  rather 
fled,  for  refuge  into  the  sacred  inclosure  of  the  teocal- 
li,  where  the  numerous  buildings  scattered  over  its 
ample  area  afforded  many  good  points  of  defence. 
A few  priests,  clad  in  their  usual  wild  and  blood- 
stained vestments,  were  to  be  seen  lingering  on  the 
terraces  which  wound  round  the  stately  sides  of  the 
pyramid,  chanting  hymns  in  honor  of  their  god,  and 
encouraging  the  warriors  below  to  battle  bravely  for 
his  altars.12 

The  Spaniards  poured  through  the  open  gates  into 
the  area,  and  a small  party  rushed  up  the  winding 
corridors  to  its  summit.  No  vestige  now  remained 
there  of  the  Cross,  or  of  any  other  symbol  of  the 
pure  faith  to  which  it  had  been  dedicated.  A new 
effigy  of  the  Aztec  war-god  had  taken  the  place  of 
the  one  demolished  by  the  Christians,  and  raised  its 
fantastic  and  hideous  form  in  the  same  niche  which 
had  been  occupied  by  its  predecessor.  The  Span- 
iards soon  tore  away  its  golden  mask  and  the  rich 

11  “Icon  todo  eso  no  se  deter-  apellidando  Santiago,  arremetio  el 
minaban  los  Christianos  de  entrar  primero.”  Herrera,  Hist.  Gene- 
en  la  Placa ; por  lo  qual  diciendo  ral,  dec.  3,  lib.  1,  cap.  18. 
Hernando  Cortes,  que  no  era  tiem-  12  Sahagun,  Hist,  de  Nueva  Es- 
po  de  mostrar  cansancio,  ni  cobar-  paiia,  MS.,  lib.  12,  cap.  32. 
dia,  con  vna  Rodela  en  la  mano, 


Ch.  V.] 


DESPERATE  ASSAULTS. 


115 


jewels  with  which  it  was  bedizened,  and,  hurling 
the  struggling  priests  down  the  sides  of  the  pyramid, 
made  the  best  of  their  way  to  their  comrades  in  the 
area.  It  was  full  time.13 

The  Aztecs,  indignant  at  the  sacrilegious  outrage 
perpetrated  before  their  eyes,  and  gathering  courage 
from  the  inspiration  of  the  place,  under  the  very 
presence  of  their  deities,  raised  a yell  of  horror  and 
vindictive  fury,  as,  throwing  themselves  into  some- 
thing like  order,  they  sprang,  by  a common  impulse, 
on  the  Spaniards.  The  latter,  who  had  halted  near 
the  entrance,  though  taken  by  surprise,  made  an  ef- 
fort to  maintain  their  position  at  the  gateway.  But 
in  vain ; for  the  headlong  rush  of  the  assailants  drove 
them  at  once  into  the  square,  where  they  were  at- 
tacked by  other  bodies  of  Indians,  pouring  in  from 
the  neighbouring  streets.  Broken,  and  losing  their 
presence  of  mind,  the  troops  made  no  attempt  to 
rally,  but,  crossing  the  square,  and  abandoning  the 
cannon,  planted  there,  to  the  enemy,  they  hurried 
down  the  great  street  of  Iztapalapan.  Here  they 
were  soon  mingled  with  the  allies,  who  choked  up 
the  way,  and  who,  catching  the  panic  of  the  Span- 
iards, increased  the  confusion,  while  the  eyes  of  the 


13  Ixtlilxochitl,  in  his  Thirteenth 
Relation,  embracing  among  other 
things  a brief  notice  of  the  capture 
of  Mexico,  of  which  an  edition  has 
been  given  to  the  world  by  the  in- 
dustrious Bustamante,  bestows  the 
credit  of  this  exploit  on  Cortes  him- 
self. “ En  la  capilla  mayor  donde 


estabaHuitzilopoxctli,  que  llegarcn 
Cortes  e Ixtlilxuchitl  a un  tiempo, 
y ambos  embistieron  con  el  idolo. 
Cortls  cogio  la  mascara  de  oro  que 
tenia  puesta  este  idolo  con  ciertas 
piedras  preciosas  que  estaban  en- 
gastadas  en  ella.”  Yenida  de  los 
Esp.,  p.  29. 


] 1G  SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI. 

fugitives,  blinded  by  the  missiles  that  rained  on 
them  from  the  azoteas , were  scarcely  capable  of 
distinguishing  friend  from  foe.  In  vain  Cortes  en- 
deavoured to  stay  the  torrent,  and  to  restore  order. 
His  voice  was  drowned  in  the  wild  uproar,  as  he 
was  swept  away,  like  drift-wood,  by  the  fury  of  the 
current. 

All  seemed  to  be  lost ; — when  suddenly  sounds 
were  heard  in  an  adjoining  street,  like  the  distant 
tramp  of  horses  galloping  rapidly  over  the  pavement. 
They  drew  nearer  and  nearer,  and  a body  of  cavalry 
soon  emerged  on  the  great  square.  Though  but  a 
handful  in  number,  they  plunged  boldly  into  the 
thick  of  the  enemy.  We  have  often  had  occasion 
to  notice  the  superstitious  dread  entertained  by  the 
Indians  of  the  horse  and  his  rider.  And,  although 
the  long  residence  of  the  cavalry  in  the  capital  had 
familiarized  the  natives,  in  some  measure,  with  their 
presence,  so  long  a time  had  now  elapsed  since  they 
had  beheld  them,  that  all  their  former  mysterious 
terrors  revived  in  full  force  ; and,  when  thus  suddenly 
assailed  in  flank  by  the  formidable  apparition,  they 
were  seized  with  a panic,  and  fell  into  confusion. 
It  soon  spread  to  the  leading  files,  and  Cortes,  per- 
ceiving his  advantage,  turned  with  the  rapidity  of 
lightning,  and,  at  this  time  supported  by  his  follow- 
ers, succeeded  in  driving  the  enemy  with  some  loss 
back  into  the  inclosure. 

It  was  now  the  hour  of  vespers,  and,  as  night 
must  soon  overtake  them,  he  made  no  further  at- 
tempt to  pursue  his  advantage.  Ordering  the  tram- 


c 


Ch.  V.]  DESPERATE  ASSAULTS.  117 

pets,  therefore,  to  sound  a retreat,  he  drew  off  his 
forces  in  good  order,  taking  with  him  the  artillery, 
which  had  been  abandoned  in  the  square.  The 
allies  first  went  off  the  ground,  followed  by  the 
Spanish  infantry,  while  the  rear  was  protected  by 
the  horse,  thus  reversing  the  order  of  march  on  their 
entrance.  The  Aztecs  hung  on  the  closing  files, 
and,  though  driven  back  by  frequent  charges  of  the 
cavalry,  still  followed  in  the  distance,  shooting  off 
their  ineffectual  missiles,  and  filling  the  air  with  wild 
cries  and  howlings,  like  a herd  of  ravenous  wolves 
disappointed  of  their  prey.  It  was  late  before  the 
army  reached  its  quarters  at  Xoloc.14 

Cortes  had  been  well  supported  by  Alvarado  and 
Sandoval  in  this  assault  on  the  city  ; though  neither 
of  these  commanders  had  penetrated  the  suburbs, 
deterred,  perhaps,  by  the  difficulties  of  the  passage, 
wh^ch,  in  Alvarado’s  case,  were  greater  than  those 
presented  to  Cortes,  from  the  greater  number  of 
breaches  with  which  the  dike  in  his  quarter  was 
intersected.  Something  was  owing,  too,  to  the  want 
of  brigantines,  until  Cortes  supplied  the  deficiency 
by  detaching  half  of  his  little  navy  to  the  support 

14  “Los  de  Caballo  revolvian  ni  que  nos  dejassen  de  seguir.” 
sobre  ellos,  que  siempre  alancea-  Rel.  Terc.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenza- 
ban,  6 mataban  algunos  ; e como  na,  p.  250.  — Herrera,  Hist.  Gen- 
la  Calle  era  muy  larga,  hubo  lu-  eral,  dec.  3,  lib.  1,  cap.  18.  — 
gar  de  hacerce  esto  quatro,  6 cinco  Sahagun,  Hist,  de  Nueva  Espaiia, 
veces.  E aunque  los  Enemigos  MS.,  lib.  12,  cap.  32. — Oviedo, 
vian  que  recibian  daiio,  venian  los  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33.  cap 
Perros  tan  rabiosos,  que  en  ningu-  23. 
na  manera  los  podiamos  detener, 


118  SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI 

of  his  officers.  Without  their  cooperation,  however, 
the  general  himself  could  not  have  advanced  so  far, 
nor,  perhaps,  have  succeeded  at  all  in  setting  foot 
within  the  city.  The  success  of  this  assault  spread 
consternation  not  only  among  the  Mexicans,  but 
their  vassals,  as  they  saw  that  the  formidable  pre- 
parations for  defence  were  to  avail  little  against  the 
white  man,  who  had  so  soon,  in  spite  of  them, 
forced  his  way  into  the  very  heart  of  the  capital. 
Several  of  the  neighbouring  places,  in  consequence, 
now  showed  a willingness  to  shake  off  their  allegi- 
ance, and  claimed  the  protection  of  the  Spaniards. 
Among  these,  were  the  territory  of  Xochimilco,  so 
roughly  treated  by  the  invaders,  and  some  tribes  of 
Otomies,  a rude  but  valiant  people,  who  dwelt  on 
the  western  confines  of  the  Valley.15  Their  support 
was  valuable,  not  so  much  from  the  additional  rein- 
forcements which  it  brought,  as  from  the  greater 
security  it  gave  to  the  army,  whose  outposts  were 
perpetually  menaced  by  these  warlike  barbarians. 

The  most  important  aid,  which  the  Spaniards 
received  at  this  time,  was  from  Tezcuco,  whose 
prince,  Ixtlilxochitl,  gathered  the  whole  strength  of 
his  levies,  to  the  number  of  fifty  thousand,  if  we  are 
to  credit  Cortes,  and  led  them  in  person  to  the 
Christian  camp.  By  the  general’s  orders,  they 


15  The  great  mass  of  the  Oto-  their  way  into  the  Valley,  became 
mies  were  an  untamed  race,  who  blended  with  the  Tezcucan,  and 
roamed  over  the  broad  tracks  of  even  with  the  Tlascalan  nation, 
the  plateau,  far  away  to  the  north,  making  some  of  the  best  soldiers 
But  many  of  them,  who  found  in  their  armies. 


Ch.  V.] 


DESPERATE  ASSAULTS. 


119 


were  distributed  among  the  three  divisions  of  the 

besiegers.16 

Thus  strengthened,  Cortes  prepared  to  make  an- 
other attack  upon  the  capital,  and  that  before  it 
should  have  time  to  recover  from  the  former.  Orders 
were  given  to  his  lieutenants  on  the  other  cause- 
ways, to  march  at  the  same  time,  and  cooperate 
with  him,  as  before,  in  the  assault.  It  was  con- 
ducted in  precisely  the  same  manner  as  on  the  pre- 
vious entry,  the  infantry  taking  the  van,  and  the 
allies  and  cavalry  following.  But,  to  the  great  dis- 
may of  the  Spaniards,  they  found  two  thirds  of  the 
breaches  restored  to  their  former  state,  and  the 
stones  and  other  materials,  with  which  they  had 
been  stopped,  removed  by  the  indefatigable  enemy. 
They  were  again  obliged  to  bring  up  the  cannon, 
the  brigantines  ran  alongside,  and  the  enemy  was 
dislodged,  and  driven  from  post  to  post,  in  the  same 
maimer  as  on  the  preceding  attack.  In  short,  the 
whole  work  was  to  be  done  over  again.  It  was  not 


16  “ Istrisuehil,  [Ixtlilxochitl,] 
que  es  de  edad  de  veinte  y tres,  6 
veinte  y quatro  anos,  muy  esfor- 
zado,  amado,  y temido  de  todos.” 
(Rel.  Terc.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Loren- 
zana,  p.  251.)  The  greatest  ob- 
scurity prevails  among  historians 
in  respect  to  this  prince,  whom 
they  seem  to  have  confounded  very 
often  with  his  brother  and  prede- 
cessor on  the  throne  of  Tezcuco. 
It  is  rare,  that  either  of  them  is 
mentioned  by  any  other  than  his 
baptismal  name  of  Hernando  ; and, 


if  Herrera  is  correct  in  the  asser- 
tion, that  this  name  was  assumed 
by  both,  it  may  explain  in  some 
degree  the  confusion.  (Hist.  Gen- 
eral, dec.  3,  lib.  1,  cap.  18.)  I 
have  conformed  in  the  main  to  the 
old  Tezcucan  chronicler,  who  gath- 
ered his  account  of  his  kinsman, 
as  he  tells  us,  from  the  records  of 
his  nation,  and  from  the  oral  testi- 
mony of  the  contemporaries  of  the 
prince  himself.  Venida  de  los 
Esp.,  pp.  30,  31. 


120 


SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  Vi. 


till  an  hour  after  noon,  that  the  army  had  won  a 
footing  in  the  suburbs. 

Here  their  progress  was  not  so  difficult  as  before ; 
lor  the  buildings,  from  the  terraces  of  which  they  had 
experienced  the  most  annoyance,  had  been  swept 
away.  Still  it  was  only  step  by  step  that  they  forced 
a passage  in  face  of  the  Mexican  militia,  who  dis- 
puted their  advance  with  the  same  spirit  as  before. 
Cortes,  who  would  willingly  have  spared  the  inhabi- 
tants, if  he  could  have  brought  them  to  terms,  saw 
them  with  regret,  as  he  says,  thus  desperately  bent 
on  a war  of  extermination.  He  conceived  that  there 
would  be  no  way  more  likely  to  affect  their  minds, 
than  by  destroying  at  once  some  of  the  principal 
edifices,  which  they  were  accustomed  to  venerate  as 
the  pride  and  ornament  of  the  city.17 

Marching  into  the  great  square,  he  selected,  as  the 
first  to  be  destroyed,  the  old  palace  of  Axayacatl,  his 
former  barracks.  The  ample  range  of  low  buildings 
was,  it  is  true,  constructed  of  stone  ; but  the  interi- 
or, as  well  as  the  outworks,  its  turrets,  and  roofs, 
were  of  wood.  The  Spaniards,  whose  associations 
with  the  pile  were  of  so  gloomy  a character,  sprang 
to  the  work  of  destruction  with  a satisfaction,  like 
that  which  the  French  mob  may  have  felt  in  the 


17  “ Daban  ocasion,  y nos  forza- 
ban  a que  totalmente  les  destruy- 
essemos.  E de  esta  postrera  tenia 
mas  sentimiento,  y me  pesaba  en 
el  alma,  y pensaba  que  forma  ter- 
nia  para  los  atemorizar,  de  manera, 
que  viniessen  en  conocimiento  de 


su  yerro,  y de  el  dano,  que  podian 
recibir  de  nosotros,  y no  haeia  sine 
quemalles,  y derrocalles  las  Torres 
de  sus  Idolos,  y sus  Casas.”  Rel. 
Terc.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana 
p.  254. 


Ch.  V.] 


FIRING  OF  THE  PALACES. 


121 


demolition  of  the  Bastile.  Torches  and  firebrands 
were  thrown  about  in  all  directions  ; the  lower  parts 
of  the  building  were  speedily  on  fire,  which,  running 
along  the  inflammable  hangings  and  wood-work  of 
the  interior,  rapidly  spread  to  the  second  floor. 
There  the  element  took  freer  range,  and,  before  it 
was  visible  from  without,  sent  up  from  every  aperture 
and  crevice  a dense  column  of  vapor,  that  hung  like 
a funereal  pall  over  the  city.  This  was  dissipated 
by  a bright  sheet  of  flame,  which  enveloped  all  the 
upper  regions  of  the  vast  pile,  till,  the  supporters 
giving  way,  the  wide  range  of  turreted  chambers  fell, 
amidst  clouds  of  dust  and  ashes,  with  an  appalling 
crash,  that  for  a moment  stayed  the  Spaniards  in 
the  work  of  devastation. 

It  was  but  for  a moment.  On  the  other  side  of 
the  square,  adjoining  Montezuma’s  residence,  were 
several  buildings,  as  the  reader  is  aware,  appropri- 
ated to  animals.  One  of  these  was  now  marked  for 
destruction,  — the  House  of  Birds,  filled  with  speci- 
mens of  all  the  painted  varieties  which  swarmed 
over  the  wide  forests  of  Mexico.  It  was  an  airy 
and  elegant  building,  after  the  Indian  fashion,  and, 
viewed  in  connection  with  its  object,  was  undoubt- 
edly a remarkable  proof  of  refinement  and  intellec- 
tual taste  in  a barbarous  monarch.  Its  light,  com- 
bustible materials  of  wood  and  bamboo  formed  a 
striking  contrast  to  the  heavy  stone  edifices  around 
it,  and  made  it  obviously  convenient  for  the  present 
purpose  of  the  invaders.  The  torches  were  applied, 
and  the  fanciful  structure  was  soon  wrapped  in 

VOL.  III. 


16 


122  SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI. 

flames,  that  sent  their  baleful  splendors,  far  and 
wide,  over  city  and  lake.  Its  feathered  inhabitants 
either  perished  in  the  fire,  or  those  of  stronger  wing, 
bursting  the  burning  lattice-work  of  the  aviary, 
soared  high  into  the  air,  and,  fluttering  for  a while 
over  the  devoted  city,  fled  with  loud  screams  to 
their  native  forests  beyond  the  mountains. 

The  Aztecs  gazed  with  inexpressible  horror  on  this 
destruction  of  the  venerable  abode  of  their  monarchs, 
and  of  the  monuments  of  their  luxury  and  splendor. 
Their  rage  was  exasperated  almost  to  madness,  as 
they  beheld  their  hated  foes,  the  Tlascalans,  busy  in 
the  work  of  desolation,  and  aided  by  the  Tezcucans, 
their  own  allies,  and  not  unfrequently  their  kinsmen. 
They  vented  their  fury  in  bitter  execrations,  espe- 
cially on  the  young  prince  Ixtlilxochitl,  who,  march- 
ing side  by  side  with  Cortes,  took  his  full  share  in 
the  dangers  of  the  day.  The  warriors  from  the 
housetops  poured  the  most  opprobrious  epithets  on 
him,  as  he  passed,  denouncing  him  as  a false-hearted 
traitor ; false  to  his  country  and  his  blood,  — re- 
proaches not  altogether  unmerited,  as  his  kinsman, 
who  chronicles  the  circumstance,  candidly  confesses.13 
He  gave  little  heed  to  their  taunts,  however,  holding 
on  his  way  with  the  dogged  resolution  of  one  true 

to  the  cause  in  which  he  was  embarked  ; and,  when 

. . ' . * > 

18  “ Y desde  las  azoteas  des-  tlilxuchitl  callaba  y peleaba,  que 
honrarle  llamandole  de  traidor  con-  mas  estimaba  la  amistad  y salud 
tra  su  patria  y deudos,  y otras  ra-  de  los  Cristianos,  que  todo  esto.” 
zones  pesadas,  que  a la  verdad  a Venida  de  los  Esp.,  p.  32. 
ellos  les  sobraba  la  razon ; mas  lx- 


Ch.  V.] 


SPIRIT  OF  THE  BESIEGED. 


123 


he  entered  the  great  square,  he  grappled  with  the 
leader  of  the  Aztec  forces,  wrenched  a lance  from 
his  grasp,  won  by  the  latter  from  the  Christians,  and 
dealt  him  a blow  with  his  mace,  or  maquahuitl , 
which  brought  him  lifeless  to  the  ground.19 

The  Spanish  commander,  having  accomplished  the 
work  of  destruction,  sounded  a retreat,  sending  on 
the  Indian  allies,  who  blocked  up  the  way  before 
him.  The  Mexicans,  maddened  by  their  losses,  in 
wild  transports  of  fury  hung  close  on  his  rear,  and, 
though  driven  back  by  the  cavalry,  still  returned, 
throwing  themselves  desperately  under  the  horses, 
striving  to  tear  the  riders  from  their  saddles,  and 
content  to  throw  away  their  own  lives  for  one  blow 
at  their  enemy.  Fortunately  the  greater  part  of 
their  militia  was  engaged  with  the  assailants  on  the 
opposite  quarters  of  the  city,  but,  thus  crippled,  they 
pushed  the  Spaniards  under  Cortes  so  vigorously,  that 
few  reached  the  camp  that  night  without  bearing  on 
their  bodies  some  token  of  the  desperate  conflict.20 

On  the  following  day,  and,  indeed,  on  several 
days  following,  the  general  repeated  his  assaults 
with  as  little  care  for  repose,  as  if  he  and  his  men 
had  been  made  of  iron.  On  one  occasion  he  ad- 
vanced some  way  down  the  street  of  Tacuba,  in 
which  he  carried  three  of  the  bridges,  desirous,  if 
possible,  to  open  a communication  with  Alvarado, 

19  Ibid.,  p.  29.  Hist,  de  Nueva  Esp.,  MS.,  lib. 

20  For  the  preceding  pages  re-  12,  cap.  33,  — Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las 
lating  to  this  second  assault,  see  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  24,  — De- 
Rel.  Terc.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Loren-  fensa,  MS.,  cap.  28. 

zana,  pp.  254-256,  — Sahagun, 


124 


SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  'VI. 


posted  on  the  contiguous  causeway.  But  the  Span- 
iards in  that  quarter  had  not  penetrated  beyond  the 
suburbs,  still  impeded  by  the  severe  character  of  the 
ground,  and  wanting,  it  may  be,  semewhat  of  that 
fiery  impetuosity,  which  the  soldier  feels,  who  fights 
under  the  eye  of  his  chief. 

In  each  of  these  assaults,  the  breaches  were 
found  more  or  less  restored  to  their  original  state 
by  the  pertinacious  Mexicans,  and  the  materials, 
which  had  been  deposited  in  them  with  so  much 
labor,  again  removed.  It  may  seem  strange,  that 
Cortes  did  not  take  measures  to  guard  against  the 
repetition  of  an  act  which  caused  so  much  delay 
and  embarrassment  to  his  operations.  He  notices 
this  in  his  Letter  to  the  Emperor,  in  which  he  says, 
that  to  do  so  would  have  required,  either  that  he 
should  have  established  his  quarters  in  the  city  itself, 
which  would  have  surrounded  him  with  enemies, 
and  cut  off  his  communications  with  the  country ; 
or  that  he  should  have  posted  a sufficient  guard  of 
Spaniards  — for  the  natives  were  out  of  the  ques- 
tion — to  protect  the  breaches  by  night,  a duty  alto- 
gether beyond  the  strength  of  men  engaged  in  so 
arduous  service  through  the  day.21 

Yet  this  was  the  course  adopted  by  Alvarado ; 
who  stationed,  at  night,  a guard  of  forty  soldiers  for 
the  defence  of  the  opening  nearest  to  the  enemy. 
This  was  relieved  by  a similar  detachment,  in  a few 
hours,  and  this  again  by  a third,  the  two  former  still 


21  Rel.  Terc.,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  259. 


Ch.  V.] 


SPIRIT  OF  THE  BESIEGED. 


125 


lying  on  their  post ; so  that,  on  an  alarm,  a body  of 
one  hundred  and  twenty  soldiers  was  ready  on  the 
spot  to  repel  an  attack.  Sometimes,  indeed,  the 
whole  division  took  up  their  bivouac  in  the  neigbour- 
hood  of  the  breach,  resting  on  their  arms,  and  ready 
for  instant  action.22 

But  a life  of  such  incessant  toil  and  vigilance  was 
almost  too  severe  even  for  the  stubborn  constitutions 
of  the  Spaniards.  “ Through  the  long  night,”  ex- 
claims Diaz,  who  served  in  Alvarado’s  division,  “ we 
kept  our  dreary  watch  ; neither  wind,  nor  wet,  nor 
cold  availing  anything.  There  we  stood,  smarting, 
as  we  were,  from  the  wounds  we  had  received  in 
the  fight  of  the  preceding  day.”  23  It  was  the  rainy 
season,  which  continues  in  that  country  from  July 
to  September ; and  the  surface  of  the  causeways, 
flooded  by  the  storms,  and  broken  up  by  the  con 
stant  movement  of  such  large  bodies  of  men,  was 
converted  into  a marsh,  or  rather  quagmire,  which 
added  inconceivably  to  the  distresses  of  the  army. 

The  troops  under  Cortes  were  scarcely  in  a better 
situation.  But  few  of  them  could  find  shelter  in  the 


22  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Con- 
quista,  cap.  151. 

According  to  Herrera,  Alvarado 
and  Sandoval  did  not  conceal  their 
disapprobation  of  the  course  pur- 
sued by  their  commander  in  re- 
spect to  the  breaches.  “I  Alva- 
rado, i Sandoval,  por  su  parte, 
tambien  lo  hicieron  mui  bien,  cul- 
pando  a Hernando  Cortes  por  estas 
retiradas,  queriendo  muchos  que  se 


quedara  en  lo  ganado,  por  no  bol- 
ver  tantas  veces  a ello.”  Hist. 
General,  dec.  3,  lib.  1,  cap.  19. 

23  “Porque  como  era  de  noche, 
no  aguardauan  mucho,  y desta  ma- 
nera  que  he  dicho  velauamos,  que 
ni  porque  llouiesse,  ni  vieutos,  ni 
frios,  y aunque  estauamos  metidos 
en  medio  de  grandes  lodos,  y lie- 
rid  os,  alii  auiamos  de  estar.”  Hist 
de  la  Conquista,  cap.  151. 


126  SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI. 

rude  towers  that  garnished  the  works  of  Xoloc.  The 
greater  part  were  compelled  to  bivouac  in  the  open 
air,  exposed  to  all  the  inclemency  of  the  weather. 
Every  man,  unless  his  wounds  prevented  it,  was  re- 
quired by  the  camp  regulations  to  sleep  on  his  arms ; 
and  they  were  often  roused  from  their  hasty  slum- 
bers by  the  midnight  call  to  battle.  For  Guatemo- 
zin,  contrary  to  the  usual  practice  of  his  countrymen, 
frequently  selected  the  hours  of  darkness  to  aim  a 
blow  at  the  enemy.  “ In  short,”  exclaims  the  veter- 
an soldier  above  quoted,  “ so  unintermitting  were 
our  engagements,  by  day  and  by  night,  during  the 
three  months  in  which  we  lay  before  the  capital, 
that  to  recount  them  all  would  but  exhaust  the  read- 
er’s patience,  and  make  him  to  fancy  he  was  perusing 
the  incredible  feats  of  a knight-errant  of  romance.”24 
The  Aztec  emperor  conducted  his  operations  on  a 
systematic  plan,  which  showed  some  approach  to 
military  science.  He  not  unfrequently  made  simul- 
taneous attacks  on  the  three  several  divisions  of  the 
Spaniards  established  on  the  causeways,  and  on  the 
garrisons  at  their  extremities.  To  accomplish  this, 
he  enforced  the  service  not  merely  of  his  own  militia 
of  the  capital,  but  of  the  great  towns  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood, who  all  moved  in  concert,  at  the  well- 
known  signal  of  the  beacon-fire,  or  of  the  huge  drum 

24  “ Porque  nouenta  y tres  dias  rece  que  seria  gran  proligidad,  e 
estuuimos  sobre  esta  tan  fuerte  seria  cosa  para  nunca  acabar,  y 
ciudad,  cada  dia  e de  noche  tenia-  pareceria  a los  libros  de  Amadis,  e 
mos  guerras,  y combates ; e no  lo  de  otros  corros  de  caualleros.” 
pongo  aqui  por  capitulos  lo  que  Ibid.,  ubi  supra, 
cada  dia  haziamos,  porque  me  pa- 


Ch.  V.] 


SPIRIT  OF  THE  BESIEGED. 


127 


struck  by  the  priests  on  the  summit  of  the  temple. 
One  of  these  general  attacks,  it  was  observed,  wheth- 
er from  accident  or  design,  took  place  on  the  eve  of 
St.  John  the  Baptist,  the  anniversary  of  the  day  on 
which  the  Spaniards  made  their  second  entry  into 
the  Mexican  capital.25 

Notwithstanding  the  severe  drain  on  his  forces  by 
this  incessant  warfare,  the  young  monarch  contrived 
to  relieve  them  in  some  degree  by  different  detach- 
ments, who  took  the  place  of  one  another.  This 
was  apparent  from  the  different  uniforms  and  mili- 
tary badges  of  the  Indian  battalions,  who  successive- 
ly came,  and  disappeared  from  the  field.  At  night 
a strict  guard  was  maintained  in  the  Aztec  quarters, 
a thing  not  common  with  the  nations  of  the  plateau. 
The  outposts  of  the  hostile  armies  were  stationed 
within  sight  of  each  other.  That  of  the  Mexicans 
was  usually  placed  in  the  neighbourhood  of  some 
wide  breach,  and  its  position  was  marked  by  a large 
fire  in  front.  The  hours  for  relieving  guard  were 
intimated  by  the  shrill  Aztec  whistle,  while  bodies 
of  men  might  be  seen  moving  behind  the  flame, 
which  threw  a still  ruddier  glow  over  the  cinnamon- 
colored  skins  of  the  warriors. 

While  thus  active  on  land,  Guatemozin  was  not 
idle  on  the  water.  He  was  too  wise,  indeed,  to 
cope  with  the  Spanish  navy  again  in  open  battle ; 
but  he  resorted  to  stratagem,  so  much  more  conge- 

25  Ibid.,  ubi  supra.  — Sahagun,  Hist,  de  Nueva  Esp.,  MS.,  lib.  12. 
cap.  33. 


128 


SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI. 


nial  to  Indian  warfare.  He  placed  a large  number 
of  canoes  in  ambuscade  among  the  tall  reeds  which 
fringed  the  southern  shores  of  the  lake,  and  caused 
piles,  at  the  same  time,  to  be  driven  into  the  neigh- 
bouring shallows.  Several  piraguas , or  boats  of  a 
larger  size,  then  issued  forth,  and  rowed  near  the 
spot  where  the  Spanish  brigantines  were  moored. 
Two  of  the  smallest  vessels,  supposing  the  Indian 
barks  were  conveying  provisions  to  the  besieged,  in- 
stantly stood  after  them,  as  had  been  foreseen.  The 
Aztec  boats  fled  for  shelter  to  the  reedy  thicket, 
where  their  companions  lay  in  ambush.  The  Span- 
iards, following,  were  soon  entangled  among  the  pali- 
sades under  the  water.  They  were  instantly  sur- 
rounded by  the  whole  swarm  of  Indian  canoes,  most 
of  the  men  were  wounded,  several,  including  the 
two  commanders,  slain,  and  one  of  the  brigantines 
fell  — a useless  prize  — into  the  hands  of  the  vic- 
tors. Among  the  slain  was  Pedro  Barba,  captain 
of  the  crossbow-men,  a gallant  officer,  who  had 
highly  distinguished  himself  in  the  Conquest.  This 
disaster  occasioned  much  mortification  to  Cortes  It 
was  a salutary  lesson,  that  stood  him  in  good  stead 
during  the  remainder  of  the  war.26 

Thus  the  contest  was  waged  by  land  and  by  wa- 
ter,— on  the  causeway,  the  city,  and  the  lake. 
Whatever  else  might  fail,  the  capital  of  the  Aztec 
empire  was  true  to  itself ; and,  mindful  of  its  ancient 

26  Ibid.,  loc.  cit.  — Sahagun,  Hist,  de  Nueva  Esp.,  MS.,  lib.  12, 
cap.  34. 


Ch.  V.] 


SPIRIT  OF  THE  BESIEGED. 


129 


renown,  opposed  a bold  front  to  its  enemies  in  every 
direction.  As  in  a body,  whose  extremities  have 
been  struck  with  death,  life  still  rallied  in  the  heart, 
and  seemed  to  beat  there,  for  the  time,  with  even  a 
more  vigorous  pulsation  than  ever. 

It  may  appear  extraordinary,  that  Guatemozin 
should  have  been  able  to  provide  for  the  maintenance 
of  the  crowded  population  now  gathered  in  the  me- 
tropolis, especially  as  the  avenues  were  all  in  the  pos- 
session of  the  besieging  army.27  But,  independently 
of  the  preparations  made  with  this  view  before  the 
siege,  and  of  the  loathsome  sustenance  daily  furnished 
by  the  victims  for  sacrifice,  supplies  were  constantly 
obtained  from  the  surrounding  country  across  the  lake. 
This  was  so  conducted,  for  a time,  as,  in  a great 
measure,  to  escape  observation ; and  even  when  the 
brigantines  were  commanded  to  cruise  day  and  night, 
and  sweep  the  waters  of  the  boats  employed  in  this 
service,  many  still  contrived,  under  cover  of  the  dark- 
ness, to  elude  the  vigilance  of  the  cruisers,  and  brought 
their  cargoes  into  port.  It  was  not  till  the  great 
towns  in  the  neighbourhood  cast  off  their  allegiance, 
that  the  supply  began  to  fail,  from  the  failure  of  its 
sources.  This  defection  was  more  frequent,  as  the 
inhabitants  became  convinced  that  the  government, 
incompetent  to  its  own  defence,  must  be  still  more 
so  to  theirs ; and  the  Aztec  metropolis  saw  its  great 

27  I recollect  meeting  with  no  They  must,  however,  have  been 
estimate  of  their  numbers  ; nor,  in  very  great,  to  enable  them  to  meet 
the  loose  arithmetic  of  the  Con-  the  assailants  so  promptly  and  ef- 
querors,  would  it  be  worth  much,  ficiently  on  every  point. 

VOL.  III.  17 


130  SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI 

vassals  fall  off,  one  after  another,  as  the  tree,  over 
which  decay  is  stealing,  parts  with  its  leaves  at  the 
first  blast  of  the  tempest.23 

The  cities,  which  now  claimed  the  Spanish  gener- 
al’s protection,  supplied  the  camp  with  an  incredible 
number  of  warriors  ; a number,  which,  if  we  admit 
Cortes’  own  estimate,  one  hundred  and  fifty  thou- 
sand,29 could  have  only  served  to  embarrass  his  ope- 
rations on  the  long  extended  causeways.  Yet  it  is 
true,  that  the  Valley,  teeming  with  towns  and  villages, 
swarmed  with  a population  — and  one,  too,  in  which 
every  man  was  a warrior — greatly  exceeding  that 
of  the  present  day.  These  levies  were  distributed 
among  the  three  garrisons  at  the  terminations  of  the 
causeways  ; and  many  found  active  employment  in 
foraging  the  country  for  provisions,  and  yet  more  in 
carrying  on  hostilities  against  the  places  still  un- 
friendly to  the  Spaniards. 

Cortes  found  further  occupation  for  them  in  the 
construction  of  barracks  for  his  troops,  who  suffered 
greatly  from  exposure  to  the  incessant  rains  of  the 
season,  which  were  observed  to  fall  more  heavily  by 
night  than  by  day.  Quantities  of  stone  and  timber 
were  obtained  from  the  buildings  that  had  been  de- 
molished  in  the  city.  They  were  transported  in  the 
brigantines  to  the  causeway,  and  from  these  materi- 

28  Defensa,  MS.,  cap.  28. — 29  “ Y como  aquel  dia  llevaba- 

Sahagun,  Hist,  de  Nueva  Esp.,  mos  mas  de  ciento  y cincuenta 
MS.,  lib.  12,  cap.  34.  mil  Hombres  de  Guerra.”  Rel. 

The  principal  cities  were  Mex-  Terc.,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  280. 
icaltzinco,  Cuitlahuac,  Iztapalapan, 

Mizquiz,  Huitzilopochco,  Colhua- 


can. 


Ch.  V.] 


BARRACKS  FOR  THE  TROOPS. 


131 


als  a row  of  huts  or  barracks  was  constructed,  ex- 
tending; on  either  side  of  the  works  of  Xoloc.  It 
may  give  some  idea  of  the  great  breadth  of  the 
causeway  at  this  place,  one  of  the  deepest  parts  of 
the  lake,  to  add,  that,  although  the  barracks  were 
erected  in  parallel  lines  on  the  opposite  sides  of  it, 
there  still  remained  space  enough  for  the  army  to 
defile  between.30 

By  this  arrangement,  ample  accommodations  were 
furnished  for  the  Spanish  troops  and  their  Indian 
attendants,  amounting  in  all  to  about  two  thousand. 
The  great  body  of  the  allies,  with  a small  detach- 
ment of  horse  and  infantry,  were  quartered  at  the 
neighbouring  post  of  Cojohuacan,  which  served  to 
protect  the  rear  of  the  encampment,  and  to  main- 
tain its  communications  with  the  country.  A similar 
disposition  of  forces  took  place  in  the  other  divisions 
of  the  army,  under  Alvarado  and  Sandoval,  though 
the  accommodations  provided  for  the  shelter  of  the 
troops  on  their  causeways  were  not  so  substantial  as 
those  for  the  division  of  Cortes. 

The  Spanish  camp  was  supplied  with  provisions 
from  the  friendly  towns  in  the  neighbourhood,  and 
especially  from  Tezcuco.31  They  consisted  of  fish, 

30  “ Y vea  Vuestra  Magestad,”  31  The  greatest  difficulty,  under 
says  Cortes  to  the  Emperor,  “ que  which  the  troops  labored,  accord- 
tan  ancha  puede  ser  la  Calzada,  ing  to  Diaz,  was  that  of  obtaining 
que  va  por  lo  mas  hondo  de  la  La-  the  requisite  medicaments  for  their 
guna,  que  de  la  una  parte,  y de  la  wounds.  But  this  was  in  a great 
otra  iban  estas  Casas,  y quedaba  degree  obviated  by  a Catalan  sol- 
en  medio  hecha  Calle,  que  muy  a dier,  who,  by  virtue  of  his  prayers 
placer  a pie,  y a caballo  ibamos,  y and  incantations,  wrought  wonder- 
veniamos por  ella.”  Ibid.,  p.  260.  ful  cures  both  on  the  Spaniards, 


132 


SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI. 


the  fruits  of  the  country,  particularly  a sort  of  fig 
borne  by  the  tuna , (cactus  opuntia ,)  and  a species  of 
cherry,  or  something  much  resembling  it,  which  grew 
abundant  at  this  season.  But  their  principal  food 
was  the  tortillas , cakes  of  Indian  meal,  still  common 
in  Mexico,  for  which  bakehouses  were  established, 
under  the  care  of  the  natives,  in  the  garrison  towns 
commanding  the  causeways.32  The  allies,  as  ap- 
pears too  probable,  reinforced  their  frugal  fare  with 
an  occasional  banquet  on  human  flesh,  for  which  the 
battle-field  unhappily  afforded  them  too  much  facil- 
ity, and  which,  however  shocking  to  the  feelings  of 
Cortes,  he  did  not  consider  himself  in  a situation,  at 
that  moment,  to  prevent.33 


and  their  allies.  The  latter,  as  the 
more  ignorant,  flocked  in  crowds 
to  the  tent  of  this  military  .ZEscu- 
lapius,  whose  success  was  doubt- 
less in  a direct  ratio  to  the  faith 
of  his  patients.  Hist,  de  la  Con- 
quista,  ubi  supra. 

32  Diaz  mourns  over  this  unsav- 
ory diet.  (Ibid.,  loc.  cit.)  Yet 
the  Indian  fig  is  an  agreeable,  nu- 
tritious fruit ; and  the  tortilla,  made 
of  maize  flour,  with  a slight  infu- 
sion of  lime,  though  not  precisely 
a morceau  friand,  might  pass  for 
very  tolerable  camp  fare.  Accord- 
ing to  the  lively  Author  of  “ Life 
in  Mexico,”  it  is  made  now,  pre- 
cisely as  it  was  in  the  days  of  the 
Aztecs.  — If  so,  a cooking  receipt 
is  almost  the  only  thing  that  has 
not  changed  in  this  country  of  rev- 
olutions. 

33  “ Quo  strages,”  says  Martyr, 


“ erat  crudelior,  eo  magis  copiose 
ac  opipare  ccenabant  Guazuzingui 
& Tascaltecani,  cseterique  pro- 
uinciales  auxiliarii,  qui  solid  sunt 
hostes  in  preelio  cadentes  intra  su- 
os  ventres  sepelire ; nec  vetare 
ausus  fuisset  Cortesius.”  (De 
Orbe  Novo,  dec.  5,  cap.  8.)  “ Y 

los  otros  les  mostraban  los  de  su 
Ciudad  hechos  pedazos,  diciendoles, 
que  los  habian  de  cenar  aquella 
noche,  y almorzar  otro  dia,  como 
de  hecho  lo  hacian.”  (Rel.  Terc. 
de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  256.) 
Yet  one  may  well  be  startled  by 
the  assertion  of  Oviedo,  that  the 
carniverous  monsters  fished  up  the 
bloated  bodies  of  those  drowned 
in  the  lake  to  swell  their  repast ! 
“ Ni  podian  ver  los  ojos  de  los 
Christianos,  6 Catholicos,  mas  es- 
pantable  e aborrecida  cosa,  que 
ver  en  el  Real  de  los  Amigos  con- 


Oh.  V.] 


BARRACKS  FOR  THE  TROOPS. 


133 


Thus  the  tempest,  which  had  been  so  long  mus- 
tering, broke,  at  length,  in  all  its  fury,  on  the  Aztec 
capital.  Its  unhappy  inmates  beheld  the  hostile 
legions  encompassing  them  about,  with  their  glitter- 
ing files  stretching  as  far  as  the  eye  could  reach. 
They  saw  themselves  deserted  by  their  allies  and 
vassals  in  their  utmost  need;  the  fierce  stranger  pen- 
etrating into  their  secret  places,  violating  their  tem- 
ples, plundering  their  palaces,  wasting  the  fair  city 
by  day,  firing  its  suburbs  by  night,  and  intrenching 
himself  in  solid  edifices  under  their  walls,  as  if  deter- 
mined never  to  withdraw  his  foot  while  one  stone 
remained  upon  another.  All  this  they  saw,  yet  their 
spirits  were  unbroken ; and,  though  famine  and  pes- 
tilence were  beginning  to  creep  over  them,  they  still 
showed  the  same  determined  front  to  their  enemies. 
Cortes,  who  would  gladly  have  spared  the  town 
and  its  inhabitants,  beheld  this  resolution  with  as- 
tonishment. He  intimated  more  than  once,  by 
means  of  the  prisoners  whom  he  released,  his  willing- 
ness to  grant  them  fair  terms  of  capitulation.  Day 
after  day,  he  fully  expected  his  proffers  would  be  ac- 
cepted. But  day  after  day  he  was  disappointed.34 

federados  el  continuo  exercicio  de  34  “ Y sin  duda  el  dia  pasado, 
comer  carne  asada,  6 cocida  de  los  y aqueste  yo  tenia  por  cierto,  que 
Indios  enemigos,  e aun  de  los  que  vinieran  de  Paz,  de  la  qual  yo 
mataban  en  las  canoas,  6 se  aho-  siempre  con  Victoria,  y sin  ella  ha- 
gaban,  e despues  el  agua  los  echaba  cia  todas  las  muestras,  que  podia, 
en  la  superficie  de  la  laguna,  6 en  Y nunca  por  esso  en  ellos  hallaba- 
la  costa,  no  los  dexaban  de  pescar,  mos  alguna  senal  de  Paz.”  Rel. 
€ aposentar  en  sus  vientres.”  Terc.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana 
Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  p.  261. 
cap.  24. 


134  SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI. 

He  had  yet  to  learn  how  tenacious  was  the  memory 
of  the  Aztecs ; and  that,  whatever  might  be  the  hor- 
rors of  their  present  situation,  and  their  fears  for  the 
future,  they  were  all  forgotten  in  their  hatred  of  the 
white  man. 


CHAPTER  VI. 


General  Assault  on  the  City.  — Defeat  of  the  Spaniards. — 
Their  Disastrous  Condition.  — Sacrifice  of  the  Captives.  — 
Defection  of  the  Allies.  — Constancy  of  the  Troops. 

1521. 

Famine  was  now  gradually  working  its  way  into 
the  heart  of  the  beleaguered  city.  It  seemed  certain, 
that,  with  this  strict  blockade,  the  crowded  popula- 
tion must  in  the  end  be  driven  to  capitulate,  though 
no  arm  should  be  raised  against  them.  But  it  re- 
quired time ; and  the  Spaniards,  though  constant 
and  enduring  by  nature,  began  to  be  impatient  of 
hardships  scarcely  inferior  to  those  experienced  by 
the  besieged.  In  some  respects  their  condition  was 
even  worse,  exposed,  as  they  were,  to  the  cold, 
drenching  rains,  which  fell  with  little  intermission, 
rendering  their  situation  dreary  and  disastrous  in  the 
extreme. 

In  this  state  of  things,  there  were  many  who 
would  willingly  have  shortened  their  sufferings,  and 
taken  the  chance  of  carrying  the  place  by  a coup  de 
main  Others  thought  it  would  be  best  to  get  pos- 
session of  the  great  market  of  Tlatelolco,  which, 
from  its  situation  in  the  north-western  part  of  the 
city,  might  afford  the  means  of  communication  with 


136 


SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI 


the  camps  of  both  Alvarado  and  Sandoval.  This 
place,  encompassed  by  spacious  porticos,  would  fur- 
nish accommodations  for  a numerous  host;  and,  once 
established  in  the  capital,  the  Spaniards  would  be  in 
a position  to  follow  up  the  blow  with  far  more  effect 
than  at  a distance. 

These  arguments  were  pressed  by  several  of  the 
officers,  particularly  by  Alderete,  the  royal  treasurer, 
a person  of  much  consideration,  not  only  from  his 
rank,  but  from  the  capacity  and  zeal  he  had  shown 
in  the  service.  In  deference  to  their  wishes,  Cortes 
summoned  a council  of  war,  and  laid  the  matter  be- 
fore it.  The  treasurer’s  views  were  espoused  by 
most  of  the  high-mettled  cavaliers,  who  looked  with 
eagerness  to  any  change  of  their  present  forlorn  and 
wearisome  life ; and  Cortes,  thinking  it,  probably, 
more  prudent  to  adopt  the  less  expedient  course, 
than  to  enforce  a cold  and  reluctant  obedience  to  his 
own  opinion,  suffered  himself  to  be  overruled.1 

A day  was  fixed  for  the  assault,  which  was  to  be 
made  simultaneously  by  the  two  divisions  under  Al- 
varado and  the  commander-in-chief.  Sandoval  was 
instructed  to  draw  off  the  greater  part  of  his  forces 
from  the  northern  causeway,  and  to  unite  himself 
with  Alvarado,  while  seventy  picked  soldiers  were 
to  be  detached  to  the  support  of  Cortes. 

1 Such  is  the  account  explicitly  (Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  151.) 
given  by  Cortes  to  the  Emperor.  Yet  Diaz  had  not  the  best  means 
(Rel.Terc.,  ap.Lorenzana,  p.264.)  of  knowing;  and  Cortes  would 
Bernal  Diaz,  on  the  contrary,  hardly  have  sent  home  a palpable 
speaks  of  the  assault  as  first  con-  misstatement  that  could  have  been 
ceived  by  the  general  himself,  so  easily  exposed. 


Ch.  \ I.]  GENERAL  ASSAULT  ON  THE  CITY.  137 

On  the  appointed  morning,  the  two  armies,  after 
the  usual  celebration  of  mass,  advanced  along  their 
respective  causeways  against  the  city.2f  They  were 
supported,  in  addition  to  the  brigantines,  by  a nu- 
merous fleet  of  Indian  boats,  which  were  to  force 
a passage  up  the  canals,  and  by  a countless  multi- 
tude of  allies,  whose  very  numbers  served  in  the 
end  to  embarrass  their  operations.  After  clearing 
the  suburbs,  three  avenues  presented  themselves, 
which  all  terminated  in  the  square  of  Tlatelolco. 
The  principal  one,  being  of  much  greater  width 
than  the  other  two,  might  rather  be  called  a cause- 
way than  a street,  since  it  was  flanked  by  deep 
canals  on  either  side.  Cortes  divided  his  force  into 
three  bodies.  One  of  them  he  placed  under  Alde- 
rete,  with  orders  to  occupy  the  principal  street.  A 
second  he  gave  in  charge  to  Andres  de  Tapia  and 
Jorge  de  Alvarado ; the  former  a cavalier  of  cour- 
age and  capacity,  the  latter,  a younger  brother  of 
Don  Pedro,  and  possessed  of  the  intrepid  spirit 
which  belonged  to  that  chivalrous  family.  These 
were  to  penetrate  by  one  of  the  parallel  streets, 
while  the  general  himself,  at  the  head  of  the  third 
division,  was  to  occupy  the  other.  A small  body 


2 This  punctual  performance  of 
mass  by  the  army,  in  storm  and  in 
sunshine,  by  day  and  by  night, 
among  friends  and  enemies,  draws 
forth  a warm  eulogium  from  the 
archiepiscopal  editor  of  Cortes. 
“Enel  Campo,  en  una  Calzada, 
entre  Enemigos,  trabajando  dia,  y 
VOL.  III.  18 


noche,  nunca  se  omitia  la  Missa, 
paraque  toda  la  obra  se  atribuyesse 
a Dios,  y mas  en  unos  Meses,  en 
que  incomodan  las  Aguas  de  el 
Cielo  ; y encima  del  Agua  las 
Habitaciones,  6 malas  Tiendas.” 
Lorenzana,  p 266,  nota. 


138  SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI. 

of  cavalry,  with  two  or  three  field-pieces,  was  sta- 
tioned as  a reserve  in  front  of  the  great  street  of 
Tacuba,  which  was  designated  as  the  rallying  point 
for  the  different  divisions.3 

Cortes  gave  the  most  positive  instructions  to  his 
captains,  not  to  advance  a step  without  securing  the 
means  of  retreat,  by  carefully  filling  up  the  ditches, 
and  the  openings  in  the  causeway.  The  neglect  of 
this  precaution  by  Alvarado,  in  an  assault  which  he 
had  made  on  the  city  but  a few  days  before,  had 
been  attended  with  such  serious  consequences  to  his 
aimy,  that  Cortes  rode  over,  himself,  to  his  officer’s 
quarters,  for  the  purpose  of  publicly  reprimanding 
him  for  his  disobedience  of  orders.  On  his  arrival 
at  the  camp,  however,  he  found  that  his  offending 
captain  had  conducted  the  affair  with  so  much  gal- 
lantry, that  the  intended  reprimand  — though  well 
deserved  — subsided  into  a mild  rebuke.4 * * * 8 

The  arrangements  being  completed,  the  three 
divisions  marched  at  once  up  the  several  streets. 
Cortes,  dismounting,  took  the  van  of  his  own  squad- 
ron, at  the  head  of  his  infantry.  The  Mexicans  fell 

3 In  the  treasurer’s  division , ac-  great  moment  in  the  estimate  of 
cording  to  the  general's  Letter,  the  Indian  forces, 

there  were  70  Spanish  foot,  7 or  8 4 “ Otro  dia  de  maiiana  acorde 

horse,  and  15,000  or  20,000  In-  de  ir  a su  Real  para  le  reprehen- 

dians  ; in  Tapia’s,  80  foot,  and  der  lo  pasado Y visto,  no 

10,000  allies  ; and  in  his  own,  les  impute  tanta  culpa,  como  an- 

8 horse,  100  infantry,  and  “ an  in-  tes  parecia  tener,  y platicado  cer- 
finite  number  of  allies.”  (Ibid.,  ca  de  lo  que  habia  de  hacer,  yo 
ubi  supra.)  The  looseness  of  the  me  bolvi  a nuestro  Real  aquel  dia. 
language  shows  that  a few  thou-  Ibid.,  pp.  263,  264. 
sands,  more  or  less,  were  of  no 


Ch  Vl.J  GENERAL  ASSAULT  ON  THE  CITY. 


139 


hack  as  he  advanced,  making  less  resistance  than 
usual.  The  Spaniards  pushed  on,  carrying  one  bar- 
ricade after  another,  and  carefully  filling  up  the  gaps 
with  rubbish,  so  as  to  secure  themselves  a footing. 
The  canoes  supported  the  attack,  by  moving  along 
the  canals,  and  grappling  with  those  of  the  enemy; 
while  numbers  of  the  nimble-footed  Tlascalans, 
scaling  the  terraces,  passed  on  from  one  house  to 
another,  where  they  were  connected,  hurling  the  de- 
fenders into  the  streets  below.  The  enemy,  taken 
apparently  by  surprise,  seemed  incapable  of  with- 
standing for  a moment  the  fury  of  the  assault ; and 
the  victorious  Christians,  cheered  on  by  the  shouts 
of  triumph  which  arose  from  their  companions  in 
the  adjoining  streets,  were  only  the  more  eager  to 
be  first  at  the  destined  goal. 

Indeed,  the  facility  of  his  success  led  the  general 
to  suspect  that  he  might  be  advancing  too  fast ; that 
it  might  be  a device  of  the  enemy  to  draw  them  into 
the  heart  of  the  city,  and  then  surround  or  attack 
them  in  the  rear.  He  had  some  misgivings,  more- 
over, lest  his  too  ardent  officers,  in  the  heat  of  the 
chase,  should,  notwithstanding  his  commands,  have 
overlooked  the  necessary  precaution  of  filling  up  the 
breaches.  He,  accordingly,  brought  his  squadron 
to  a halt,  prepared  to  baffle  any  insidious  move- 
ment of  his  adversary.  Meanwhile  he  received  more 
than  one  message  from  Alderete,  informing  him  that 
he  had  nearly  gained  the  market.  This  only  in- 
creased the  general’s  apprehension,  that,  in  the 
rapidity  of  his  advance,  he  might  have  neglected  to 


140  SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VL 

secure  the  ground.  He  determined  to  trust  no  eyes 
but  his  own,  and,  taking  a small  body  of  troops,  pro- 
ceeded at  once  to  reconnoitre  the  route  followed  by 
the  treasurer. 

He  had  not  proceeded  far  along  the  great  street, 
or  causeway,  when  his  progress  was  arrested  by  an 
opening  ten  or  twelve  paces  wide,  and  filled  with 
tvater,  at  least  t4Aro  fathoms  deep,  by  which  a com- 
munication was  formed  between  the  canals  on  the 
opposite  sides.  A feeble  attempt  had  been  made 
to  stop  the  gap  with  the  rubbish  of  the  causetvay, 
but  in  too  careless  a manner  to  be  of  the  least  ser- 
vice ; and  a few  straggling  stones  and  pieces  of 
timber  only  showed  that  the  work  had  been  aban- 
doned almost  as  soon  as  begun.5  To  add  to  his 
consternation,  the  general  observed  that  the  sides 
of  the  causeway  in  this  neighbourhood  had  been 
pared  off,  and,  as  Avas  evident,  very  recently.  He 
saAv  in  all  this  the  artifice  of  the  cunning  enemy; 
and  had  little  doubt  that  his  hot-headed  officer  had 
rushed  into  a snare  deliberately  laid  for  him.  Deeply 
alarmed,  he  set  about  repairing  the  mischief  as  fast 
as  possible,  by  ordering  his  men  to  fill  up  the  yawn- 
ing chasm. 

But  they  had  scarcely  begun  their  labors,  when 

5 “ Y halld,  que  habian  pasado  cafias  de  carrizo,  y como  pasaban 
una  quebrada  de  la  Calle,  que  era  pocos  a pocos,  y con  tiento,  no  se 
de  diez,  6 doce  pasos  de  ancho  ; habia  hundido  la  madera  y cafias.” 
y el  Agua,  que  por  ella  pasaba,  Ibid.,  p.  268.  — See  also  Oviedo, 
era  de  hondura  de  mas  de  dos  es-  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33. 
tados,  y al  tiempo  que  la  pasaron  cap.  48. 
habian  echado  en  ella  madera,  y 


Ch.  VI.]  GENERAL  ASSAULT  ON  THE  CITY.  141 

the  hoarse  echoes  of  conflict  in  the  distance  were 
succeeded  by  a hideous  sound  of  mingled  yells  and 
war-whoops,  that  seemed  to  rend  the  very  heavens. 
This  was  followed  by  a rushing  noise,  as  of  the  tread 
of  thronging  multitudes,  showing  that  the  tide  of 
battle  was  turned  back  from  its  former  course,  and 
was  rolling  on  towards  the  spot  where  Cortes  and 
his  little  band  of  cavaliers  were  planted. 

His  conjecture  proved  too  true.  Alderete  had 
followed  the  retreating  Aztecs  with  an  eagerness 
which  increased  with  every  step  of  his  advance. 
He  had  carried  the  barricades,  which  had  defended 
the  breach,  without  much  difficulty,  and,  as  he  swept 
on,  gave  orders  that  the  opening  should  be  stopped. 
But  the  blood  of  the  high-spirited  cavaliers  was 
warmed  by  the  chase,  and  no  one  cared  to  be  de- 
tained by  the  ignoble  occupation  of  filling  up  the 
ditches,  while  he  could  gather  laurels  so  easily  in 
the  fight ; and  they  all  pressed  on,  exhorting  and 
cheering  one  another  with  the  assurance  of  being 
the  first  to  reach  the  square  of  Tlatelolco.  In  this 
way  they  suffered  themselves  to  be  decoyed  into  the 
heart  of  the  city  ; when  suddenly  the  horn  of  Gua- 
temozin  — the  sacred  symbol,  heard  only  in  sea- 
sons of  extraordinary  peril  — sent  forth  a long  and 
piercing  note  from  the  summit  of  a neighbouring 
teocalli.  In  an  instant,  the  flying  Aztecs,  as  if 
maddened  by  the  blast,  wheeled  about,  and  turned 
on  their  pursuers.  At  the  same  time,  countless 
swarms  of  warriors  from  the  adjoining  streets  and 
lanes  poured  in  upon  the  flanks  of  the  assailants, 


142  SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [B  OOK  VI. 

filling  the  air  with  the  fierce,  unearthly  cries  which 
had  reached  the  ears  of  Cortes,  and  drowning,  for 
a moment,  the  wild  dissonance  which  reigned  in 
the  other  quarters  of  the  capital.6 * 8 

The  army,  taken  by  surprise,  and  shaken  by  the 
fury  of  the  assault,  were  thrown  into  the  utmost 
disorder.  Friends  and  foes,  white  men  and  Indians, 
were  mingled  together  in  one  promiscuous  mass. 
Spears,  swords,  and  war-clubs  were  brandished  to- 
gether in  the  air.  Blows  fell  at  random.  In  their 
eagerness  to  escape,  they  trod  down  one  another. 
Blinded  by  the  missiles,  which  now  rained  on  them 
from  the  azoteas,  they  staggered  on,  scarcely  know- 
ing in  what  direction,  or  fell,  struck  down  by  hands 
which  they  could  not  see.  On  they  came  like  a 
rushing  torrent  sweeping  along  some  steep  declivity, 
and  rolling  in  one  confused  tide  towards  the  open 
breach,  on  the  further  side  of  which  stood  Cortes 
and  his  companions,  horror-struck  at  the  sight  of  the 
approaching  ruin.  The  foremost  files  soon  plunged 
into  the  gulf,  treading  one  another  under  the  flood, 
some  striving  ineffectually  to  swim,  others,  with  more 
success,  to  clamber  over  the  heaps  of  their  suffocated 

6 Gomara,  Cronica,  cap.  138.  — itanes  de  manera,  q hiziessen  pre- 
Ixtlilxochitl,  Yenida  de  los  Esp.,  sa,  6 morir  sobre  ello  ; y retumba- 
p.  37. — Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  ua  el  sonido,  q se  metia  en  los 
MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  26.  oidos,  y de  q lo  oyero  aquellos 

Guatemozin’s  horn  rung  in  the  sus  esquadrones,  y Capitanes  ; sa- 
ears  of  Bernal  Diaz,  for  many  a ber  yo  aqui  dezir  aora,  con  q ra- 
day  after  the  battle.  “ Guatemuz,  bia,yesfuergosemetianentreno- 
y manda  tocar  su  corneta,  5 era  vna  sotros  a nos  echar  mano,  es  cosa 
serial  q quando  aquella  se  tocas-  de  espanto.”  Hist,  de  la  Con- 

se,  era  q auian  de  pelear  sus  Cap-  quista,  cap.  152. 


<Jh.  VI]  DEFEAT  OF  THE  SPANIARDS.  143 

comrades.  Many,  as  they  attempted  to  scale  the 
opposite  sides  of  the  slippery  dike,  fell  into  the 
water,  or  were  hurried  off  by  the  warriors  in  the 
canoes,  who  added  to  the  horrors  of  the  rout  by  the 
fresh  storm  of  darts  and  javelins,  which  they  poured 
on  the  fugitives. 

Cortes,  meanwhile,  with  his  brave  followers,  kept 
his  station  undaunted  on  the  other  side  of  the  breach. 
“ I had  made  up  my  mind,”  he  says,  “ to  die,  rather 
than  desert  my  poor  followers  in  their  extremity!”7 
With  outstretched  hands  he  endeavoured  to  rescue 
as  many  as  he  could  from  the  watery  grave,  and 
from  the  more  appalling  fate  of  captivity.  He  as 
vainly  tried  to  restore  something  like  presence  of 
mind  and  order  among  the  distracted  fugitives.  His 
person  was  too  well  known  to  the  Aztecs,  and  his 
position  now  made  him  a conspicuous  mark  for  their 
weapons.  Darts,  stones,  and  arrows  fell  around  him 
thick  as  hail,  but  glanced  harmless  from  his  steel 
helmet  and  armor  of  proof.  At  length  a cry  of 
“ Malinche,”  “ Malinche,”  arose  among  the  enemy ; 
and  six  of  their  number,  strong  and  athletic  warriors, 
rushing  on  him  at  once,  made  a violent  effort  to 
drag  him  on  board  their  boat.  In  the  struggle  he 
received  a severe  wound  in  the  leg,  which,  for  the 
time,  disabled  it.  There  seemed  to  be  no  hope  for 
him  ; when  a faithful  follower,  Christo'val  de  Olea, 
perceiving  his  general’s  extremity,  threw  himself  on 


7 “E  como  el  negocio  fue  tan  alii,  y morir  peleando.”  Rel.  Terc. 
de  supito,  y vi  que  mataban  la  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  268. 

Gente,  determine  de  me  quedar 


144 


SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI. 


the  Aztecs,  and  with  a blow  cut  off  the  arm  of  one 
savage,  and  then  plunged  his  sword  in  the  body  of 
another.  He  was  quickly  supported  by  a comrade 
named  Lerma,  and  by  a Tlascalan  chief,  who,  fight- 
ing over  the  prostrate  body  of  Cortes,  despatched 
three  more  of  the  assailants,  though  the  heroic  Olea 
paid  dearly  for  his  self-devotion,  as  he  fell  mortally 
wounded  by  the  side  of  his  general.8 

The  report  soon  spread  among  the  soldiers,  that 
their  commander  was  taken ; and  Quinones,  the 
captain  of  his  guard,  with  several  others,  pouring  in 
to  the  rescue,  succeeded  in  disentangling  Cortes 
from  the  grasp  of  his  enemies  who  were  struggling 
with  him  in  the  water,  and,  raising  him  in  their  arms, 


3 Ixtlilxochitl,  who  would  fain 
make  his  royal  kinsman  a sort  of 
residuary  legatee  for  all  unappro- 
priated, or  even  doubtful,  acts  of 
heroism,  puts  in  a sturdy  claim  for 
him  on  this  occasion.  A painting, 
he  says,  on  one  of  the  gates  of  a 
monastery  of  Tlatelolco,  long  re- 
corded the  fact,  that  it  was  the 
Tezcucan  chief  who  saved  the 
life  of  Cortes.  (Venida  de  los 
Esp.,  p.  38.)  But  Camarga  gives 
the  full  credit  of  it  to  Olea,  on  the 
testimony  of  “ a famous  Tlasca- 
lan warrior,”  present  in  the  action, 
who  reported  it  to  him.  (Hist, 
de  Tlascala,  MS.)  The  same  is 
stoutly  maintained  by  Bernal  Diaz, 
the  townsman  of  Olea,  to  whose 
memory  he  pays  a hearty  tribute, 
as  one  of  the  best  men  and  brav- 
est soldiers  in  the  army.  (Hist, 
de  la  Conquista,  cap.  152,  204.) 


Saavedra,  the  poetic  chronicler, — 
something  more  of  chronicler  than 
poet,  — who  came  on  the  stage 
before  all  that  had  borne  arms  in 
the  Conquest  had  left  it,  gives  the 
laurel  also  to  Olea,  whose  fate  he 
commemorates  in  verses,  that,  at 
least,  aspire  to  historic  fidelity. 

“Tuvole  con  las  manos  abra^ado, 

Y Francisco  de  Olea  el  valeroso, 

Vn  valiente  Espanol,  y su  criado, 

Le  tiro  vn  tajo  brauo  y riguroso : 

Las  dos  manos  4 cercen  le  ha  cortado, 

Y 61  le  librd  del  trance  trabajoso. 

Huuo  muy  gran  rumor,  porque  dezian, 
Que  ya  en  prision  amarga  le  tenian. 

“Lleglron  otros  Indios  arriscados, 

Y 4 Olea  mat4ron  en  vn  punto, 

Cerc4ron  4 Cortes  por  todos  lados, 

Y al  miserable  cuerpo  ya  difunto : 

Y viendo  sus  sentidos  recobrados, 

Puso  mano  4 la  espada  y daga  junto. 
Antonio  de  Quinones  Heg6  luego, 

Capitan  de  la  guarda  ardiendo  en  fuego.” 

El  Peregrino  Indiano,  Canto  90. 


Lh.  VI.l 


DEFEAT  OF  THE  SPANIARDS. 


145 


placed  him  again  on  the  causeway.  One  of  his 
pages,  meanwhile,  had  advanced  some  way  through 
the  press,  leading  a horse  for  his  master  to  mount. 
But  the  youth  received  a wound  in  the  throat  from  a 
javelin,  which  prevented  him  from  effecting  his 
object.  Another  of  his  attendants  was  more  success- 
ful. It  was  Guzman,  his  chamberlain ; but,  as  he 
held  the  bridle,  while  Cortes  was  assisted  into  the 
saddle,  he  was  snatched  away  by  the  Aztecs,  and, 
with  the  swiftness  of  thought,  hurried  off  by  their 
canoes.  The  general  still  lingered,  unwilling  to  leave 
the  spot,  while  his  presence  could  be  of  the  least 
service.  But  the  faithful  Quinones,  taking  his  horse 
by  the  bridle,  turned  his  head  from  the  breach,  ex- 
claiming, at  the  same  time,  that  “ his  master’s  life 
was  too  important  to  the  army  to  be  thrown  away 
there.”9 

Tet  it  was  no  easy  matter  to  force  a passage 
through  the  press.  The  surface  of  the  causeway, 
cut  up  by  the  feet  of  men  and  horses,  was  knee- 
deep  in  mud,  and  in  some  parts  was  so  much  bro- 
ken, that  the  water  from  the  canals  flotved  over  it. 
The  crowded  mass,  in  their  efforts  to  extricate  them- 
selves from  their  perilous  position,  staggered  to  and 
fro  like  a drunken  man.  Those  on  the  flanks  were 
often  forced  by  the  lateral  pressure  of  their  comrades 

9 “ E aquel  Capitan  que  estaba  esperado  atender  ; e sin  vos,  nin- 
con  el  General,  que  se  decia  An-  guno  de  nosotros  puede  escapar, 
tonio  de  Quifiones,  dixole  : Ya-  que  no  es  esfuerzo,  sino  poquedad, 
mos,  Seiior,  de  aqui,  y salvemos  porfiar  aqui  otra  cosa.:’  Oviedo, 
vuestra  Persona,  pues  que  ya  esto  Hist,  de  las  Ind. , MS.,  lib.  33,  cap. 
;sta  de  manera,  que  es  morir  des-  26. 

VOL.  III.  19 


146  SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI 

down  the  slippery  sides  of  the  dike,  where  they 
were  picked  up  by  the  canoes  of  the  enemy,  whose 
shouts  of  triumph  proclaimed  the  savage  joy  with 
which  they  gathered  in  every  new  victim  for  the 
sacrifice.  Two  cavaliers,  riding  by  the  general’s 
side,  lost  their  footing,  and  rolled  down  the  declivity 
into  the  water.  One  was  taken  and  his  horse  killed. 
The  other  was  happy  enough  to  escape.  The  val- 
iant ensign,  Corral,  had  a similar  piece  of  good  for- 
tune. He  slipped  into  the  canal,  and  the  enemy 
felt  sure  of  their  prize,  when  he  again  succeeded  in 
recovering  the  causeway  with  the  tattered  banner 
of  Castile  still  flying  above  his  head.  The  barbari- 
ans set  up  a cry  of  disappointed  rage,  as  they  lost 
possession  of  a trophy,  to  which  the  people  of  Ana- 
huac  attached,  as  we  have  seen,  the  highest  impor- 
tance, hardly  inferior  in  their  eyes  to  the  capture  of 
the  commander-in-chief  himself.10 

Cortes  at  length  succeeded  in  regaining  the  firm 
ground,  and  reaching  the  open  place  before  the 
great  street  of  Tacuba.  Here,  under  a sharp  fire 
of  the  artillery,  he  rallied  his  broken  squadrons,  and, 
charging  at  the  head  of  the  little  body  of  horse, 
which,  not  having  been  brought  into  action,  were 
still  fresh,  he  beat  off  the  enemy.  He  then  com- 
manded the  retreat  of  the  two  other  divisions.  The 
scattered  forces  again  united;  and  the  general,  send- 

10  It  may  have  been  the  same  broidered  standard,  under  which 
banner  which  is  noticed  by  Mr.  the  great  captain  wrested  this  im- 
Bullock,  as  treasured  up  in  the  mense  empire  from  the  unfortunate 
Hospital  of  Jesus,  “where,”  says  Montezuma.”  Six  Months  in  Mex- 
he,  “we  beheld  the  identical  cm-  ico,  vol.  I.  chap.  10. 


Ch.  VI.] 


DEFEAT  OF  THE  SPANIARDS. 


147 


ins  forward  his  Indian  confederates,  took  the  rear 
with  a chosen  body  of  cavalry  to  cover  the  retreat 
Df  the  army,  which  was  effected  with  but  little  ad- 
ditional loss.11 

Andres  de  Tapia  was  despatched  to  the  western 
causeway  to  acquaint  Alvarado  and  Sandoval  with 
the  failure  of  the  enterprise.  Meanwhile  the  two 
captains  had  penetrated  far  into  the  city.  Cheered 
by  the  triumphant  shouts  of  their  countrymen  in  the 
adjacent  streets,  they  had  pushed  on  with  extraor- 
dinary vigor,  that  they  might  not  be  outstripped  in 
the  race  of  glory.  They  had  almost  reached  the 
market-place,  which  lay  nearer  to  their  quarters 
than  to  the  general’s,  when  they  heard  the  blast 
from  the  dread  horn  of  Guatemozin,12  followed  by 
the  overpowering  yell  of  the  barbarians,  which  had 
so  startled  the  ears  of  Cortes  ; till  at  length  the 
sounds  of  the  receding  conflict  died  away  in  the 
distance.  The  two  captains  now  understood  that 
the  day  must  have  gone  hard  with  their  countrymen. 
They  soon  had  further  proof  of  it,  when  the  victori- 
ous Aztecs,  returning  from  the  pursuit  of  Cortes, 
joined  their  forces  to  those  engaged  with  Sandoval 

11  For  this  disastrous  affair,  be-  12  “ El  resonido  de  la  eorneta 
sides  the  Letter  of  Cortes,  and  the  de  Guatemuz.”  — Astolfo’s  magic 
Chronicle  of  Diaz,  so  often  quoted,  horn  was  not  more  terrible, 
see  Sahagun,  Hist,  de  Nueva  Esp.,  .....  ...  , ,.  , 

. ° * Dico  che  1 corno  e di  si  orribil  suono, 

MS.,  lib.  12,  cap.  33,  Gamar-  Ch’  ovunque  s'  oda,  fa  fuggir  la  genie, 
go,  Hist,  de  Tlascala,  MS.,  — Go-  Non  puo  trovarsi  al  mondo  un  cor  si  buono, 
mara,  Cronica,  cap.  138,  — Tor-  Che  possa  non  fuggir  come  lo  sente. 

Rumor  di  vento  e di  tremuoto,  e ’1  mono, 

quemada,  Monarch.  Ind.,  lib.  4,  A par  del  suon  di  questo,  era  niente.” 
cap.  94, — Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Orlando  Furioso,  Canto  15,  st.  15. 

Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  26,  48. 


148  SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI. 

and  Alvarado,  and  fell  on  them  with  redoubled  fury. 
At  the  same  time  they  rolled  on  the  ground  two  or 
three  of  the  bloody  heads  of  the  Spaniards,  shout- 
ing the  name  of  “Malinche.”  The  captains,  struck 
with  horror  at  the  spectacle,  — though  they  gave 
little  credit  to  the  words  of  the  enemy, — instantly 
ordered  a retreat.  Indeed,  it  was  not  in  their  power 
to  maintain  their  ground  against  the  furious  assaults 
of  the  besieged,  who  poured  on  them,  swarm  after 
swarm,  with  a desperation,  of  which,  says  one  who 
was  there,  “although  it  seems  as  if  it  were  now 
present  to  my  eyes,  I can  give  but  a faint  idea  io 
the  reader.  God  alone  could  have  brought  us  off 
safe  from  the  perils  of  that  day.”13  The  fierce  bar- 
barians followed  up  the  Spaniards  to  their  very  in- 
trenchments.  But  here  they  were  met,  first  by  the 
cross  fire  of  the  brigantines,  which,  dashing  through 
the  palisades  planted  to  obstruct  their  movements, 
completely  enfiladed  the  causeway,  and  next  by  that 
of  the  small  battery  erected  in  front  of  the  camp, 
which,  under  the  management  of  a skilful  engineer, 
named  Medrano,  swept  the  whole  length  of  the  de- 
file. Thus  galled  in  front  and  on  flank,  the  shattered 
columns  of  the  Aztecs  were  compelled  to  give  way 
and  take  shelter  under  the  defences  of  the  city. 

The  greatest  anxiety  now  prevailed  in  the  camp, 

13  “ Por  q yo  no  lo  se  aqui  mos  todos  heridos : el  nos  saluo, 
escriuir  q aora  q me  pongo  a pen-  q de  otra  manera  no  nos  podiamos 
sar  en  ello,  es  como  si  visible-  llegar  a nuestros  ranchos.”  Ber 
mente  lo  viesse,  mas  bueluo  a de-  nal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista 
zir,  y ansi  es  verdad,  q si  Dios  no  cap.  152. 
nos  diera  esfuer§o,  segun  estaua- 


Ch.  VI.] 


THEIR  DISASTROUS  CONDITION. 


149 


regarding  the  fate  of  Cortes;  for  Tapia  had  been 
detained  on  the  road  by  scattered  parties  of  the  ene- 
my, whom  Guatemozin  had  stationed  there  to  inter- 
rupt the  communications  between  the  camps.  He 
arrived,  at  length,  however,  though  bleeding  from 
several  wounds.  His  intelligence,  while  it  reassured 
the  Spaniards  as  to  the  general’s  personal  safety, 
was  not  calculated  to  allay  their  uneasiness  in  other 
respects. 

Sandoval,  in  particular,  was  desirous  to  acquaint 
himself  with  the  actual  state  of  things,  and  the  fur- 
ther intentions  of  Cortes.  Suffering  as  he  was  from 
three  wounds,  which  he  had  received  in  that  day’s 
fight,  he  resolved  to  visit  in  person  the  quarters  of 
the  commander-in-chief.  It  was  mid-day,  — for  the 
busy  scenes  of  the  morning  had  occupied  but  a few 
hours,  — when  Sandoval  remounted  the  good  steed, 
on  whose  strength  and  speed  he  knew  he  could  rely. 
It  was  a noble  animal,  well-known  throughout  the 
army,  and  worthy  of  its  gallant  rider,  whom  it  had 
carried  safe  through  all  the  long  marches  and  bloody 
battles  of  the  conquest.14  On  the  way  he  fell  in 
with  Guatemozin’s  scouts,  who  gave  him  chase,  and 
showered  around  him  volleys  of  missiles,  which  for- 


14  This  renowned  steed,  who 
migiic  rival  the  Babieca  of  the  Cid, 
was  named  Motilla,  and,  when  one 
would  pass  unqualified  praise  on  a 
horse,  he  would  say,  “He  is  as 
good  as  Motilla/’  So  says  that 
prince  of  chroniclers,  Diaz,  who 
takes  care  that  neither  beast  nor 


man  shall  be  defrauded  of  his  fair 
guerdon  in  these  campaigns  against 
the  infidel.  He  was  of  a chestnu 
color,  it  seems,  with  a star  in  his 
forehead,  and,  luckily  for  his  cred- 
it, with  only  one  foot  white.  See 
Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  152, 
205. 


150 


SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI. 


tunately  found  no  vulnerable  point  in  his  own  har- 
ness, or  that  of  his  well-barbed  charger. 

On  arriving  at  the  camp,  he  found  the  troops 
there  much  worn  and  dispirited  by  the  disaster  of 
the  morning.  They  had  good  reason  to  be  so. 
Besides  the  killed,  and  a long  file  of  wounded,  sixty- 
two  Spaniards,  with  a multitude  of  allies,  had  fallen 
alive  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy,  — an  enemy  who 
was  never  known  to  spare  a captive.  The  loss  of 
two  field-pieces  and  seven  horses  crowmed  their  own 
disgrace  and  the  triumphs  of  the  Aztecs.  This  loss, 
so  insignificant  in  European  warfare,  was  a great 
one  here,  where  both  horses  and  artillery,  the  most 
powerful  arms  of  war  against  the  barbarians,  w7ere 
not  to  be  procured  without  the  greatest  cost  and 
difficulty.15 

Cortes,  it  was  observed,  had  borne  himself  through- 
out this  trying  day  with  his  usual  intrepidity  and 
coolness.  The  only  time  he  wras  seen  to  falter  w7as 
when  the  Mexicans  threw  down  before  him  the 
heads  of  several  Spaniards,  shouting,  at  the  same 
time,  “Sandoval,”  “Tonatiuh,”  the  well-known  epi- 
thet of  Alvarado.  At  the  sight  of  the  gory  trophies, 
he  grew  deadly  pale,  — but,  in  a moment  recover- 
ing his  usual  confidence,  he  endeavoured  to  cheer 
up  the  drooping  spirits  of  his  followers.  It  was 

15  The  cavaliers  might  be  ex-  que  costaua  en  aquella  sazon  vn 
cused  for  not  wantonly  venturing  cauallo  ochocientos  pesos,  y aun 
their  horses,  if,  as  Diaz  asserts,  algunos  costauan  a mas  de  mil.” 
they  could  only  be  replaced  at  an  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  151. 
expense  of  eight  hundred,  or  a See,  also,  Ante,  Book  II.  chap.  3. 
thousand  dollars  apiece.  “ Por-  note  14 


Ch.  VI.] 


THEIR  DISASTROUS  CONDITION. 


151 


with  a cheerful  countenance,  that  he  now  received 
his  lieutenant ; but  a shade  of  sadness  was  visible 
through  this  outward  composure,  showing  how  the 
catastrophe  of  the  puente  cuidada , “ the  sorrowful 
bridge,”  as  he  mournfully  called  it,  lay  heavy  at  his 
heart. 

To  the  cavalier’s  anxious  inquiries,  as  to  the  cause 
of  the  disaster,  he  replied  : “ It  is  for  my  sins,  that 
it  has  befallen  me,  son  Sandoval”;  for  such  was 
the  affectionate  epithet  with  which  Cortes  often 
addressed  his  best-beloved  and  trusty  officer.  He 
then  explained  to  him  the  immediate  cause,  in  the 
negligence  of  the  treasurer.  Further  conversation  fol- 
lowed, in  which  the  general  declared  his  purpose  to 
forego  active  hostilities  for  a few  days.  “ You  must 
take  my  place,”  he  continued,  “ for  I am  too  much 
crippled  at  present  to  discharge  my  duties.  You 
must  watch  over  the  safety  of  the  camps.  Give 
especial  heed  to  Alvarado’s.  He  is  a gallant  sol- 
dier, I know  it  well  ; but  I doubt  the  Mexican 
hounds  may,  some  hour,  take  him  at  disadvantage.”16 
These  few  words  showed  the  general’s  own  esti- 
mate of  his  two  lieutenants ; both  equally  brave 
and  chivalrous  ; but  the  one  uniting  with  these 
qualities  the  circumspection  so  essential  to  success 
in  perilous  enterprises,  in  which  the  other  was  sig- 

16  “ Mira  piles  veis  que  yo  no  rado,  y sus  Capitanes,  y soldados 
puedo  ir  a todas  partes,  a vos  os  auran  batallado,  y hecho  como 
encomiendo  estos  trabajos,  pues  caualleros,  mas  temo  el  gran  poder 
veis  q estoy  herido  y coxo ; rue-  destos  perros  no  les  ayan  desbara- 
go  os  pongais  cobro  en  estos  tres  tado.”  Ibid.,  cap.  152. 
reales ; bien  se  q Pedro  de  Alua- 


152 


SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI. 


nally  deficient.  The  future  conqueror  of  Guatema- 
la had  to  gather  wisdom,  as  usual,  from  the  bitter 
fruits  of  his  own  errors.  It  was  under  the  training 
of  Cortes  that  he  learned  to  be  a soldier.  — The 
general,  having  concluded  his  instructions,  affection- 
ately embraced  his  lieutenant,  and  dismissed  him  to 
his  quarters. 

It  was  late  in  the  afternoon  when  he  reached 
them ; but  the  sun  was  still  lingering  above  the 
western  hills,  and  poured  his  beams  wide  over  the 
Valley,  lighting  up  the  old  towers  and  temples  of 
Tenochtitlan  with  a mellow  radiance,  that  little  har- 
monized with  the  dark  scenes  of  strife,  in  which  the 
city  had  so  lately  been  involved.  The  tranquillity  of 
the  hour,  however,  was,  on  a sudden,  broken  by  the 
strange  sounds  of  the  great  drum  in  the  temple  of 
the  war-god,  — sounds  which  recalled  the  noche  tris- 
te,  with  all  its  terrible  images,  to  the  minds  of  the 
Spaniards,  for  that  was  the  only  occasion  on  which 
they  had  ever  heard  them.17  They  intimated  some 
solemn  act  of  religion  within  the  unhallowed  pre- 
cincts of  the  teocalli ; and  the  soldiers,  startled  by 
the  mournful  vibrations,  which  might  be  heard  for 
leagues  across  the  Valley,  turned  their  eyes  to  the 
quarter  whence  they  proceeded.  They  there  beheld 
a long  procession  winding  up  the  huge  sides  of  the 
pyramid ; for  the  camp  of  Alvarado  was  pitched 
scarcely  a mile  from  the  city,  and  objects  are  dis- 

17  “ Vn  atambor  de  muy  triste  se  oia  dos,  6 ires  Ieguas.”  Ibid., 
sonido,-enfin  como  instrumento  de  loc.  cit. 
demonios,  y retumbaua  tanto,  que 


Ch.  VI.]  SACRIFICE  OF  THE  CAPTIVES.  153 

tinctly  visible,  at  a great  distance,  in  the  transparent 
atmosphere  of  the  table-land. 

As  the  long  file  of  priests  and  warriors  reached 
the  flat  summit  of  the  teocalli , the  Spaniards  saw 
the  figures  of  several  men  stripped  to  their  waists, 
some  of  whom,  by  the  whiteness  of  their  skins,  they 
recognised  as  their  own  countrymen.  They  were 
the  victims  for  sacrifice.  Their  heads  were  gaudily 
decorated  with  coronals  of  plumes,  and  they  carried 
fans  in  their  hands.  They  were  urged  along  by 
blows,  and  compelled  to  take  part  in  the  dances  in 
honor  of  the  Aztec  war-god.  The  unfortunate  cap- 
tives, then  stripped  of  their  sad  finery,  were  stretch- 
ed, one  after  another,  on  the  great  stone  of  sacrifice. 
On  its  convex  surface,  their  breasts  were  heaved  up 
conveniently  for  the  diabolical  purpose  of  the  priest- 
ly executioner,  who  cut  asunder  the  ribs  by  a strong 
blow  with  his  sharp  razor  of  itztli,  and,  thrusting  his 
hand  into  the  wound,  tore  away  the  heart,  which, 
hot  and  reeking,  was  deposited  on  the  golden  censer 
before  the  idol.  The  body  of  the  slaughtered  vic- 
tim was  then  hurled  down  the  steep  stairs  of  the 
pyramid,  which,  it  may  be  remembered,  were  placed 
at  the  same  angle  of  the  pile,  one  flight  below  an- 
other ; and  the  mutilated  remains  were  gathered  up 
by  the  savages  beneath,  who  soon  prepared  with 
them  the  cannibal  repast  which  completed  the  work 
of  abomination  ! 18 

18  Ibid.,  ubi  supra. — Oviedo,  “ Sacandoles  los  corazones,  so- 
Hist.de  las  Ind., MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  bre  una  piedra  que  era  como  un 
48.  pilar  cortado,  tan  grueso  como  un 


VOL.  III. 


20 


154 


SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI. 


We  may  imagine  with  what  sensations  the  stupe- 
fied Spaniards  must  have  gazed  on  this  horrid  spec- 
tacle, so  near  that  they  could  almost  recognise  the 
persons  of  their  unfortunate  friends,  see  the  strug- 
gles and  writhing  of  their  bodies,  hear  — or  fancy 
that  they  heard  — their  screams  of  agony!  yet  so 
far  removed,  that  they  could  render  them  no  assist- 
ance. Their  limbs  trembled  beneath  them,  as  they 
thought  what  might  one  day  be  their  own  fate  ; and 
the  bravest  among  them,  who  had  hitherto  gone  to 
battle,  as  careless  and  light-hearted,  as  to  the  ban- 
quet or  the  ball-room,  were  unable,  from  this  time 
forward,  to  encounter  their  ferocious  enemy  without 
a sickening  feeling,  much  akin  to  fear,  coming  over 
them.19 


hombre  y algo  mas,  y tan  alto 
como  medio  estadio ; all!  a cada 
uno  echado  de  espaldas  sobre  aquel- 
la  piedra,  que  se  llama  Techcatl, 
uno  le  tiraba  por  un  brazo,  y otro 
por  el  otro,  v tambien  por  las  pier- 
nas  otros  dos,  y venia  uno  de  aquel- 
los  Satrapas,  con  un  pedernal,  co- 
mo un  hierro  de  lanza  enhastado, 
en  un  palo  de  dos  palmos  de  largo, 
le  daba  un  golpe  con  ambas  manos 
en  el  pecho  ; y sacando  aquel  pe- 
dernal, por  la  misma  llaga  metia 
la  mano,  y arrancabale  el  corazon, 
y luego  fregaba  con  dl  la  boca  del 
Idolo  ; y echaba  a rodar  el  cuerpo 
por  las  gradas  abajo,  que  serian 
como  cinquenta  6 sesenta  gradas, 
por  alii  abajo  iba  quebrando  las 
piernas  y los  brazos,  y dando  ca- 
bezasos  con  la  cabeza,  hasta  que 


llegaba  abajo  aun  vivo.”  Saha- 
gun,  Hist,  de  Nueva  Esp.,  MS., 
lib.  12,  cap.  35. 

19  At  least,  such  is  the  honest 
confession  of  Captain  Diaz,  as 
stout-hearted  a soldier  as  any  in 
the  army.  He  consoles  himself, 
however,  with  the  reflection,  that 
the  tremor  of  his  limbs  intimated 
rather  an  excess  of  courage  than 
a want  of  it,  since  it  arose  from  a 
lively  sense  of  the  great  dangers 
into  which  his  daring  spirit  was 
about  to  hurry  him  ! The  passage 
in  the  original  affords  a good  spe- 
cimen of  the  inimitable  naiveti  of 
the  old  chronicler.  “ Digan  ago- 
ra todos  aquellos  caualleros,  que 
desto  del  militar  entienden,  y se 
han  hallado  en  trances  peligrosos 
de  muerte,  a que  fin  echaran  mi 


Ch.  VI.] 


SACRIFICE  OF  THE  CAPTIVES. 


155 


Such  was  not  the  effect  produced  by  this  specta- 
cle on  the  Mexican  forces,  gathered  at  the  end  of 
the  causeway.  Like  vultures  maddened  by  the 
smell  of  distant  carrion,  they  set  up  a piercing  cry, 
and,  as  they  shouted  that  “ such  should  be  the  fate 
of  all  their  enemies,”  swept  along  in  one  fierce  tor- 
rent over  the  dike.  But  the  Spaniards  were  not 
to  be  taken  by  surprise ; and,  before  the  barbarian 
horde  had  come  within  their  lines,  they  opened  such 
a deadly  fire  from  their  battery  of  heavy  guns,  sup- 
ported by  the  musketry  and  crossbows,  that  the 
assailants  were  compelled  to  fall  back  slowly,  but 
fearfully  mangled,  to  their  former  position. 

The  five  following  days  passed  away  in  a state  of 
inaction,  except,  indeed,  so  far  as  was  necessary  to 
repel  the  sorties , made,  from  time  to  time,  by  the 
militia  of  the  capital.  The  Mexicans,  elated  with 
their  success,  meanwhile,  abandoned  themselves  to 
jubilee;  singing,  dancing,  and  feasting  on  the  man- 
gled relics  of  their  wretched  victims.  Guatemozin 
sent  several  heads  of  the  Spaniards,  as  well  as  of 
the  horses,  round  the  country,  calling  on  his  old  vas- 
sals to  forsake  the  banners  of  the  white  men,  unless 
they  would  share  the  doom  of  the  enemies  of  Mex- 
ico. The  priests  now  cheered  the  young  monarch 
and  the  people  with  the  declaration,  that  the  dread 


temor,  si  es  a mucha  flaqueza  de  te  que  por  fuerca  auia  de  temer  la 
animo,  6 a mucho  esfuerqo,  por-  muerte  mas  que  otras  vezes,  y por 
que  como  he  dicho,  sentia  yo  en  esto  me  temblaua  el  coracon,  y te- 
mi  pensamiento,  que  auia  de  poner  mia  la  muerte.”  Hist,  de  la  Con- 
por  mi  persona,  batallando  en  par-  quista,  cap.  156. 


156 


SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI. 


Huitzilopochtli,  their  offended  deity,  appeased  by 
the  sacrifices  offered  up  on  his  altars,  would  again 
take  the  Aztecs  under  his  protection,  and  deliver 
their  enemies,  before  the  expiration  of  eight  days, 
into  their  hands.20 

This  comfortable  prediction,  confidently  believed 
by  the  Mexicans,  was  thundered  in  the  ears  of  the 
besieging  army  in  tones  of  exultation  and  defiance. 
However  it  may  have  been  contemned  by  the  Span- 
iards, it  had  a very  different  effect  on  their  allies. 
The  latter  had  begun  to  be  disgusted  with  a service 
so  full  of  peril  and  suffering,  and  already  protracted 
far  beyond  the  usual  term  of  Indian  hostilities. 
They  had  less  confidence  than  before  in  the  Span- 
iards. Experience  had  shown  that  they  were  neither 
invincible  nor  immortal,  and  their  recent  reverses 
made  them  even  distrust  the  ability  of  the  Christians 
to  reduce  the  Aztec  metropolis.  They  recalled  to 
mind  the  ominous  words  of  Xicotencatl,  that  “ so 
sacrilegious  a war  could  come  to  no  good  for  the 
people  of  Anahuac.”  They  felt  that  their  arm  was 
raised  against  the  gods  of  their  country.  The  pre- 
diction of  the  oracle  fell  heavy  on  their  hearts. 
They  had  little  doubt  of  its  fulfilment,  and  were 
only  eager  to  turn  away  the  bolt  from  their  own 
heads  by  a timely  secession  from  the  cause. 


20  Herrera,  Hist.  General,  dec.  nosotros  a vida,  porque  assi  se  lo 
3,  lib.  2,  cap.  20. — Ixtlilxochitl,  auian  prometido  la  noche  antes 
Venida  de  los  Esp.,  pp.  41,  42.  sus  Dioses.”  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist 
“ Y nos  dezian,  que  de  ai  a ocho  ,Je  [a  Conquista  cap.  153. 
dias  no  auia  de  quedar  ninguno  de 


Ch.  VI.] 


DEFECTION  OF  THE  ALLIES. 


157 


They  took  advantage,  therefore,  of  the  friendly 
cover  of  night  to  steal  away  from  their  quarters. 
Company  after  company  deserted  in  this  manner, 
taking  the  direction  of  their  respective  homes. 
Those  belonging  to  the  great  towns  of  the  Valley, 
whose  allegiance  was  the  most  recent,  were  the  first 
to  cast  it  off.  Their  example  was  followed  by  the 
older  confederates,  the  militia  of  Cholula,  Tepeaca, 
Tezcuco,  and  even  the  faithful  Tlascala.  There 
were,  it  is  true,  some  exceptions  to  these,  and, 
among  them,  Ixtlilxochiti,  the  young  lord  of  Tezcuco, 
and  Chichemecatl,  the  valiant  Tlascalan  chieftain, 
who,  with  a few  of  their  immediate  followers,  still 
remained  true  to  the  banner  under  which  they  had 
enlisted.  But  their  number  was  insignificant.  — 
The  Spaniards  beheld  with  dismay  the  mighty  array, 
on  which  they  relied  for  support,  thus  silently  melt- 
ing away  before  the  breath  of  superstition.  Cortes 
alone  maintained  a cheerful  countenance.  He  treated 
the  prediction  with  contempt,  as  an  invention  of  the 
priests,  and  sent  his  messengers  after  the  retreating 
squadrons,  beseeching  them  to  postpone  their  de- 
parture, or  at  least  to  halt  on  the  road,  till  the  time, 
which  would  soon  elapse,  should  show  the  falsehood 
of  the  prophecy. 

The  affairs  of  the  Spaniards,  at  this  crisis,  must 
be  confessed  to  have  worn  a gloomy  aspect.  De- 
serted by  their  allies,  with  their  ammunition  nearly 
exhausted,  cut  off  from  the  customary  supplies  from 
the  neighbourhood,  harassed  by  unintermitting  vigils 
and  fatigues,  smarting  under  wounds,  of  which  every 


158  SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI 

man  in  the  army  had  his  share,  with  an  unfriendly 
country  in  their  rear,  and  a mortal  foe  in  front,  they 
might  well  be  excused  for  faltering  in  their  enter- 
prise. They  found  abundant  occupation  by  day 
in  foraging  the  country,  and  in  maintaining  their 
position  on  the  causeways  against  the  enemy,  now 
made  doubly  daring  by  success,  and  by  the  prom- 
ises of  their  priests ; while  at  night  their  slum- 
bers were  disturbed  by  the  beat  of  the  melan- 
choly drum,  the  sounds  of  which,  booming  far  over 
the  waters,  tolled  the  knell  of  their  murdered  com- 
rades. Night  after  night  fresh  victims  were  led  up 
to  the  great  altar  of  sacrifice  ; and,  while  the  city 
blazed  with  the  illumination  of  a thousand  bonfires 
on  the  terraced  roofs  of  the  dwellings,  and  in  the 
areas  of  the  temples,  the  dismal  pageant,  showing 
through  the  fiery  glare  like  the  work  of  the  ministers 
of  hell,  was  distinctly  visible  from  the  camp  below. 
One  of  the  last  of  the  sufferers  was  Guzman,  the 
unfortunate  chamberlain  of  Cortes,  who  lingered  in 
captivity  eighteen  days  before  he  met  his  doom.21 


21  Sahagun,  Hist,  de  Nueva 
Esp.,  MS.,  lib.  12,  cap.  3G.  — Ix- 
tlilxoehitl,  Venida  de  los  Esp.,  pp. 
41,  42. 

The  Castilian  scholar  will  see 
that  I have  not  drawn  on  my  im- 
agination for  the  picture  of  these 
horrors.  “ Digamos  aora  lo  que 
los  Mexicanos  hazian  de  noche  en 
sus  grandes,  y altos  Cues  ; y es,  q 
tahian  su  maldito  atamhor,  que 
dixe  otra  vez  que  era  el  de  mas 
maldito  sonido,  y mas  triste  q se 


podia  inuetar,  y sonaua  muy  lexos ; 
y tafiian  otros  peores  instrumentos. 
En  fin,  cosas  diabolicas,  y tenia 
grandes  lumbres,  y daua  gradissi- 
mos  gritos,  y siluos,  y en  aquel 
instate  estauan  sacrificando  de  nu- 
estros  copaneros,  de  los  q tomaro 
a Cortes,  que  supimos  q sacrifica- 
ron  diez  dias  arreo,  hasta  que  los 
acabaron,  y el  postrero  dexaro  a 
Christoual  de  Guzman,  q viuo  lo 
tuuieron  diez  y ocho  dias,  segun 
dixero  tres  Capitanes  Mexicanos  q 


Ch.  VI.] 


CONSTANCY  OF  THE  SPANIARDS. 


159 


Yet  in  this  hour  of  trial  the  Spaniards  did  not  fal- 
ter. Had  they  faltered,  they  might  have  learned  a 
lesson  of  fortitude  from  some  of  their  own  wives, 
who  continued  with  them  in  the  camp,  and  who 
displayed  a heroism,  on  this  occasion,  of  which  histo- 
ry has  preserved  several  examples.  One  of  these, 
protected  by  her  husband’s  armor,  would  frequently 
mount  guard  in  his  place,  when  he  was  wearied. 
Another,  hastily  putting  on  a soldier’s  escaupil , and 
seizing  a sword  and  lance,  was  seen,  on  one  occasion, 
to  rally  their  retreating  countrymen,  and  lead  them 
back  against  the  enemy.  Cortes  would  have  per- 
suaded these  Amazonian  dames  to  remain  at  Tlas- 
cala;  but  they  proudly  replied,  “It  was  the  duty  of 
Castilian  wives  not  to  abandon  their  husbands  in  dan- 
ger, but  to  share  it  with  them,  — and  die  with  them, 
if  necessary.”  And  well  did  they  do  their  duty.22 

Amidst  all  the  distresses  and  multiplied  embar- 
rassments of  their  situation,  the  Spaniards  still  re- 
mained true  to  their  purpose.  They  relaxed  in  no 
degree  the  severity  of  the  blockade.  Their  camps 
still  occupied  the  only  avenues  to  the  city;  and  their 
batteries,  sweeping  the  long  defiles  at  every  fresh 
assault  of  the  Aztecs,  mowed  down  hundreds  of  the 


predimos.”  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist, 
de  la  Conquista,  cap.  153. 

22  “ Que  no  era  bien,  que  Mu- 
geres  Castellanas  dexasen  a sus 
Maridos,  iendo  a la  Guerra,  i que 
adonde  ellos  muriesen,  moririan  el- 
las.’’  (Herrera,  Hist.  General, 
dec.  3,  lib.  1,  cap.  22.)  The  his- 


torian has  embalmed  the  names  of 
several  of  these  heroines  in  his 
pages,  who  are,  doubtless,  well 
entitled  to  share  the  honors  of  the 
Conquest ; Beatriz  de  Palacios, 
Maria  de  Estrada,  Juana  Martin, 
Isabel  Rodriguez,  and  Beatriz  Ber 
mudez. 


160  SIEGE  AJVD  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI. 

assailants.  Their  brigantines  still  rode  on  the  wa- 
ters, cutting  off  the  communication  with  the  shore. 
It  is  true,  indeed,  the  loss  of  the  auxiliary  canoes 
left  a passage  open  for  the  occasional  introduction 
of  supplies  to  the  capital.23  But  the  whole  amount 
of  these  supplies  was  small ; and  its  crowded  pop- 
ulation, while  exulting  in  their  temporary  advantage, 
and  the  delusive  assurances  of  their  priests,  were 
beginning  to  sink  under  the  withering  grasp  of  an 
enemy  within,  more  terrible  than  the  one  which  lay 
before  their  gates. 

23  Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 


CHAPTER  VII. 


\ , 

Successes  of  the  Spaniards.  — Fruitless  Offers  to  Guatemozin. 
— Buildings  razed  to  the  Ground. — Terrible  Famine.  — Thb 
Troops  gain  the  Market-place.  — Battering  Engine. 

1521. 

Thus  passed  away  the  eight  days  prescribed  by 
the  oracle  ; and  the  sun,  which  rose  upon  the  ninth, 
beheld  the  fair  city  still  beset  on  every  side  by  the 
inexorable  foe.  It  was  a great  mistake  of  the  Aztec 
priests,  — one  not  uncommon  with  false  prophets, 
anxious  to  produce  a startling  impression  on  their 
followers,  — to  assign  so  short  a term  for  the  fulfil- 
ment of  their  prediction.1 

The  Tezcucan  and  Tlascalan  chiefs  now  sent  to 
acquaint  their  troops  with  the  failure  of  the  proph- 
ecy, and  to  recall  them  to  the  Christian  camp.  The 
Tlascalans,  who  had  halted  on  the  way,  returned, 
ashamed  of  their  credulity,  and  with  ancient  feelings 
of  animosity,  heightened  by  the  artifice  of  which 
they  had  been  the  dupes.  Their  example  was  fol- 
lowed by  many  of  the  other  confederates,  with  the 


1 And  yet  the  priests  were  not  insinuating  into  the  ears  of  his 
so  much  to  blame,  if,  as  Solis  as-  flock,  what  he  could  not  into  their 
sures  us,  “ the  Devil  went  about  hearts.”  Conquista,  lib.  5,  cap. 
very  industriously  in  those  days,  22. 

VOL.  III.  21 


162 


SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI. 


levity  natural  to  a people  whose  convictions  are  the 
result,  not  of  reason,  but  of  superstition.  In  a short 
time  the  Spanish  general  found  himself  at  the  head 
of  an  auxiliary  force,  which,  if  not  so  numerous  as 
before,  was  more  than  adequate  to  all  his  purposes. 
He  received  them  with  politic  benignity ; and,  while 
he  reminded  them  that  they  had  been  guilty  of  a 
great  crime  in  thus  abandoning  their  commander, 
he  was  willing  to  overlook  it  in  consideration  of 
their  past  services.  They  must  be  aware  that  these 
services  were  not  necessary  to  the  Spaniards,  who 
had  carried  on  the  siege  with  the  same  vigor  during 
their  absence,  as  when  they  were  present.  But  he 
was  unwilling  that  those,  who  had  shared  the  dan- 
gers of  the  war  with  him,  should  not  also  partake 
its  triumphs,  and  be  present  at  the  fall  of  their 
enemy,  which,  he  promised,  with  a confidence  better 
founded  than  that  of  the  priests  in  their  prediction, 
should  not  be  long  delayed. 

Yet  the  menaces  and  machinations  of  Guatemozin 
were  still  not  without  effect  in  the  distant  provinces. 
Before  the  full  return  of  the  confederates,  Cortes 
received  an  embassy  from  Cuernavaca,  ten  or  twelve 
leagues  distant,  and  another  from  some  friendly 
towns  of  the  Otomies,  still  further  off,  imploring  his 
protection  against  their  formidable  neighbours,  who 
menaced  them  with  hostilities,  as  allies  of  the  Span 
iards.  As  the  latter  were  then  situated,  they  were 
in  a condition  to  receive  succour  much  more  than 
to  give  it.2  Most  of  the  officers  were  accordingly 


9 “ Y teniamos  necesidad  antes  de  ser  socorridos,  que  de  dar  so- 


Ch.  VII.] 


SUCCESSES  OF  THE  SPANIARDS. 


163 


opposed  to  granting  a request,  the  compliance  with 
which  must  still  further  impair  their  diminished 
strength.  But  Cortes  knew  the  importance,  above 
all,  of  not  betraying  his  own  inability  to  grant  it. 
“ The  greater  our  weakness,”  he  said,  “ the  greater 
need  have  we  to  cover  it  under  a show  of  strength.”3 

He  immediately  detached  Tapia  with  a body  of 
about  a hundred  men  in  one  direction,  and  Sandoval 
with  a somewhat  larger  force  in  the  other,  with 
orders  that  their  absence  should  not  in  any  event  be 
prolonged  beyond  ten  days.4  The  two  captains 
executed  their  commission  promptly  and  effectually. 
They  each  met  and  defeated  his  adversary  in  a 
pitched  battle ; laid  waste  the  hostile  territories,  and 
returned  within  the  time  prescribed.  They  were 
soon  followed  by  ambassadors  from  the  conquered 
places,  soliciting  the  alliance  of  the  Spaniards ; and 
the  affair  terminated  by  an  accession  of  new  con- 
federates, and,  what  was  more  important,  a convic- 
tion in  the  old,  that  the  Spaniards  were  both  willing 
and  competent  to  protect  them. 

Fortune,  who  seldom  dispenses  her  frowns  or  her 
favors  single-handed,  further  showed  her  good-will 
to  the  Spaniards,  at  this  time,  by  sending  a vessel 

corro.”  Ret.  Terc.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Amigos  como  con  los  Enemigos.” 
Lorenzana,  p.  272.  Ibid.,  p.  275. 

3 “God  knows,”  says  the  gen-  4 Tapia’s  force  consisted  of  10 
eral,  “the  peril  in  which  we  all  horse  and  80  foot ; the  chief  algua- 
stood  ; pero  como  nos  convenia  cil,  as  Sandoval  was  styled,  had 
rnostrar  mas  esfuerzo  y animo,  que  18  horse  and  100  infantry.  Ibid., 
nunca,  y morir  peleando,  disimula-  loc.  cit. — Also  Oviedo,  Hist,  de 
bamos  nuestra flaqueza  assi  con  los  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  26. 


164  SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI. 

into  Vera  Cruz  laden  with  ammunition  and  military 
stores.  It  was  part  of  the  fleet  destined  for  the 
Florida  coast  by  the  romantic  old  knight,  Ponce  de 
Leon.  The  cargo  was  immediately  taken  by  the 
authorities  of  the  port,  and  forwarded,  without  delay, 
to  the  camp,  where  it  arrived  most  seasonably,  as 
the  want  of  powder,  in  particular,  had  begun  to  be 
seriously  felt.5  With  strength  thus  renovated,  Cortes 
determined  to  resume  active  operations,  but  on  a 
plan  widely  differing  from  that  pursued  before. 

In  the  former  deliberations  on  the  subject,  two 
courses,  as  we  have  seen,  presented  themselves  to 
the  general.  One  was,  to  intrench  himself  in  the 
heart  of  the  capital,  and  from  this  point  carry  on 
hostilities ; the  other  was  the  mode  of  proceeding 
hitherto  followed.  Both  were  open  to  serious  ob- 
jections, which  he  hoped  would  be  obviated  by  the 
one  now  adopted.  This  was,  to  advance  no  step 
without  securing  the  entire  safety  of  the  army,  not 
only  on  its  immediate  retreat,  but  in  its  future  in- 
roads. Every  breach  in  the  causeway,  every  canal 
in  the  streets,  was  to  be  filled  up  in  so  solid  a man- 
ner, that  the  work  should  not  be  again  disturbed. 
The  materials  for  this  were  to  be  furnished  by  the 
buildings,  every  one  of  which,  as  the  army  advanced. 


5 “ Polvora  y Ballestas,  de  que  rous  cavalier  had  himself  first  vis- 
teniamos  muy  estrema  necesidad.”  ited  in  quest  of  the  Fountain  of 
(Rel.  Terc.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Loren-  Health.  The  story  is  pleasantly 
zana,  p.  278.)  It  was  probably  told  by  Irving,  as  the  reader  may 
the  expedition  in  which  Ponce  de  remember,  in  his  “Companions  of 
Leon  lost  his  life;  an  expedition  Columbus.” 
to  the  very  land  which  the  chival- 


Ch.  VII.] 


SUCCESSES  OF  THE  SPANIARDS. 


165 


whether  public  or  private,  hut,  temple,  or  palace,  was 
to  be  demolished  ! Not  a building  in  their  path 
was  to  be  spared.  They  were  all  indiscriminately 
to  be  levelled,  until,  in  the  Conqueror’s  own  lan- 
guage, “ the  water  should  be  converted  into  dry 
land,”  and  a smooth  and  open  ground  be  afforded 
for  the  manoeuvres  of  the  cavalry  and  artillery!6 

Cortes  came  to  this  terrible  determination  with 
great  difficulty.  He  sincerely  desired  to  spare  the 
city,  “the  most  beautiful  thing  in  the  world,”7  as 
he  enthusiastically  styles  it,  and  which  would  have 
formed  the  most  glorious  trophy  of  his  conquest. 
But,  in  a place,  where  every  house  was  a fortress, 
and  every  street  was  cut  up  by  canals  so  embarrass- 
ing to  his  movements,  experience  proved  it  was  vain 
to  think  of  doing  so,  and  becoming  master  of  it. 
There  was  as  little  hope  of  a peaceful  accommodation 
with  the  Aztecs,  who,  so  far  from  being  broken  by 
all  they  had  hitherto  endured,  and  the  long  perspec- 
tive of  future  woes,  showed  a spirit  as  haughty  and 
implacable  as  ever.8 


6  The  calm  and  simple  manner, 
in  which  the  Conquistador,  as  usu- 
al, states  this  in  his  Commentaries , 
has  something  appalling  in  it  from 
its  very  simplicity.  “ Acorde  de 
tomar  un  medio  para  nuestra  segu- 
ridad,  y para  poder  mas  estrechar 
a los  Enemigos  ; y fue,  que  como 
fuessemos  ganando  por  las  Calles 
de  la  Ciudad,  que  fuessen  derro- 

cando  todas  las  Casas  de  ellas,  del 

un  lado,  y del  otro  ; por  manera, 


que  no  fuessemos  un  paso  adelante, 
sin  lo  dejar  todo  asolado,  y lo  que 
era  Agua,  hacerlo  Tierra-firme, 
aunque  hobiesse  toda  la  dilacion, 
que  se  pudiesse  seguir.”  Rel. 
Terc.,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  279. 

7 “ Porque  era  la  mas  hermosa 
eosa  del  Mundo.”  Ibid.,  p.  278. 

8 “ Mas  antes  en  el  pelear,  y en 
todos  sus  ardides,  los  hallabamos 
con  mas  animo,  que  nunca.”  Ibid, 
p.  279. 


166 


SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI. 


The  general’s  intentions  were  learned  by  the 
Indian  allies  with  unbounded  satisfaction  ; and  they 
answered  his  call  for  aid  by  thousands  of  pioneers, 
armed  with  their  cuas , or  hoes  of  the  country,  all 
testifying  the  greatest  alacrity  in  helping  on  the 
work  of  destruction.9  In  a short  time  the  breaches 
in  the  great  causeways  were  filled  up  so  effectu- 
ally that  they  were  never  again  molested.  Cortes, 
himself,  set  the  example  by  carrying  stones  and  tim- 
ber with  his  own  hands.10  The  buildings  in  the 
suburbs  were  then  thoroughly  levelled,  the  canals 
were  filled  up  with  the  rubbish,  and  a wide  space 
around  the  city'  was  thrown  open  to  the  manoeuvres 
of  the  cavalry,  who  swept  over  it  free  and  unre- 
sisted. The  Mexicans  did  not  look  with  indifference 
on  these  preparations  to  lay  waste  their  town,  and 
leave  them  bare  and  unprotected  against  the  enemy. 
They  made  incessant  efforts  to  impede  the  labors  of 
the  besiegers;  but  the  latter,  under  cover  of  their 
guns,  which  kept  up  an  unintermitting  fire,  still  ad- 
vanced in  the  work  of  desolation.11 


9 Yet  we  shall  hardly  credit 
the  Tezcucan  historian’s  assertion, 
that  a hundred  thousand  Indians 
flocked  to  the  camp  for  this  pur- 
pose! “ Yiniesen  todos  los  labra- 
dores  con  sus  coas  para  este  efecto 

con  toda  brevedad  : llega- 

ron  mas  de  cien  mil  de  ellos.” 
Ixtlilxochitl,  Venida  de  los  Esp., 
p.  42. 

10  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Con- 
quista,  cap.  153. 

11  Sahagun,  who  gathered  the 


story  from  the  actors,  and  from 
the  aspect  of  the  scene,  before  the 
devastation  had  been  wholly  re- 
paired, writes  with  the  animation 
of  an  eye-witness.  “La  guerra 
por  agua  y por  tierra  fue  tan  por- 
fiada  y tan  sangrienta,  que  era  es- 
panto  de  verla,  y no  hay  posibili- 
dad,  para  decir  las  particularidades 
que  pasaban  ; eran  tan  espesas  las 
saetas,  y dardos,  y piedras,  y pa- 
los,  que  se  arrojavan  los  unos  a 
los  otros,  que  quitavan  la  clan 


Ch.  VII.]  FRUITLESS  OFFERS  TO  GUATEMOZIN.  167 

The  gleam  of  fortune,  which  had  so  lately  broken 
out  on  the  Mexicans,  again  disappeared  ; and  the 
dark  mist,  after  having  been  raised  for  a moment, 
settled  on  the  doomed  capital  more  heavily  than  be- 
fore. Famine,  with  all  her  hideous  train  of  woes, 
was  making  rapid  strides  among  its  accumulated 
population.  The  stores  provided  for  the  siege  were 
exhausted.  The  casual  supply  of  human  victims,  or 
that  obtained  by  some  straggling  pirogue  from  the 
neighbouring  shores,  was  too  inconsiderable  to  be 
widely  felt.12  Some  forced  a scanty  sustenance  from 
a mucilaginous  substance,  gathered  in  small  quanti- 
ties on  the  surface  of  the  lake  and  canals.13  Others 
appeased  the  cravings  of  appetite  by  devouring  rats, 
lizards,  and  the  like  loathsome  reptiles,  which  had 
not  yet  deserted  the  starving  city.  Its  days  seemed 
to  be  already  numbered.  But  the  page  of  history 
has  many  an  example,  to  show  that  there  are  no 
limits  to  the  endurance  of  which  humanity  is  capa- 
ble, when  animated  by  hatred  and  despair. 

With  the  sword  thus  suspended  over  it,  the  Span- 


dad  del  sol ; era  tan  grande  la  vo- 
ceria,  y grita,  de  hombres  y mu- 
geres,  y nifios  que  voceaban  y 
lloraban,  que  era  cosa  de  grima ; 
era  tan  grande  la  polvareda,  y rui- 
do,  en  derrocar  y quemar  casas,  y 
robar  lo  que  en  ellas  habia,  y cau- 
tivar  ninos  y mugeres,  que  parecia 
un  juicio.”  Hist,  de  Nueva  Esp., 
]\IS.,  lib.  12,  cap.  38. 

12  The  flesh  of  the  Christians 
failed  to  afford  them  even  the  cus- 


tomary nourishment,  since  the 
Mexicans  said  it  was  intolerably 
bitter ; a miracle,  considered  by 
Captain  Diaz,  as  expressly  wrought 
for  this  occasion.  Ibid.,  cap.  153. 

13  Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 

When  dried  in  the  sun,  this  sli 
my  deposit  had  a flavor  not  unlike 
that  of  cheese,  and  formed  part  of 
the  food  of  the  poorer  classes  at 
all  times,  according  to  Clavigero. 
Stor.  del  Messico,  tom.  2,  p.  222. 


168 


SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI. 


ish  commander,  desirous  to  make  one  more  effort  to 
save  the  capital,  persuaded  three  Aztec  nobles,  taken 
in  one  of  the  late  actions,  to  bear  a message  from 
him  to  Guatemozin ; though  they  undertook  it  with 
reluctance,  for  fear  of  the  consequences  to  them- 
selves. Cortes  told  the  emperor,  that  all  had  now 
been  done  that  brave  men  could  do  in  defence  of 
their  country.  There  remained  no  hope,  no  chance 
of  escape,  for  the  Mexicans.  Their  provisions  were 
exhausted  ; their  communications  were  cut  off ; their 
vassals  had  deserted  them ; even  their  gods  had  be- 
trayed them.  They  stood  alone,  with  the  nations  of 
Anahuac  banded  against  them.  There  was  no  hope, 
but  in  immediate  surrender.  He  besought  the  young 
monarch  to  take  compassion  on  his  brave  subjects, 
who  were  daily  perishing  before  his  eyes  ; and  on 
the  fair  city,  whose  stately  buildings  were  fast  crum- 
bling into  ruins.  “ Return  to  the  allegiance,”  he 
concludes,  “ which  you  once  proffered  to  the  sove- 
reign of  Castile.  The  past  shall  be  forgotten.  The 
persons  and  property,  in  short,  all  the  rights,  of  the 
Aztecs  shall  be  respected.  You  shall  be  confirmed 
in  your  authority,  and  Spain  will  once  more  take 
your  city  under  her  protection.”  14 

The  eye  of  the  young  monarch  kindled,  and  his 
dark  cheek  flushed  with  sudden  anger,  as  he  listen- 
ed to  proposals  so  humiliating.  But,  though  his  bos- 
om glowed  with  the  fiery  temper  of  the  Indian,  he 
had  the  qualities  of  a “ gentle  cavalier,”  says  one  of 


14  Bernal  Diaz,  Ibid.,  cap.  154. 


Ch.  VII.]  FRUITLESS  OFFERS  TO  GUATEMOZIN.  169 

his  enemies,  who  knew  him  well.15  He  did  no  harm 
to  the  envoys  ; but,  after  the  heat  of  the  moment  had 
passed  off,  he  gave  the  matter  a calm  consideration, 
and  called  a council  of  his  wise  men  and  warriors  to 
deliberate  upon  it.  Some  were  for  accepting  the 
proposals,  as  offering  the  only  chance  of  preservation. 
But  the  priests  took  a different  view  of  the  matter. 
They  knew  that  the  ruin  of  their  own  order  must 
follow  the  triumph  of  Christianity.  “ Peace  was 
good,”  they  said,  “ but  not  with  the  white  men.” 
They  reminded  Guatemozin  of  the  fate  of  his  uncle 
Montezuma,  and  the  requital  he  had  met  with  for  all 
his  hospitality ; of  the  seizure  and  imprisonment  of 
Cacama,  the  cacique  of  Tezcuco;  of  the  massacre 
of  the  nobles  by  Alvarado  ; of  the  insatiable  avarice 
of  the  invaders,  which  had  stripped  the  country  of 
its  treasures  ; of  their  profanation  of  the  temples ; 
of  the  injuries  and  insults  which  they  had  heaped 
without  measure  on  the  people  and  their  religion. 
“Better,”  they  said,  “ to  trust  in  the  promises  of 
their  own  gods,  who  had  so  long  watched  over  the 
nation.  Better,  if  need  be,  give  up  our  lives  at  once 
for  our  country,  than  drag  them  out  in  slavery  and 
suffering  among  the  false  strangers.”  16 

The  eloquence  of  the  priests,  artfully  touching  the 

15  “ Mas  como  el  Guatemuz  era  de  Malinehe,  ni  de  sus  palabras, 

mancebo,  y muy  gentil-hombre  y que  mas  vale  que  todos  muramos 
de  buena  disposicion.”  Ibid.,  loc.  en  esta  ciudad  peleando,  que  no 
cit.  vernos  en  poder  de  quie  nos  haran 

16  “ Mira  primero  lo  que  nues-  esclauos,  y nos  atormentaran.” 
tros  Dioses  te  han  prometido,  toma  Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 

buen  consejo  sobre  ello  y no  te  fies 
VOL.  III.  22 


170 


SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI. 


various  wrongs  of  his  people,  roused  the  hot  blood 
of  Guatemozin.  “ Since  it  is  so,”  he  abruptly  ex- 
claimed, “ let  us  think  only  of  supplying  the  wants 
of  the  people.  Let  no  man,  henceforth,  who  values 
his  life,  talk  of  surrender.  We  can  at  least  die  like 
warriors.” 17 

The  Spaniards  waited  two  days  for  the  answer  to 
their  embassy.  At  length,  it  came  in  a general  sor- 
tie of  the  Mexicans,  who,  pouring  through  every 
gate  of  the  capital,  like  a river  that  has  burst  its 
banks,  swept  on,  wave  upon  wave,  to  the  very  in- 
trenchments  of  the  besiegers,  threatening  to  over- 
whelm them  by  their  numbers ! Fortunately,  the 
position  of  the  latter  on  the  dikes  secured  their 
flanks,  and  the  narrowness  of  the  defile  gave  their 
small  battery  of  guns  all  the  advantages  of  a larger 
one.  The  fire  of  artillery  and  musketry  blazed 
without  intermission  along  the  several  causeways, 
belching  forth  volumes  of  sulphurous  smoke,  that, 
rolling  heavily  over  the  waters,  settled  dark  around 
the  Indian  city,  and  hid  it  from  the  surrounding 
country.  The  brigantines  thundered,  at  the  same 
time,  on  the  flanks  of  the  columns,  which,  after  some 
ineffectual  efforts  to  maintain  themselves,  rolled  back 
in  wild  confusion,  till  their  impotent  fury  died  away 
in  sullen  murmurs  within  the  capital. 

17  “Y  entonces  el  Guatemuz  a me  demandar  pazes,  si  no  yo  le 
medio  enojado  les  dixo  : Piles  assi  matare  : y alii  todos  prometieron  de 
quereis  que  sea,  guardad  mucho  el  pelear  noches,  y dias,  y morir  en 
maiz,  y bastimentos  que  tenemos,  la  defcnsa  de  su  eiudad.”  Ibid., 
y muramos  todos  peleando  : y des-  ubi  supra, 
de  aoui  adelante  ninguno  sea  osado 


Ch.  VII.]  BUILDINGS  RAZED  TO  THE  GROUND.  171 

Cortes  notv  steadily  pursued  the  plan  he  had  laid 
down  for  the  devastation  of  the  city.  Day  after 
day  the  several  armies  entered  by  their  respective 
quarters ; Sandoval  probably  directing  his  operations 
against  the  north-eastern  district.  The  buildings, 
made  of  the  porous  tetzontli , though  generally  low, 
were  so  massy  and  extensive,  and  the  canals  were 
so  numerous,  that  their  progress  was  necessarily 
slow.  They,  however,  gathered  fresh  accessions 
of  strength  every  day  from  the  numbers  who  flocked 
to  the  camp  from  the  surrounding  country,  and  who 
joined  in  the  work  of  destruction  with  a hearty  good- 
will, which  showed  their  eagerness  to  break  the  de- 
tested yoke  of  the  Aztecs.  The  latter  raged  with 
impotent  anger,  as  they  beheld  their  lordly  edifices, 
their  temples,  all  they  had  been  accustomed  to  ven- 
erate, thus  ruthlessly  swept  away  ; their  canals,  con- 
structed with  so  much  labor,  and  what  to  them 
seemed  science,  filled  up  with  rubbish;  their  flour- 
ishing city,  in  short,  turned  into  a desert,  over 
which  the  insulting  foe  now  rode  triumphant.  They 
heaped  many  a taunt  on  the  Indian  allies.  44  Go 
on,”  they  said,  bitterly ; 44  the  more  you  destroy,  the 
more  you  will  have  to  build  up  again  hereafter.  If 
we  conquer,  you  shall  build  for  us  ; and,  if  your  white 
friends  conquer,  they  will  make  you  do  as  much  for 
them.”  13  The  event  justified  the  prediction. 

18  “ Los  de  la  Ciudad  como  ve-  que  ellos  se  las  harian  tornar  a ha- 
ian  tanto  estrago,  por  esforzarse,  cer  de  nuevo,  porque  si  ellos  eran 
decian  a nuestros  Amigos,  que  no  vencedores,  ya  ellos  sabian,  que 
ficiessen  sino  quemar,  y destruir,  habia  de  ser  assi,  y si  no,  que  las 


172  SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI. 


In  their  rage  they  rushed  blindly  on  the  corps 
which  covered  the  Indian  pioneers.  But  they  were 
as  often  driven  back  by  the  impetuous  charge  of  the 
cavalry,  or  received  on  the  long  pikes  of  Chinantla, 
which  did  good  service  to  the  besiegers  in  their  op- 
erations. At  the  close  of  day,  however,  when  the 
Spaniards  drew  off  their  forces,  taking  care  to  send 
the  multitudinous  host  of  confederates  first  from  the 
ground,  the  Mexicans  usually  rallied  for  a more  for- 
midable attack.  Then  they  poured  out  from  every 
lane  and  by-way,  like  so  many  mountain  streams, 
sweeping  over  the  broad  level  cleared  by  the  enemy, 
and  falling  impetuously  on  their  flanks  and  rear. 
At  such  times,  they  inflicted  considerable  loss  in 
their  turn,  till  an  ambush,  which  Cortes  laid  for 
them  among  the  buildings  adjoining  the  great  tem- 
ple, did  them  so  much  mischief,  that  they  were 
compelled  to  act  with  more  reserve. 

At  times  the  war  displayed  something  of  a cliiv 
alrous  character,  in  the  personal  rencontres  of  the 
combatants.  Challenges  passed  between  them,  and 
especially  between  the  native  warriors.  These  com- 
bats were  usually  conducted  on  the  azoteas , whose 
broad  and  level  surface  afforded  a good  field  of 
fight.  On  one  occasion,  a Mexican  of  powerful 
frame,  brandishing  a sword  and  buckler,  which  he 
had  won  from  the  Christians,  defied  his  enemies  to 
meet  him  in  single  fight.  A young  page  of  Cortes’, 
named  Nunez,  obtained  his  master’s  permission  to 


habian  de  hacerpara  nosotros.”  Rel.  Terc.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana, 

p.  286. 


Ch.  VII.]  BUILDINGS  RAZED  TO  THE  GROUND. 


173 


accept  the  vaunting  challenge  of  the  Aztec  ; and, 
springing  on  the  azotca , succeeded  after  a hard 
struggle  in  discomfiting  his  antagonist,  who  fought 
at  a disadvantage  with  weapons  in  which  he  was 
unpractised,  and,  running  him  through  the  body, 
brought  off  his  spoils  in  triumph,  and  laid  them  at 
the  general’s  feet.19 

The  division  of  Cortes  had  now  worked  its  way 
as  far  north  as  the  great  street  of  Tacuba,  which 
opened  a communication  with  Alvarado’s  camp,  and 
near  which  stood  the  palace  of  Guatemozin.  It 
was  a spacious  stone  pile,  that  might  well  be  called 
a fortress.  Though  deserted  by  its  royal  master,  it 
was  held  by  a strong  body  of  Aztecs,  who  made  a 
temporary  defence,  but  of  little  avail  against  the 
battering  enginery  of  the  besiegers.  It  was  soon  set 
on  fire,  and  its  crumbling  walls  were  levelled  in  the 
dust,  like  those  other  stately  edifices  of  the  capital, 
the  boast  and  admiration  of  the  Aztecs,  and  some 
of  the  fairest  fruits  of  their  civilization.  “ It  was  a 
sad  thing  to  witness  their  destruction,”  exclaims 
Cortes ; “ but  it  was  part  of  our  plan  of  operations, 
and  we  had  no  alternative.”20 

These  operations  had  consumed  several  weeks,  so 
that  it  was  now  drawing  towards  the  latter  part  of 

19  Ibid.,  pp.  282-284.  — Her-  20  “ No  se  entendio  sino  en  que 
rera,  Hist.  General,  dec.  3,  lib.  1,  mar,  y hallanar  Casas,  que  era 
cap.  22,  lib.  2,  cap.  2.  — Gomara,  lastima  cierto  de  lo  ver ; pero  como 
Cronica,  cap.  140. — Oviedo,  Hist,  no  nos  convenia  hacer  otra  cosa, 
de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  28.  eramos  forzado  seguir  aquella  6r- 
— Ixtlilxochitl,  Venida  de  los  Esp.,  den.”  Ibid.,  p.  280. 
p.  43. 


174  SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI 

July.  During  this  time,  the  blockade  had  been 
maintained  with  the  utmost  rigor,  and  the  wretched 
inhabitants  were  suffering  all  the  extremities  of  fam- 
ine. Some  few  stragglers  were  taken,  from  time  to 
time,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  Christian  camp, 
whither  they  had  wandered  in  search  of  food.  They 
were  kindly  treated  by  command  of  Cortes,  who 
was  in  hopes  to  induce  others  to  follow  their  ex- 
ample, and  thus  to  afford  a means  of  conciliating 
the  inhabitants,  which  might  open  the  way  to  their 
submission.  But  few  were  found  willing  to  leave 
the  shelter  of  the  capital,  and  they  preferred  to  take 
their  chance  with  their  suffering  countrymen,  rather 
than  trust  themselves  to  the  mercies  of  the  besiegers. 

From  these  few  stragglers,  however,  the  Span- 
iards heard  a dismal  tale  of  woe,  respecting  the 
crowded  population  in  the  interior  of  the  city.  All 
the  ordinary  means  of  sustenance  had  long  since 
failed,  and  they  now  supported  life  as  they  could,  by 
means  of  such  roots  as  they  could  dig  from  the  earth, 
by  gnawing  the  bark  of  trees,  by  feeding  on  the 
grass,  — on  anything,  in  short,  however  loathsome, 
that  could  allay  the  craving  of  appetite.  Their  only 
drink  was  the  brackish  water  of  the  soil  saturated 
with  the  salt  lake.21  Under  this  unwholesome  diet, 
and  the  diseases  engendered  by  it,  the  population 

21  “No  tenian  agua  dulce  para  causa  enfermaron  muchos,  y muri- 
beber,  ni  para  de  ninguna  manera  eron  muchos.”  Sahagun,  Ilist. 
de  comer  ; bebian  del  agua  salada  de  Nueva  Esp.,  MS.,  lib.  12,  cap. 
y hedionda,  comian  ratones  y lagar-  39.  — Also  Rel.  Terc.  de  Corlds. 
tijas,  y cortezas  de  arboles,  y otras  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  289. 
cosas  no  comestibles ; y de  esta 


Ch  VII.] 


TERRIBLE  FAMINE. 


175 


was  gradually  wasting  away.  Men  sickened  and 
died  every  day,  in  all  the  excruciating  torments  pro 
duced  by  hunger,  and  the  wan  and  emaciated  sur 
vivors  seemed  only  to  be  waiting  for  their  time. 

The  Spaniards  had  visible  confirmation  of  all  this, 
as  they  penetrated  deeper  into  the  city  and  ap- 
proached the  district  of  Tlatelolco,  now  occupied  bv 
the  besieged.  They  found  the  ground  turned  up  in 
quest  of  roots  and  weeds,  the  trees  stripped  of  their 
green  stems,  their  foliage,  and  their  bark.  Troops 
of  famished  Indians  flitted  in  the  distance,  gliding 
like  ghosts  among  the  scenes  of  their  former  resi- 
dence. Dead  bodies  lay  unburied  in  the  streets  and 
court-yards,  or  filled  up  the  canals.  It  was  a sure 
sign  of  the  extremity  of  the  Aztecs ; for  they  held 
the  burial  of  the  dead  as  a solemn  and  imperative 
duty.  In  the  early  part  of  the  siege,  they  had  re- 
ligiously attended  to  it.  In  its  later  stages,  they 
were  still  careful  to  withdraw  the  dead  from  the 
public  eye,  by  bringing  their  remains  within  the 
houses.  But  the  number  of  these,  and  their  own 
sufferings,  had  now  so  fearfully  increased,  that  they 
had  grown  indifferent  to  this,  and  they  suffered  their 
friends  and  their  kinsmen  to  lie  and  moulder  on  the 
spot  where  they  drew  their  last  breath  ! 22 

2 “Yes  verdad  y juro  amen,  that  it  was  a scheme  of  the  Mexi- 
que  toda  la  laguna,  y casas,  y bar-  cans  to  leave  the  dead  unburied,  in 
bacoas  estauan  llenas  de  cuerpos,  order  that  the  stench  might  annoy 
y cabeqas  de  hombres  muertos,  que  and  drive  off  the  Spaniards.  (Stor. 
yo  no  se  de  que  manera  lo  escriua.”  del  Messico,  tom.  III.  p.  231,  nota.) 
(Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquis-  But  this  policy  would  have  oper- 
ta,  cap.  156.)  Clavigero  considers  ated  much  more  to  the  detriment  ot 


176  SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI. 

As  the  invaders  entered  the  dwellings,  a more 
appalling  spectacle  presented  itself ; — the  floors 
covered  with  the  prostrate  forms  of  the  miserable 
inmates,  some  in  the  agonies  of  death,  others  fester- 
ing in  their  corruption ; men,  women,  and  children, 
inhaling  the  poisonous  atmosphere,  and  mingled  pro- 
miscuously together;  mothers,  with  their  infants  in 
their  arms  perishing  of  hunger  before  their  eyes, 
while  they  were  unable  to  afford  them  the  nourish- 
ment of  nature ; men  crippled  by  their  wounds, 
with  their  bodies  frightfully  mangled,  vainly  attempt- 
ing to  crawl  away,  as  the  enemy  entered.  Yet,  even 
in  this  state,  they  scorned  to  ask  for  mercy,  and 
glared  on  the  invaders  with  the  sullen  ferocity  of  the 
wounded  tiger,  that  the  huntsmen  have  tracked  to 
his  forest  cave.  The  Spanish  commander  issued 
strict  orders  that  mercy  should  be  shown  to  these 
poor  and  disabled  victims.  But  the  Indian  allies 
made  no  distinction.  An  Aztec,  under  whatever 
circumstances,  was  an  enemy ; and,  with  hideous 
shouts  of  triumph,  they  pulled  down  the  burning 
buildings  on  their  heads,  consuming  the  living  and 
the  dead  in  one  common  funeral  pile  ! 

Yet  the  sufferings  of  the  Aztecs,  terrible  as  tney 
were,  did  not  incline  them  to  submission.  There 
were  many,  indeed,  who,  from  greater  strength  of 
constitution,  or  from  the  more  favorable  circumstan- 

the  besieged  than  of  the  besiegers,  cause  which  has  led  to  a similar 
whose  presence  in  the  capital  was  conduct  under  similar  circumstan- 
but  transitory.  It  is  much  more  ces  elsewhere,  whether  occasioned 
natural  to  refer  it  to  the  same  by  pestilence  or  famine. 


Ch.  VII.] 


TERRIBLE  FAMINE. 


177 


ces  in  which  they  were  placed,  still  showed  all  their 
wonted  energy  of  body  and  mind,  and  maintained 
the  same  undaunted  and  resolute  demeanour  as  be- 
fore. They  fiercely  rejected  all  the  overtures  of 
Cortes,  declaring  they  would  rather  die  than  surren- 
der, and  adding,  with  a bitter  tone  of  exultation,  that 
the  invaders  would  be  at  least  disappointed  in  their 
expectations  of  treasure,  for  it  was  buried  where 
they  could  never  find  it ! 23 

The  women,  it  is  said,  shared  in  this  desperate  — 
it  should  rather  be  called  heroic  — spirit.  They 
were  indefatigable  in  nursing  the  sick,  and  dressing 
their  wounds ; they  aided  the  warriors  in  battle,  by 
supplying  them  with  the  Indian  ammunition  of 
stones  and  arrows,  prepared  their  slings,  strung  their 
bows,  and  displayed,  in  short,  all  the  constancy  and 
courage  shown  by  tire  noble  maidens  of  Saragossa 
in  our  day,  and  by  those  of  Carthage  in  the  days 
of  antiquity.24 

Cortes  had  now  entered  one  of  the  great  avenues 
leading  to  the  market-place  of  Tlatelolco,  the  quar- 
ter, towards  which  the  movements  of  Alvarado  were 


23  Gonzalo  de  las  Casas,  Defen- 
sa,  MS.,  cap.  28.  — Martyr,  De 
Orbe  Novo,  dec.  5,  cap.  8. — Ixt- 
lilxochitl,  Venida  de  los  Esp.,  p. 
45.  — Rel.  Terc.  de  Cortes,  ap. 
Lorenzana,  p.  289.  — Oviedo,  Hist, 
de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  29. 

24  “ Muchas  cosas  acaecieron  en 
este  cerco,  que  entre  otras  gene- 
raciones  estobieran  discantadas  e 
tenidas  en  mucho,  en  especial  de 

VOL.  III.  23 


las  Mugeres  de  Temixtitan,  de 
quien  ninguna  mencion  se  ha  feeho. 
Y soy  certificado,  que  fue  cosa 
maravillosa  y para  espantar,  ver 
la  prontitud  y constancia  que  tobi- 
eron  en  servir  a sus  maridos,  y en 
curar  los  heridos,  e en  el  labrar 
de  las  piedras  para  los  que  tiraban 
con  hondas,  e en  otros  oficios  para 
mas  que  mugeres.”  Oviedo,  Hist, 
de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  48. 


178 


SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI. 


also  directed.  A single  canal  only  lay  in  his  way, 
but  this  was  of  great  width  and  stoutly  defended  by 
the  Mexican  archery.  At  this  crisis,  the  army  one 
evening,  while  in  their  intrenchments  on  the  cause- 
way, were  surprised  by  an  uncommon  light,  that 
arose  from  the  huge  teocalli  in  that  part  of  the  city, 
which,  being  at  the  north,  was  the  most  distant  from 
their  own  position.  This  temple,  dedicated  to  the 
dread  war-god,  was  inferior  only  to  the  pyramid  in 
the  great  square  ; and  on  it  the  Spaniards  had  more 
than  once  seen  their  unhappy  countrymen  led  to 
slaughter.  They  now  supposed  that  the  enemy 
were  employed  in  some  of  their  diabolical  ceremo- 
nies, when  the  flame,  mounting  higher  and  higher, 
showed  that  the  sanctuaries  themselves  were  on  fire. 
A shout  of  exultation  at  the  sight  broke  forth  from 
the  assembled  soldiers,  as  they  assured  one  another 
that  their  countrymen  under  Alvarado  had  got  pos- 
session of  the  building:. 

It  was  indeed  true.  That  gallant  officer,  whose 
position  on  the  western  causeway  placed  him  near 
the  district  of  Tlatelolco,  had  obeyed  his  comman- 
der’s instructions  to  the  letter,  razing  every  building 
to  the  ground  in  his  progress,  and  filling  up  the 
ditches  with  their  ruins.  He,  at  length,  found  him- 
self before  the  great  teocalli  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  the  market.  He  ordered  a company,  under  a 
cavalier  named  Gutierre  de  Badajoz,  to  storm  the 
place,  which  was  defended  by  a body  of  warriors, 
mingled  with  priests,  still  more  wild  and  ferocious 
than  the  soldiery.  The  garrison,  rushing  down  the 


Ch.  VII.]  THE  TROOPS  GAIN  THE  MARKET-PLACE.  179 

winding  terraces,  fell  on  the  assailants  with  such 
fury,  as  compelled  them  to  retreat  in  confusion,  and 
with  some  loss.  Alvarado  ordered  another  detach- 
ment to  their  support.  This  last  was  engaged,  at 
the  moment,  with  a body  of  Aztecs,  who  hung  on 
its  rear  as  it  wound  up  the  galleries  of  the  teocalli. 
Thus  hemmed  in  between  two  enemies,  above  and 
below,  the  position  of  the  Spaniards  was  critical. 
With  sword  and  buckler,  they  plunged  desperately 
on  the  ascending  Mexicans,  and  drove  them  into 
the  court-yard  below,  w'here  Alvarado  plied  them 
with  such  lively  volleys  of  musketry,  as  soon  threw 
them  into  disorder  and  compelled  them  to  abandon 
the  ground.  Being  thus  rid  of  annoyance  in  the 
rear,  the  Spaniards  returned  to  the  charge.  They 
drove  the  enemy  up  the  heights  of  the  pyramid,  and, 
reaching  the  broad  summit,  a fierce  encounter  fol- 
lowed in  mid-air,  — such  an  encounter  as  takes 
place  where  death  is  the  certain  consequence  of 
defeat.  It  ended,  as  usual,  in  the  discomfiture  of 
the  Aztecs,  who  were  either  slaughtered  on  the  spot 
still  wet  with  the  blood  of  their  own  victims,  or 
pitched  headlong  down  the  sides  of  the  pyramid. 

The  area  was  covered  with  the  various  symbols  of 
the  barbarous  worship  of  the  country,  and  with  two 
lofty  sanctuaries,  before  whose  grinning  idols  were 
displayed  the  heads  of  several  Christian  captives, 
who  had  been  immolated  on  their  altars.  Although 
overgrown  by  their  long,  matted  hair  and  bushy 
beards,  the  Spaniards  could  recognise,  in  the  livid 
countenances,  their  comrades  who  had  fallen  into 


180 


SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI. 


the  hands  of  the  enemy.  Tears  fell  from  their  eyes, 
as  they  gazed  on  the  melancholy  spectacle,  and 
thought  of  the  hideous  death  which  their  country- 
men had  suffered.  They  removed  the  sad  relics 
with  decent  care,  and  after  the  Conquest  deposited 
them  in  consecrated  ground,  on  a spot  since  covered 
by  the  Church  of  the  Martyrs.25 

They  completed  their  work  by  firing  the  sanctua- 
ries, that  the  place  might  be  no  more  polluted  by 
these  abominable  rites.  The  flame  crept  slowly  up 
the  lofty  pinnacles,  in  which  stone  was  mingled  with 
wood,  till,  at  length,  bursting  into  one  bright  blaze,  it 
shot  up  its  spiral  volume  to  such  a height,  that  it  was 
seen  from  the  most  distant  quarters  of  the  Valley. 
Tt  was  this  which  had  been  hailed  by  the  soldiery  of 
Cortes,  and  it  served  as  the  beacon-light  to  both 
friend  and  foe,  intimating  the  progress  of  the  Chris- 
tian arms. 

The  commander-in-chief  and  his  division,  anima- 
ted by  the  spectacle,  made,  in  their  entrance  on  the 
following  day,  more  determined  efforts  to  place  them- 
selves alongside  of  their  companions  under  Alvara- 
do. The  broad  canal,  above  noticed  as  the  only 
impediment  now  lying  in  his  way,  was  to  be  tra- 
versed ; and  on  the  further  side  the  emaciated  fig- 
ures of  the  Aztec  warriors  were  gathered  in  num- 
bers to  dispute  the  passage,  like  the  gloomy  shades 
that  wander  — as  ancient  poets  tell  us  — on  the 

25  Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  155.  — Rel.  Terc.  de  Cortes,  ap. 
MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  29.  — Bernal  Lorenzana,  pp.  287-289. 

Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap. 


Ch.  VII.]  THE  TROOPS  GAIN  THE  MARKET-PLACE.  181 


banks  of  the  infernal  river.  They  poured  down, 
however,  a storm  of  missiles,  which  were  no  shades, 
on  the  heads  of  the  Indian  laborers,  while  occupied 
with  filling  up  the  wide  gap  with  the  ruins  of  the 
surrounding  buildings.  Still  they  toiled  on  in  defi- 
ance of  the  arrowy  shower,  fresh  numbers  taking 
the  place  of  those  who  fell.  And  when  at  length  the 
work  was  completed,  the  cavalry  rode  over  the  rough 
plain  at  full  charge  against  the  enemy,  followed  by 
the  deep  array  of  spearmen,  who  bore  down  all  op- 
position with  their  invincible  phalanx. 

The  Spaniards  now  found  themselves  on  the  same 
ground  with  Alvarado’s  division.  Soon  afterwards, 
that  chief,  attended  by  several  of  his  staff,  rode  into 
their  lines,  and  cordially  embraced  his  countrymen 
and  companions  in  arms, 'for  the  first  time  since  the 
beginning  of  the  siege.  They  were  now  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  the  market.  Cortes,  taking  with 
him  a few  of  his  cavaliers,  galloped  into  it.  It  was 
a vast  inclosure,  as  the  reader  has  already  seen,  cov- 
ering many  an  acre.26  Its  dimensions  were  suited 
to  the  immense  multitudes  who  gathered  there  from 


96  Ante,  Vol.  II.  p.  134. 

The  tianguez  still  continued  of 
great  dimensions,  though  with 
faded  magnificence,  after  the  Con- 
quest, when  it  is  thus  noticed  by 
father  Sahagun.  “Entraron  en 
la  plaza  6 Tianguez  de  este  Tlal- 
tilulco  (lugar  muyespacioso  mucho 
mas  de  lo  que  ahora  es)  el  cual  se 
podia  llamar  emporio  de  toda  esta 
nueva  Espaiia : al  cual  venian  a 
tratar  gentcs  de  toda  esta  nueva 


Espaiia,  y aun  de  los  Reinos  a 
ella  contiguos,  y donde  se  vendian 
y compraban  todas  cuantas  cosas 
hay  en  toda  esta  tierra,  y en  los 
Reinos  de  Quaht,imalla  y Xalisco, 
(cosa  cierto  mucho  de  ver,)  yo  lo 
vi  por  muchos  alios  morando  en 
esta  Casa  del  Seiior  Santiago, 
aunque  ya  no  era  tanto  como  an- 
tes de  la  Conquista.”  Hist,  de 
Nueva  Esp.,  MS.,  lib.  12,  cap.  37. 


182  SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI. 

all  parts  of  the  Valley  in  the  flourishing  days  of  the 
Aztec  monarchy.  It  was  surrounded  by  porticos  and 
pavilions  for  the  accommodation  of  the  artisans  and 
traders,  who  there  displayed  their  various  fabrics  and 
articles  of  merchandise.  The  flat  roofs  of  the  piaz- 
zas were  now  covered  with  crowds  of  men  and  wo- 
men, who  gazed  in  silent  dismay  on  the  steel-clad 
horsemen,  that  profaned  these  precincts  with  their 
presence,  for  the  first  time  since  their  expulsion  from 
the  capital.  The  multitude,  composed,  for  the  most 
part,  probably,  of  unarmed  citizens,  seemed  taken 
by  surprise  ; at  least,  they  made  no  show  of  resis- 
tance ; and  the  general,  after  leisurely  viewing  the 
ground,  was  permitted  to  ride  back  unmolested  to 
the  army. 

On  arriving  there,  he  ascended  the  teocalli , from 
which  the  standard  of  Castile,  supplanting  the  me- 
morials of  Aztec  superstition,  was  now  triumphantly 
floating.  The  Conqueror,  as  he  strode  among  the 
smoking  embers  on  the  summit,  calmly  surveyed  the 
scene  of  desolation  below.  The  palaces,  the  tem- 
ples, the  busy  marts  of  industry  and  trade,  the  glit- 
tering canals,  covered  with  their  rich  freights  from 
the  surrounding  country,  the  royal  pomp  of  groves 
and  gardens,  all  the  splendors  of  the  imperial  city, 
the  capital  of  the  Western  World,  forever  gone, — 
and  in  their  place  a barren  wilderness!  How  differ- 
ent the  spectacle  which  the  year  before  had  met  his 
eye,  as  it  wandered  over  the  same  scenes  from  the 
heights  of  the  neighbouring  teocalli , with  Montezu- 
ma at  his  side  ! Seven  eighths  of  the  city  were  laid 


C&  VII.]  THE  TROOPS  GAIN  THE  MARKET-PLACE.  183 

in  ruins,  with  the  occasional  exception,  perhaps,  of 
some  colossal  temple,  that  it  would  have  required 
too  much  time  to  demolish.27  The  remaining  eighth, 
comprehending  the  district  of  Tlatelolco,  was  all 
that  now  remained  to  the  Aztecs,  whose  population 
— still  large  after  all  its  losses  — was  crowded  into 
a compass  that  would  hardly  have  afforded  accom- 
modations for  a third  of  their  numbers.  It  was  the 
quarter  lying  between  the  great  northern  and  west- 
ern causeways,  and  is  recognised  in  the  modern 
capital  as  the  Barrio  de  San  Jago  and  its  vicinity. 
It  was  the  favorite  residence  of  the  Indians  after  the 
Conquest,23  though  at  the  present  day  thinly  covered 
with  humble  dwellings,  forming  the  straggling  sub- 
urbs, as  it  were,  of  the  metropolis.  Yet  it  still  af- 
fords some  faint  vestiges  of  what  it  was  in  its  proud- 
er days ; and  the  curious  antiquary,  and  occasionally 
the  laborer,  as  he  turns  up  the  soil,  encounters  a 
glittering  fragment  of  obsidian,  or  the  mouldering 
head  of  a lance,  or  arrow,  or  some  other  warlike 
relic,  attesting  that  on  this  spot  the  retreating  Aztecs 
made  their  last  stand  for  the  independence  of  their 
country.29 

27  “ £ y0  rnire  dende  aquella  this  quarter,  while  in  every  other 
Torre,  lo  que  teniamos  ganado  de  etiam  periire  ruina  ! 
la  Ciudad,  que  sin  duda  de  ocho  29  Bustamante,  the  Mexican  ed- 
partes  teniamos  ganado  las  siete.”  itor  of  Sahagun,  mentions  that  he 
Rel.  Terc.  de  Cartes,  ap.  Lorenza-  has  now  in  his  possession  several 
na,  p.  289.  of  these  military  spoils.  “ Toda 

23  .Toribio,  Hist,  de  los  Ind.,  la  llanura  del  Santuario  de  nuestra 
MS.,  Parte  3,  cap.  7.  Seriora  de  los  Angeles  y de  San- 

The  remains  of  the  ancient  foun-  tiago  Tlaltilolco  se  ve  sembrada 
dations  may  still  be  discerned  in  de  fragmentos  de  lanzas  cortantes, 


184 


SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI. 


On  the  clay  following,  Cortes,  at  the  head  of  his 
battalions,  made  a second  entry  into  the  great  tian- 
guez.  But  this  time  the  Mexicans  were  better  pre- 
pared for  his  coming.  They  were  assembled  in 
considerable  force  in  the  spacious  square.  A sharp 
encounter  followed ; but  it  was  short.  Their  strength 
was  not  equal  to  their  spirit,  and  they  melted  away 
before  the  rolling  fire  of  musketry,  and  left  the  Span- 
iards masters  of  the  inclosure. 

The  first  act  was  to  set  fire  to  some  temples  of 
no  great  size  within  the  market-place,  or  more  prob- 
ably on  its  borders.  As  the  flames  ascended,  the 
Aztecs,  horror-struck,  broke  forth  into  piteous  lamen- 
tations at  the  destruction  of  the  deities  on  whom 
they  relied  for  protection.30 

The  general’s  next  step  was  at  the  suggestion  of 
a soldier  named  Sotelo,  a man  who  had  served  un- 
der the  Great  Captain  in  the  Italian  wars,  where  he 
professed  to  have  gathered  knowledge  of  the  science 
of  engineering,  as  it  was  then  practised.  He  offered 
his  services  to  construct  a sort  of  catapult,  a machine 
for  discharging  stones  of  great  size,  which  might 
take  the  place  of  the  regular  battering-train,  in  de- 


ae  macanas,  y flechas  de  piedra 
obsidiana,  de  que  usaban  los  Mexi- 
canos  6 sea  Chinapos,  y yo  he  re- 
cogido  no  pocos  que  conservo  en 
mipoder.”  Hist,  de  Nueva  Esp., 
lib.  12,  nota  21. 

yo  “ y como  comenzo  a arder, 
levantose  una  llama  tan  alta  que 
parecia  llegar  al  cielo,  al  especta- 
culo  de  esta  quema,  todos  los  hom- 


bres  y mugeres  que  se  liabian 
acogido  a las  tiendas  que  cercaban 
todo  el  Tianguez  comenzaron  a 
llorar  a voz  en  grito,  que  fue  cosa 
de  espanto  oirlos ; porque  quema- 
do  aquel  delubro  satanico  luego 
entendieron  que  habian  de  ser  del 
todo  destruidos  y robados.”  Sa- 
hagun,  Hist,  de  Nueva  Esp.,  MS., 
lib.  12,  cap.  37. 


Ch.  VII.] 


BATTERING  ENGINE. 


185 


molishing  the  buildings.  As  the  ammunition,  not- 
withstanding the  liberal  supplies,  which,  from  time 
to  time,  had  found  their  way  into  the  camp,  now 
began  to  fail,  Cortes  eagerly  acceded  to  a proposal 
so  well  suited  to  his  exigences.  Timber  and  stone 
were  furnished,  and  a number  of  hands  were  em- 
ployed, under  the  direction  of  the  self-styled  engi- 
neer, in  constructing  the  ponderous  apparatus,  which 
was  erected  on  a solid  platform  of  masonry,  thirty 
paces  square,  and  seven  or  eight  feet  high,  that  cov- 
ered the  centre  of  the  market-place.  It  was  the  work 
of  the  Aztec  princes,  and  was  used  as  a scaffolding, 
on  w’hich  mountebanks  and  jugglers  might  exhibit 
their  marvellous  feats  for  the  amusement  of  the  popu- 
lace, who  took  great  delight  in  these  performances.31 

The  erection  of  the  machine  consumed  several 
days,  during  which  hostilities  were  suspended,  while 
the  artisans  were  protected  from  interruption  by  a 
strong  corps  of  infantry.  At  length  the  work  was 
completed ; and  the  besieged,  who,  with  silent  awe, 
had  beheld  from  the  neighbouring  azoteas  the  pro- 
gress of  the  mysterious  engine,  which  was  to  lay  the 
remainder  of  their  capital  in  ruins,  now  looked  with 
terror  for  its  operation.  A stone  of  huge  size  was 
deposited  on  the  timber.  The  machinery  was  set 
in  motion  ; and  the  rocky  fragment  was  discharged 
with  a tremendous  force  from  the  catapult.  But,  in- 
stead of  taking  the  direction  of  the  Aztec  buildings, 

31  Vestiges  of  the  work  are  still  porch  of  the  chapel  of  St.  Jago 
visible,  according  to  M.  de  Hum-  Essai  Politique,  tom.  II.  p.  44. 
boldt,  within  the  limits  of  the 


VOL.  III. 


24 


186 


SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI. 


it  rose  high  and  perpendicularly  into  the  air,  and, 
descending  whence  it  sprung,  broke  the  ill-omened 
machine  into  splinters ! It  was  a total  failure.  The 
Aztecs  were  released  from  their  apprehensions,  and 
the  soldiery  made  many  a merry  jest  on  the  catas- 
trophe, somewhat  at  the  expense  of  their  com- 
mander, who  testified  no  little  vexation  at  the  disap- 
pointment, and  still  more  at  his  own  credulity.32 

a . - 

32  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Con-  Sahagun,  Hist,  de  Nusva  Espana, 
quista,  cap.  155.  — Rel.  Terc.  de  MS.,  lib.  12,  cap.  37. 

Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  290.  — 


CHAPTER  VIII. 


Dreadful  Sufferings  of  the  Besieged.  — Spirit  of  Guatemozin. 

— Murderous  Assaults.  — Capture  of  Guatemozin.  — Evacua- 
tion of  the  City. — Termination  cf  the  Siege.  — Reflections. 

1521. 

There  was  no  occasion  to  resort  to  artificial 
means  to  precipitate  the  ruin  of  the  Aztecs.  It  was 
accelerated  every  hour  by  causes  more  potent  than 
those  arising  from  mere  human  agency.  There  they 
were,  — pent  up  in  their  close  and  suffocating  quar- 
ters, nobles,  commoners,  and  slaves,  men,  women, 
and  children,  some  in  houses,  more  frequently  in 
hovels,  — for  this  part  of  the  city  was  not  the  best, 
— others  in  the  open  air  in  canoes,  or  in  the  streets, 
shivering  in  the  cold  rains  of  night,  and  scorched  by 
the  burning  heat  of  day.1  An  old  chronicler  men- 
tions the  fact  of  two  women  of  rank  remaining  three 
days  and  nights  up  to  their  necks  in  the  water  among 
the  reeds,  with  only  a handful  of  maize  for  their 
support.2  The  ordinary  means  of  sustaining  life 

1 “ Estaban  los  tristes  Mejica-  de  bastimentos,  y al  calor  del  Sol, 
nos,  hombres  y mugeres,  niiios  y al  frio  de  la  noche,  y cada  hora 
y ninas,  viejos  y viejas,  heridos  y esperando  la  muerte.”  Sahagun, 
enfermos  en  un  lugar  bien  estre-  Hist,  de  Nueva  Esp.,  MS.,  lib. 
cho,  y bien  apretados  los  unos  con  12,  cap.  39. 

los  otros,  y con  grandisima  falta  2 Torquemada  had  tbe  anecdote 


188 


SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI. 


were  long  since  gone.  They  wandered  about  in 
search  of  any  thing,  however  unwholesome  or  revolt- 
ing, that  might  mitigate  the  fierce  gnawings  of 
hunger.  Some  hunted  for  insects  and  worms  on 
the  borders  of  the  lake,  or  gathered  the  salt  weeds 
and  moss  from  its  bottom,  while  at  times  they  might 
be  seen  casting  a wistful  look  at  the  green  hills 
beyond,  which  many  of  them  had  left  to  share  the 
fate  of  their  brethren  in  the  capital. 

To  their  credit,  it  is  said  by  the  Spanish  writers, 
that  they  were  not  driven,  in  their  extremity,  to  vio- 
late the  laws  of  nature  by  feeding  on  one  another.3 
But  unhappily  this  is  contradicted  by  the  Indian 
authorities,  who  state  that  many  a mother,  in  her 
agony,  devoured  the  offspring  which  she  had  no 
longer  the  means  of  supporting.  This  is  recorded 
of  more  than  one  siege  in  history  ; and  it  is  the 
more  probable  here,  where  the  sensibilities  must 
have  been  blunted  by  familiarity  with  the  brutal 
practices  of  the  national  superstition.4 


from  a nephew  of  one  of  the  Indian 
matrons,  then  a very  old  man  him- 
self. Monarch.  Ind.,  lib.  4,  cap.  102. 

3 Ibid.,  ubi  supra. — Bernal  Diaz, 
Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  156. 

4 “ De  los  ninos,  no  quedo  na- 
die,  que  las  mismas  madres  y pa- 
dres los  comian  (que  era  gran  las- 
tima  de  ver,  y mayormente  de 
sufrir).”  (Sahagun,  Hist,  de 
Nueva  Esp.,  MS.,  lib.  12,  cap. 
39.)  The  historian  derived  his 
accounts  from  the  Mexicans  them- 
selves, soon  after  the  event.  — One 


is  reminded  of  the  terrible  denun- 
ciations of  Moses  : “The  tender 
and  delicate  woman  among  you. 
which  would  not  adventure  to  set 
the  sole  of  her  foot  upon  the 
ground  for  delicateness  and  tender- 
ness, her  eye  shall  be  evil  toward 

her  children  which  she 

shall  bear;  for  she  shall  eat  them, 
for  want  of  all  things,  secretly,  in 
the  siege  and  straitness  where- 
with thine  enemy  shall  distress 
thee  in  thy  gates.”  Deuteronomy, 
chap.  28,  vs.  56,  57. 


Ch.  VIII.]  SUFFERINGS  OF  THE  BESIEGED. 


189 


But  all  was  not  sufficient,  and  hundreds  of  fam- 
ished wretches  died  every  day  from  extremity  of 
suffering.  Some  dragged  themselves  into  the  houses, 
and  drew  their  last  breath  alone,  and  in  silence. 
Others  sank  down  in  the  public  streets.  Wherever 
they  died,  there  they  were  left.  There  was  no  one 
to  bury,  or  to  remove  them.  Familiarity  with  the 
spectacle  made  men  indifferent  to  it.  They  looked 
on  in  dumb  despair,  waiting  for  their  own  turn. 
There  was  no  complaint,  no  lamentation,  but  deep, 
unutterable  woe. 

If  in  other  quarters  of  the  town  the  corpses  might 
be  seen  scattered  over  the  streets,  here  they  were 
gathered  in  heaps.  “ They  lay  so  thick,”  says  Bernal 
Diaz,  “that  one  could  not  tread  except  among  the 
bodies.”5  “A  man  could  not  set  his  foot  down,” 
says  Cortes,  yet  more  strongly,  “unless  on  the  corpse 
of  an  Indian  !”6  They  were  piled  one  upon  another, 
the  living  mingled  with  the  dead.  They  stretched 
themselves  on  the  bodies  of  their  friends,  and  lay 
down  to  sleep  there.  Death  was  everywhere.  The 
city  was  a vast  charnel-house,  in  which  all  was 
hastening  to  decay  and  decomposition.  A poisonous 
steam  arose  from  the  mass  of  putrefaction,  under  the 
action  of  alternate  rain  and  heat,  which  so  tainted 
the  whole  atmosphere,  that  the  Spaniards,  including 
the  general  himself,  in  their  brief  visits  to  the  quar- 

5 “ No  podiamos  andar  sino  en-  6 “ No  tenian  donde  estar  sino 
tre  cuerpos,  y cabe$as  de  Indios  sobre  los  cuerpos  muertos  de  los 
muertos.”  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  suyos.”  Rel.  Terc.,  ap.  Lorenza 

cap.  156.  na,  p.  291. 


190 


SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Cook  VI 


ter,  were  made  ill  by  it,  and  it  bred  a pestilence  that 
swept  off  even  greater  numbers  than  the  famine.7 8 

Men’s  minds  were  unsettled  by  these  strange  and 
accumulated  horrors.  They  resorted  to  all  the  su- 
perstitious rites  prescribed  by  their  religion,  to  stay 
the  pestilence.  They  called  on  their  priests  to  in 
voke  the  gods  in  their  behalf.  But  the  oracles  were 
dumb,  or  gave  only  gloomy  responses.  Their  deities 
had  deserted  them,  and  in  their  place  they  saw  signs 
of  celestial  wrath,  telling  of  still  greater  woes  in  re- 
serve. Many,  after  the  siege,  declared,  that,  among 
other  prodigies,  they  beheld  a stream  of  light,  of  a 
blood-red  color,  coming  from  the  north  in  the  direc- 
tion of  Tepejacac,  with  a rushing  noise,  like  that  of 
a whirlwind,  which  swept  round  the  district  of  Tla- 
telolco,  darting  out  sparkles  and  flakes  of  fire,  till  it 
shot  far  into  the  centre  of  the  lake  !s  In  the  disor- 
dered state  of  their  nerves,  a mysterious  fear  took 
possession  of  their  senses.  Prodigies  were  of  famil- 
iar occurence,  and  the  most  familiar  phenomena  of 
nature  were  converted  into  prodigies.9  Stunned  by 


7 Bernal  Diaz,  Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 
— Herrera,  Hist.  General,  dec.  3, 
lib.  2,  cap.  8.  — Sahagun,  Hist,  de 
Nueva  Esp.,  MS.,  lib.  12,  cap.  41. 
■ — Gonzalo  do  Las  Casas,  Dcfen- 
sa,  MS.,  cap.  28. 

8 “ Un  torbellino  de  fuego  como 
sangre  embuelto  en  brasas  y en 
centellas,  que  partia  de  liacia  Te- 
peacac  (que  es  donde  esta  ahora 

Santa  Maria  de  Guadalupe)  y fue 
haeiendo  gran  ruido,  hacia  donde 


estaban  acorralados  los  Mejicanos 
y Tlaltilulcanos  ; y did  una  vuelta 
para  enrededor  de  ellos,  y no  dicen 
si  los  empecio  algo,  sino  que  habi- 
endo  dado  aquella  vuelta,  se  entro 
por  la  laguna  adelante ; y alii 
desaparecio.”  Sahagun,  Hist,  de 
Nueva  Esp.,  MS.,  lib.  12,  cap.  40. 

9  “ Inclinatis  ad  credendum  an- 
imis,”  says  the  philosophic  Roman 
historian,  “ loco  ominum  etiam  for- 
tuita.”  Tacitus,  Hist.,  lib.  2,  sec.  1. 


1 


Ch.  VIII.]  SPIRIT  OF  GUATEMOZIN.  191 

their  calamities,  reason  was  bewildered,  and  they 
became  the  sport  of  the  wildest  and  most  supersti- 
tious fancies. 

In  the  midst  of  these  awful  scenes,  the  young 
emperor  of  the  Aztecs  remained,  according  to  all 
accounts,  calm  and  courageous.  With  his  fair  capital 
laid  in  ruins  before  his  eyes,  his  nobles  and  faithful 
subjects  dying  around  him,  his  territory  rent  away, 
foot  by  foot,  till  scarce  enough  remained  for  him  to 
stand  on,  he  rejected  every  invitation  to  capitulate, 
and  showed  the  same  indomitable  spirit,  as  at  the 
commencement  of  the  siege.  When  Cortes,  in  the 
hope  that  the  extremities  of  the  besieged  would  in- 
cline them  to  listen  to  an  accommodation,  persuaded 
a noble  prisoner  to  bear  to  Guatemozin  his  proposals 
to  that  effect ; the  fierce  young  monarch,  according 
to  the  genera],  ordered  him  at  once  to  be  sacrificed.10 
It  is  a Spaniard,  we  must  remember,  who  tells  the 
story. 

Cortes,  who  had  suspended  hostilities  for  several 
days,  in  the  vain  hope  that  the  distresses  of  the 
Mexicans  would  bend  them  to  submission,  now  de- 
termined to  drive  them  to  it  by  a general  assault. 
Cooped  up,  as  they  were,  within  a narrow  quarter 
of  the  city,  their  position  favored  such  an  attempt. 
He  commanded  Alvarado  to  hold  himself  in  readi- 
ness, and  directed  Sandoval  — who,  besides  the 
causeway,  had  charge  of  the  fleet,  which  lay  off  the 

1°  “Y  como  lo  llevaron  delante  dizque  luego  lo  mando  matar  y 
de  Guatimucin  su  Seiior,  y el  le  sacrilicar.”  Rel.  Terc.,  ap.  Loren- 
comenzo  a hablar  sobre  la  Paz,  zana,  p.  293. 


192 


SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI. 


Tlatelolcan  district  — to  support  the  attack  by  a 
cannonade  on  the  houses  near  the  water.  He  then 
led  his  forces  into  the  city,  or  rather  across  the 
horrid  waste  that  now  encircled  it. 

On  entering  the  Indian  precincts,  he  was  met 
by  several  of  the  chiefs,  who,  stretching  forth  their 
emaciated  arms,  exclaimed,  “ You  are  the  children 
of  the  Sun.  But  the  Sun  is  swift  in  his  course. 
Why  are  you,  then,  so  tardy  ? Why  do  you  delay 
so  long  to  put  an  end  to  our  miseries  ? Rather  kill 
us  at  once,  that  we  may  go  to  our  god  Huitzilo- 
pochtli,  who  waits  for  us  in  heaven  to  give  us  rest 
from  our  sufferings  ! ” 11 

' Cortes  was  moved  by  their  piteous  appeal,  and 
answered,  that  he  desired  not  their  death,  but  their 
submission.  “ Why  does  your  master  refuse  to  treat 
with  me,”  he  said,  “ when  a single  hour  will  suf- 
fice for  me  to  crush  him  and  all  his  people  ? ” He 
then  urged  them  to  request  Guatemozin  to  confer 
with  , him,  with  the  assurance  that  he  might  do  it 
in  safety,  as  his  person  should  not  be  molested. 

The  nobles,  after  some  persuasion,  undertook  the 
mission  ; and  it  was  received  by  the  young  monarch 
in  a manner  which  showed  — if  the  anecdote  be- 
fore related  of  him  be  true  — that  misfortune  had, 
at  length,  asserted  some  power  over  his  haughty 

11  “ Que  pues  ellos  me  tenian  de  penar  tanto,  porque  ya  ellos 
por  Hijo  del  Sol,  y el  Sol  en  tanta  tenian  deseos  de  morir,  y irse  al 
brevedad  como  era  en  un  dia  y una  Cielo  para  su  Ochilobus,  [Huitzilo- 
noche  daba  vuelta  a todo  el  Mundo,  pochtli,]  que  los  estaba  esperando 
que  porque  yo  assi  brevemente  no  para  descansar.”  Ibid.,  p.  292. 
los  aeababa  de  matar,  y los  quitaba 


Ch.  viii.j 


SPIRIT  OF  GUATEMOZIN. 


193 


spirit.  He  consented  to  the  interview,  though  not 
to  have  it  take  place  on  that  day,  but  the  following, 
in  the  great  square  of  Tlatelolco.  Cortes,  well  sat- 
isfied, immediately  withdrew  from  the  city,  and  re- 
sumed his  position  on  the  causeway. 

The  next  morning  he  presented  himself  at  the 
place  appointed,  having  previously  stationed  Alva- 
rado there  with  a strong  corps  of  infantry,  to  guard 
against  treachery.  The  stone  platform  in  the  cen- 
tre of  the  square  was  covered  with  mats  and  car- 
pets, and  a banquet  was  prepared  to  refresh  the 
famished  monarch,  and  his  nobles.  Having  made 
these  arrangements,  he  awaited  the  hour  of  the 
interview. 

But  Guatemozin,  instead  of  appearing  himself, 
sent  his  nobles,  the  same  who  had  brought  to  him 
the  general’s  invitation,  and  who  now  excused  their 
master’s  absence  on  the  plea  of  illness.  Cortes, 
though  disappointed,  gave  a courteous  reception  to 
the  envoys,  considering  that  it  might  still  afford  the 
means  of  opening  a communication  with  the  empe- 
ror. He  persuaded  them,  without  much  entreaty,  to 
partake  of  the  good  cheer  spread  before  them,  which 
they  did  with  a voracity  that  told  how  severe  had 
been  their  abstinence.  He  then  dismissed  them 
with  a seasonable  supply  of  provisions  for  their  mas- 
ter, pressing  him  to  consent  to  an  interview,  with- 
out which  it  was  impossible  their  differences  could 
be  adjusted. 

The  Indian  envoys  returned  in  a short  time,  bear- 
ing with  them  a present  of  fine  cotton  fabrics,  of  no 
25 


VOL.  III. 


194  SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI. 


great  value,  from  Guatemozin,  who  still  declined  to 
meet  the  Spanish  general.  Cortes,  though  deeply 
chagrined,  was  unwilling  to  give  up  the  point.  “ He 
will  surely  come,”  he  said  to  the  envoys,  “ when  he 
sees  that  I suffer  you  to  go  and  come  unharmed, 
you  who  have  been  my  steady  enemies,  no  less  than 
himself,  throughout  the  war.  He  has  nothing  to 
fear  from  me.” 12  He  again  parted  with  them,  prom- 
ising to  receive  their  answer  the  following  dav. 

On  the  next  morning,  the  Aztec  chiefs,  entering 
the  Christian  quarters,  announced  to  Cortes  that 
Guatemozin  would  confer  with  him  at  noon  in  the 
market-place.  The  general  was  punctual  at  the 
hour ; but  without  success.  Neither  monarch,  nor 
ministers  appeared  there.  It  was  plain  that  the 
Indian  prince  did  not  care  to  trust  the  promises  of 
his  enemy.  A thought  of  Montezuma  may  have 
passed  across  his  mind.  After  he  had  waited  three 
hours,  the  general’s  patience  was  exhausted,  and,  as 
he  learned  that  the  Mexicans  were  busy  in  prepara- 
tions for  defence,  he  made  immediate  dispositions 
for  the  assault.13 


12  “ Y yo  les  torne  a repetir, 
que  no  sabia  la  causa,  porque  el 
se  recelaba  venir  ante  ml,  pues 
veia  que  a ellos,  que  yo  sabia  q 
habian  sido  los  causadores  princi- 
pales  de  la  Guerra,  y que  la  ha- 
bian sustentado,  les  hacia  buen 
tratamiento,  que  los  dejaba  ir,  y 
venir  seguramente,  sin  recibir  en- 
ojo  alguno ; que  les  rogaba,  que 
le  tornassen  a hablar,  y mirassen 


mucho  en  esto  de  su  venida,  pues 
a el  le  convenia,  y yo  lo  hacia 
por  su  proveeho.”  Ibid.,  pp. 
294,  295. 

13  The  testimony  is  most  eir 
phatic  and  unequivocal  to  these 
repeated  efforts  on  the  part  of 
Cortes  to  bring  the  Aztecs  peace- 
ably to  terms.  Besides  his  own 
Letter  to  the  Emperor,  see  Ber- 
nal Diaz,  cap.  155,  — Herrera, 


Ch.  VIII.] 


MURDEROUS  ASSAULTS. 


195 


The  confederates  had  been  left  without  the  walls, 
for  he  did  not  care  to  bring  them  in  sight  of  the 
quarry,  before  he  was  ready  to  slip  the  leash.  He 
now  ordered  them  to  join  him ; and,  supported  by- 
Alvarado’s  division,  marched  at  once  into  the  ene- 
my’s quarters.  He  found  them  prepared  to  receive 
him.  Their  most  able-bodied  warriors  were  thrown 
into  the  van,  covering  their  feeble  and  crippled  com- 
rades. Women  were  seen  occasionally  mingling  in 
the  ranks,  and,  as  well  as  children,  thronged  the 
azoteas , where,  with  famine-stricken  visages,  and 
haggard  eyes,  they  scowled  defiance  and  hatred  on 
their  invaders. 

As  the  Spaniards  advanced,  the  Mexicans  set  up 
a fierce  war-cry,  and  sent  off  clouds  of  arrows 
with  their  accustomed  spirit,  while  the  women  and 
boys  rained  down  darts  and  stones  from  their  elevat- 
ed position  on  the  terraces.  But  the  missiles  were 
sent  by  hands  too  feeble  to  do  much  damage ; and, 
when  the  squadrons  closed,  the  loss  of  strength  be- 
came still  more  sensible  in  the  Aztecs.  Their  blows 
fell  feebly  and  with  doubtful  aim,  though  some,  it  is 
true,  of  stronger  constitution,  or  gathering  strength 
from  despair,  maintained  to  the  last  a desperate 
fight. 

The  arquebusiers  now  poured  in  a deadly  fire. 
The  brigantines  replied  by  successive  volleys,  in  the 
opposite  quarter.  The  besieged,  hemmed  in,  like 

Hist.  General,  lib.  2,  cap.  6,  7, — da  de  los  Esp.,  pp.  44-48, — 
Torquemada,  Monarch.  Ind.,  lib.  Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS., 
4,  cap.  100,  — Ixtlilxochitl,  Veni-  lib.  33,  cap.  29,  30 


196 


SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Rook  VI. 


deer  surrounded  by  the  huntsmen,  were  brought 
down  on  every  side.  The  carnage  was  horrible. 
The  ground  was  heaped  up  with  slain,  until  the 
maddened  combatants  were  obliged  to  climb  over 
the  human  mounds  to  get  at  one  another.  The 
miry  soil  was  saturated  with  blood,  which  ran  off 
like  water,  and  dyed  the  canals  themselves  with 
crimson.14  All  was  uproar  and  terrible  confusion. 
The  hideous  yells  of  the  barbarians ; the  oaths  and 
execrations  of  the  Spaniards  ; the  cries  of  the  wound- 
ed ; the  shrieks  of  women  and  children ; the  heavy 
blows  of  the  Conquerors  ; the  death-struggle  of  their 
victims  ; the  rapid,  reverberating  echoes  of  musketry; 
the  hissing  of  innumerable  missiles ; the  crash  and 
crackling  of  blazing  buildings,  crushing  hundreds  in 
their  ruins  ; the  blinding  volumes  of  dust  and  sulphur- 
ous smoke  shrouding  all  in  their  gloomy  canopy,  — 
made  a scene  appalling  even  to  the  soldiers  of  Cortes, 
steeled  as  they  were  by  many  a rough  passage  of 
war,  and  by  long  familiarity  with  blood  and  violence. 
“ The  piteous  cries  of  the  women  and  children,  in 
particular,”  says  the  general,  “ were  enough  to  break 
one’s  heart.”  15  lie  commanded  that  they  should  be 
spared,  and  that  all,  who  asked  it,  should  receive 


14  “ Corrian  Arroios  de  San- 
gre  por  las  Calles,  corao  pueden 
correr  de  Agua,  quando  llueve,  y 
con  impetu,  y fuerga.”  Torque- 
mada,  Monarch.  Ind.,  lib.  4,  cap. 
103. 

15  “Era  tanta  la  grita,  y lloro 
de  los  Ninos,  y Mugeres,  que  no 


habia  Persona,  a quien  no  qnebran- 
tasse  el  corazon.”  (Rel.  Terc., 
ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  296.)  They 
were  a rash  and  stiff-necked  race, 
exclaims  his  reverend  editor,  the 
archbishop,  with  a charitable  com- 
mentary ! “ Gens  durae  cervicis, 

gens  absque  consilio.”  Nota. 


Ch.  VIII.] 


MURDEROUS  ASSAULTS. 


197 


quarter.  He  particularly  urged  this  on  the  confed- 
erates, and  placed  men  among  them  to  restrain  their 
violence.16  But  he  had  set  an  engine  in  motion  too 
terrible  to  be  controlled.  It  were  as  easy  to  curb  the 
hurricane  in  its  fury,  as  the  passions  of  an  infuriated 
horde  of  savages.  “Never  did  I see  so  pitiless  a 
race,”  he  exclaims,  “ or  any  thing  wearing  the  form 
of  man  so  destitute  of  humanity.” 17  They  made 
no  distinction  of  sex  or  age,  and  in  this  hour  of  ven- 
geance seemed  to  be  requiting  the  hoarded  wrongs 
of  a century.  At  length,  sated  with  slaughter,  the 
Spanish  commander  sounded  a retreat.  It  was  full 
time,  if,  according  to  his  own  statement, — we  may 
hope  it  is  an  exaggeration, — forty  thousand  souls 
had  perished ! 13  Yet  their  fate  was  to  be  envied,  in 
comparison  with  that  of  those  who  survived. 

Through  the  long  night  which  followed,  no  move- 
ment was  perceptible  in  the  Aztec  quarter.  No  light 
was  seen  there,  no  sound  was  heard,  save  the  low 
moaning  of  some  wounded  or  dying  wretch,  writh- 
ing in  his  agony.  All  was  dark  and  silent,  — the 


16  “ Como  la  gente  de  la  Cib- 
dad  se  salia  a los  nuestros,  habia 
el  general  proveido,  que  por  todas 
las  ealles  estubiesen  Espanoles 
para  estorvar  a los  amigos,  que  no 
matasen  aquellos  tristes,  que  eran 
sin  numero.  E tambien  dixo  a 
todos  los  amigos  capitanes,  que 
no  consintiesen  a su  gente  que 
matasen  a ninguno  de  los  que  sa- 
lian.  Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind., 
MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  30. 


17  “La  qual  crueldad  nunca  en 
Generacion  tan  recia  se  vio,  ni  tan 
fuera  de  toda  orden  de  naturaleza, 
como  en  los  Naturales  de  estas 
partes.”  Rel.  Terc.  de  Cortes, 
ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  296. 

18  Ibid.,  ubi  supra.  — Ixtlilxo- 
chitl  says,  50,000  were  slain  and 
taken  in  this  dreadful  onslaught. 
Venida  de  los  Esp.,  p.  48. 


198 


SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI 


darkness  of  the  grave.  The  last  blow  seemed  to 
have  completely  stunned  them.  They  had  parted 
with  hope,  and  sat  in  sullen  despair,  like  men  wait- 
ing in  silence  the  stroke  of  the  executioner.  Yet, 
for  all  this,  they  showed  no  disposition  to  submit. 
Every  new  injury  had  sunk  deeper  into  their  souls, 
and  filled  them  with  a deeper  hatred  of  their  ene- 
my. Fortune,  friends,  kindred,  home,  — all  were 
gone.  They  were  content  to  throw  away  life  itself, 
now  that  they  had  nothing  more  to  live  for. 

Far  different  was  the  scene  in  the  Christian  camp, 
where,  elated  with  their  recent  successes,  all  was 
alive  with  bustle,  and  preparation  for  the  morrow. 
Bonfires  were  seen  blazing  along  the  causeways, 
lights  gleamed  from  tents  and  barracks,  and  the 
sounds  of  music  and  merriment,  borne  over  the  wa- 
ters, proclaimed  the  joy  of  the  soldiers,  at  the  prospect 
of  so  soon  terminating  their  wearisome  campaign. 

On  the  following  morning  the  Spanish  commander 
again  mustered  his  forces,  having  decided  to  follow 
up  the  blow  of  the  preceding  day,  before  the  enemy 
should  have  time  to  rally,  and,  at  once,  to  put  an  end 
to  the  war.  He  had  arranged  with  Alvarado,  on  the 
evening  previous,  to  occupy  the  market-place  of  Tla- 
telolco ; and  the  discharge  of  an  arquebuse  was  to  be 
the  signal  for  a simultaneous  assault.  Sandoval  was 
to  hold  the  northern  causeway,  and,  with  the  fleet,  to 
watch  the  movements  of  the  Indian  emperor,  and  to 
intercept  the  flight  to  the  main  land,  which  Certes 
knew  he  meditated.  To  allow  him  to  effect  this 
would  be  to  leave  a formidable  enemy  in  his  own 


Ch.  VIII.] 


MURDEROUS  ASSAULTS. 


199 


neighbourhood,  who  might  at  any  time  kindle  the 
flame  of  insurrection  throughout  the  country.  He 
ordered  Sandoval,  however,  to  do  no  harm  to  the 
royal  person,  and  not  to  fire  on  the  enemy  at  all, 
except  in  self-defence.19 

It  was  the  memorable  loth  of  August,  1521,  the 
day  of  St.  Hypolito,  — from  this  circumstance  se- 
lected as  the  patron  saint  of  modern  Mexico,  — that 
Cortes  led  his  warlike  array  for  the  last  time  across 
the  black  and  blasted  environs  which  lay  around  the 
Indian  capital.  On  entering  the  Aztec  precincts, 
he  paused,  willing  to  afford  its  wretched  inmates 
one  more  chance  of  escape,  before  striking  the  fatal 
blow.  He  obtained  an  interview  with  some  of  the 
principal  chiefs,  and  expostulated  with  them  on  the 
conduct  of  their  prince.  “ He  surely  will  not,”  said 
the  general,  “ see  you  all  perish,  when  he  can  so 
easily  save  you.”  He  then  urged  them  to  prevail 
on  Guatemozin  to  hold  a conference  with  him,  re- 
peating the  assurances  of  his  personal  safety. 

The  messengers  went  on  their  mission,  and  soon 
returned  with  the  cihuacoatl  at  their  head,  a magis- 
trate of  high  authority  among  the  Mexicans.  He 
said,  with  a melancholy  air,  in  which  his  own  disap- 
pointment was  visible,  that  “ Guatemozin  was  ready 
to  die  where  he  was,  but  would  hold  no  interview 

19  “ Adonde  estauan  retraidos  el  gunos  Indios,  saluo  si  no  le  dies- 
Guatemuz  con  toda  la  flor  de  sus  sen  guerra,  e que  aunque  se  la  di- 
Capitanes,  y personas  mas  nobles  essen,  que  solamente  se  defendi- 
que  en  Mexico  auia,  y le  mando  esse.”  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la 
que  no  matasse,  ni  hiriesse  a nin-  Conquista,  cap.  156. 


200  SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI. 

with  the  Spanish  commander  ” ; adding,  in  a tone 
of  resignation,  “it  is  for  you  to  work  your  pleasure.” 
“ Go,  then,”  replied  the  stern  Conqueror,  “ and  pre- 
pare your  countrymen  for  death.  Their  hour  is 
come.” 20 

He  still  postponed  the  assault  for  several  hours. 
.But  the  impatience  of  his  troops  at  this  delay  was 
heightened  by  the  rumor,  that  Guatemozin  and  his 
nobles  were  preparing  to  escape  with  their  effects  in 
the  piraguas  and  canoes  which  were  moored  on  the 
margin  of  the  lake.  Convinced  of  the  fruitlessness 
and  impolicy  of  further  procrastination,  Cortes  made 
his  final  dispositions  for  the  attack,  and  took  his  own 
station  on  an  azotea , which  commanded  the  theatre 
of  operations. 

When  the  assailants  came  into  presence  of  the  ene- 
my, they  found  them  huddled  together  in  the  utmost 
confusion,  all  ages  and  sexes,  in  masses  so  dense 
that  they  nearly  forced  one  another  over  the  brink 
of  the  causeways  into  the  water  below.  Some  had 
climbed  on  the  terraces,  others  feebly  supported 
themselves  against  the  walls  of  the  buildings.  Their 
squalid  and  tattered  garments  gave  a wildness  to 
their  appearance,  which  still  further  heightened  the 
ferocity  of  their  expression,  as  they  glared  on  their 
enemy  with  eyes  in  which  hate  was  mingled  with 

20  “Y  at  fin  me  dijo,  que  en  minacion,  yo  le  dije ; que  se  bolvi- 
ninguna  manera  el  Sefior  vernia  esse  a lossuyos,  y que  el,  y ellos  se 
ante  ml ; y antes  queria  por  alia  aparejassen,  porque  los  queria  com- 
morir,  y que  a el  pesaba  mucho  batir,  y acabar  de  matar,  y assl  se 
de  esto,  que  hiciesse  yo  lo  que  qui-  fue.”  Rel.  Terc.  de  Cortes,  ap. 
siesse  ; y eomo  vl  en  esto  su  deter-  Lorenzana,  p.  298. 


Ch.  VIII.] 


MURDEROUS  ASSAULTS. 


201 


despair.  When  the  Spaniards  had  approached  with- 
in bowshot,  the  Aztecs  let  off  a flight  of  impotent 
missiles,  showing,  to  the  last,  the  resolute  spirit, 
though  they  had  lost  the  strength,  of  their  better 
days.  The  fatal  signal  was  then  given  by  the  dis- 
charge of  an  arquebuse, — speedily  followed  by  peals 
of  heavy  ordnance,  the  rattle  of  fire-arms,  and  the 
hellish  shouts  of  the  confederates,  as  they  sprang 
upon  their  victims.  It  is  unnecessary  to  stain  the 
page  with  a repetition  of  the  horrors  of  the  pre- 
ceding day.  Some  of  the  wretched  Aztecs  threw 
themselves  into  the  water,  and  were  picked  up  by 
the  canoes.  Others  sunk  and  were  suffocated  in 
the  canals.  The  number  of  these  became  so  great, 
that  a bridge  was  made  of  their  dead  bodies,  over 
which  the  assailants  could  climb  to  the  opposite 
banks.  Others  again,  especially  the  women,  begged 
for  mercy,  which,  as  the  chroniclers  assure  us,  was 
everywhere  granted  by  the  Spaniards,  and,  contrary 
to  the  instructions  and  entreaties  of  Cortes,  every- 
where refused  by  the  confederates.21 

While  this  work  of  butchery  w7as  going  on,  num- 
bers wrere  observed  pushing  off  in  the  barks  that 
lined  the  shore,  and  making  the  best  of  their  way 
across  the  lake.  They  were  constantly  intercepted 
by  the  brigantines,  which  broke  through  the  flimsy 
array  of  boats ; sending  off  their  volleys  to  the  right 

21  Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  lib.  2,  cap.  7. — Rel.  Terc.  de 
MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  30. — Ixtlilxo-  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  pp.  297, 
chitl,  Venida  de  los  Esp.,  p.  48. — 298.  — Gomara,  Cronica,  cap.  142. 
Herrera,  Hist.  General,  dec.  3, 

VOL.  III. 


26 


202 


SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI. 


anti  left,  as  the  crews  of  the  latter  hotly  assailed 
them.  The  battle  raged  as  fiercely  on  the  lake  as 
on  the  land.  Many  of  the  Indian  vessels  were  shat- 
tered and  overturned.  Some  few,  however,  under 
cover  of  the  smoke,  which  rolled  darkly  over  the 
waters,  succeeded  in  clearing  themselves  of  the  tur- 
moil, and  were  fast  nearing  the  opposite  shore. 

Sandoval  had  particularly  charged  his  captains 
to  keep  an  eye  on  the  movements  of  any  vessel  in 
which  it  was  at  all  probable  that  Guatemozin  might 
be  concealed.  At  this  crisis,  three  or  four  of  the 
largest  piraguas  were  seen  skimming  over  the  water, 
and  making  their  way  rapidly  across  the  lake.  A 
captain,  named  Garci  Holguin,  who  had  command 
of  one  of  the  best  sailers  in  the  fleet,  instantly  gave 
them  chase.  The  wind  was  favorable,  and,  every 
moment,  he  gained  on  the  fugitives,  who  pulled 
their  oars  with  a vigor  that  despair  alone  could  have 
given.  But  it  was  in  vain  ; and,  after  a short  race, 
Holguin,  coming  alongside  of  one  of  the  piraguas , 
which,  whether  from  its  appearance,  or  from  in- 
formation he  had  received,  he  conjectured  might 
bear  the  Indian  emperor,  ordered  his  men  to  level 
their  crossbows  at  the  boat.  But,  before  they  could 
discharge  them,  a cry  arose  from  those  in  it,  that 
their  lord  tvas  on  board.  At  the  same  moment,  a 
young  warrior,  armed  with  buckler  and  maquahuitl , 
rose  up,  as  if  to  beat  off  the  assailants.  But,  as 
the  Spanish  captain  ordered  his  men  not  to  shoot, 
he  dropped  his  weapons,  and  exclaimed,  “ I am 
Guatemozin  ; lead  me  to  Malinche,  I am  his  pris- 


Ch.  VIII.] 


CAPTURE  OF  GUATEMOZIN. 


203 


oner  ; but  let  no  harm  come  to  my  wife  and  my 
followers.” 22 

Holguin  assured  him,  that  his  wishes  should  be  re- 
spected, and  assisted  him  to  get  on  board  the  brig- 
antine, followed  by  his  wife  and  attendants.  These 
were  twenty  in  number,  consisting  of  Coanaco,  the 
deposed  lord  of  Tezcuco,  the  lord  of  Tlacopan, 
and  several  other  caciques  and  dignitaries,  whose 
rank,  probably,  had  secured  them  some  exemption 
from  the  general  calamities  of  the  siege.  When 
the  captives  were  seated  on  the  deck  of  his  vessel, 
Holguin  requested  the  Aztec  prince  to  put  an  end  to 
the  combat  by  commanding  his  people  in  the  other 
canoes  to  surrender.  But,  with  a dejected  air,  he 
replied,  “ It  is  not  necessary.  They  will  fight  no 
longer,  when  they  see  that  their  prince  is  taken.” 
He  spoke  truth.  The  news  of  Guatemozin’s  cap 
ture  spread  rapidly  through  the  fleet,  and  on  shore, 
where  the  Mexicans  were  still  engaged  in  conflict 
with  their  enemies.  It  ceased,  however,  at  once. 
They  made  no  further  resistance  ; and  those  on  the 
water  quickly  followed  the  brigantines,  which  con- 
veyed their  captive  monarch  to  land.  It  seemed  as 

22  Ixtlilxochitl,  Yenida  de  los  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  156.)  M.  de 
Esp.,  p.  49.  Humboldt  has  taken  much  pains  to 

“No  me  tiren,  que  yo  soy  el  identify  the  place  of  Guatemozin’s 
Rey  de  Mexico,  y desta  tierra,  y capture,— now  become  dry  land, — 
lo  que  te  ruego  es,  que  no  me  which  he  considers  to  have  been 
llegues  a mi  muger,  ni  a mis  hijos ; somewhere  between  the  Garita  del 
ni  a ninguna  muger,  ni  a ninguna  Peralvillo,  the  square  of  St.  Iago 
cosa  de  lo  que  aqui  traygo,  sino  de  Tlaltelolco,  and  the  bridge  of 
que  me  tomes  a mi,  y me  lleues  a Amaxac.  Essai  Politique,  tom.  II 
Malinche.”  (Bernal  Diaz,  Hist  p.  70. 


204 


>' 

SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI. 

if  the  fight  had  been  maintained  thus  long,  the  bet- 
ter to  divert  the  enemy’s  attention,  and  cover  their 
master’s  retreat.23 

Meanwhile  Sandoval,  on  receiving  tidings  of  the 
capture,  brought  his  own  brigantine  alongside  of 
Holguin’s,  and  demanded  the  royal  prisoner  to  be 
surrendered  to  him.  But  his  captain  claimed  him  as 
his  prize.  A dispute  arose  between  the  parties, 
each  anxious  to  have  the  glory  of  the  deed,  and  per- 
haps the  privilege  of  commemorating  it  on  his  es- 
cutcheon. The  controversy  continued  so  long  that 
it  reached  the  ears  of  Cortes,  who,  in  his  station  on 
the  azotea , had  learned,  with  no  little  satisfaction, 
the  capture  of  his  enemy.  He  instantly  sent  orders 
to  his  wrangling  officers,  to  bring  Guatemozin  be- 
fore him,  that  he  might  adjust  the  difference  between 
them.24  He  charged  them,  at  the  same  time,  to 
treat  their  prisoner  with  respect.  He  then  made 
preparations  for  the  interview  ; caused  the  terrace 


23  For  the  preceding  account  of 
the  capture  of  Guatemozin,  told 
with  little  discrepancy,  though 
with  more  or  less  minuteness  by 
the  different  writers,  see  Bernal 
Diaz,  Ibid.,  ubi  supra, — Rel.  Terc. 
de  Cortes,  p.  299, — Gonzalo  de 
las  Casas,  Defensa,  MS., — Ovie- 
do, Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33, 
cap.  30,  — Torquemada,  Monarch. 
Ind.,  lib.  4,  cap.  101. 

24  The  general,  according  to 
Diaz,  rebuked  his  officers  for  their 
ill-timed  contention,  reminding 
them  of  the  direful  effects  of  a sim- 


ilar quarrel  between  Marius  and 
Sylla,  respecting  Jugurtha.  (Hist, 
de  la  Conquista,  cap.  150.)  This 
piece  of  pedantry  savors  much 
more  of  the  old  chronicler  than  his 
commander.  The  result  of  the 
whole  — not  an  uncommon  one  in 
such  cases  — was,  that  the  Em- 
peror granted  to  neither  of  the 
parties,  but  to  Cortes,  the  exclu- 
sive right  of  commemorating  the 
capture  of  Guatemozin,  by  placing 
his  head,  together  with  the  heads 
of  seven  other  captive  princes,  on 
the  border  of  his  shield. 


Ch.  VIII.] 


CAPTURE  OF  GUATEMOZIN. 


205 


to  be  carpeted  with  crimson  cloth  and  matting,  and 
a table  to  be  spread  with  provisions,  of  which  the 
unhappy  Aztecs  stood  so  much  in  need.25  His  lovely 
Indian  mistress,  Dona  Marina,  was  present  to  act 
as  interpreter.  She  had  stood  by  his  side  through 
all  the  troubled  scenes  of  the  Conquest,  and  she 
was  there  now  to  witness  its  triumphant  termin- 
ation. 

Guatemozin,  on  landing,  was  escorted  by  a com- 
pany of  infantry  to  the  presence  of  the  Spanish 
commander.  He  mounted  the  azotea  with  a calm 
and  steady  step,  and  was  easily  to  be  distinguished 
from  his  attendant  nobles,  though  his  full,  dark  eye 
was  no  longer  lighted  up  with  its  accustomed  fire, 
and  his  features  wore  an  expression  of  passive  resig- 
nation, that  told  little  of  the  fierce  and  fiery  spirit 
that  burned  within.  His  head  was  large,  his  limbs 
well  proportioned,  his  complexion  fairer  than  those 
of  his  bronze-colored  nation,  and  his  whole  deport- 
ment singularly  mild  and  engaging.26 

Cortes  came  forward  with  a dignified  and  studied 
courtesy  to  receive  him.  The  Aztec  monarch  prob- 
ably knew  the  person  of  his  conqueror,  for  he  first 

25  Sahagun,  Hist,  de  Nueva  gre,  y los  ojos  mas  parecian  que 

Esp.,  lib.  12,  cap.  40,  MS.  quando  miraua,  que  eran  con  grau- 

26  For  the  portrait  of  Guatemo-  edad,  y halagdefios,  y no  auia 
zin,  I again  borrow  the  faithful  falta  en  ellos,  y era  de  edad  de 
pencil  of  Diaz,  who  knew  him — veinte  y tres,  6 veinte  y quatro 
at  least  his  person  — well.  “ Gua-  afios,  y el  color  tiraua  mas  a blar.- 
temuz  era  de  muy  gentil  disposi-  co,  que  al  color,  y matiz  de  esso- 
cion,  asst  de  cuerpo,  como  de  fay-  tros  Indios  morenos.”  Hist,  de  la 
ciones,  y la  cata  algo  larga,  y ale-  Conquista,  cap.  156. 


206 


SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI 


broke  silence  by  saying  ; “ I have  done  all  that  I 
could,  to  defend  myself  and  my  people.  I am  now 
reduced  to  this  state.  You  will  deal  with  me,  Ma- 
linche,  as  you  list.”  Then,  laying  his  hand  on  the 
hilt  of  a poniard,  stuck  in  the  general’s  belt,  he 
added,  with  vehemence,  “ Better  despatch  me  with 
this,  and  rid  me  of  life  at  once.”27  Cortes  was 
filled  with  admiration  at  the  proud  bearing  of  the 
young  barbarian,  showing  in  his  reverses  a spirit 
worthy  of  an  ancient  Roman.  “Fear  not,”  he  re- 
plied, “you  shall  be  treated  with  all  honor.  You 
have  defended  your  capital  like  a brave  warrior. 
A Spaniard  knows  how  to  respect  valor  even  in  an 
enemy.”28  He  then  inquired  of  him,  where  he  had 
left  the  princess,  his  wife ; and,  being  informed  that 
she  still  remained  under  protection  of  a Spanish 
guard  on  board  the  brigantine,  the  general  sent  to 
have  her  escorted  to  his  presence. 

She  wras  the  youngest  daughter  of  Montezuma  ; 
and  was  hardly  yet  on  the  verge  of  womanhood. 
On  the  accession  of  her  cousin,  Guatemozin,  to  the 


27  “ Llegose  a mi,  y dijome  en 
su  lengua : que  ya  el  habia  heeho 
todo,  lo  que  de  su  parte  era  obli- 
gado  para  defenderse  a si,  y a los 
suyos,  hasta  venir  en  aquel  cstado ; 
que  ahora  ficiesse  de  el  lo  quo  yo 
quisiesse ; y puso  la  mano  en  un 
puilal,  que  yo  tenia,  dieiendome, 
que  le  diesse  de  puiialadas,  y le 
matasse.”  (Rel.  Terc.  de  Cortes, 
ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  300.)  This  re- 
markable account  by  the  Conquer- 


or himself  is  confirmed  by  Diaz, 
who  does  not  appear  to  have  seen 
this  letter  of  his  commander.  Hist, 
de  la  Conquista,  cap.  156. 

28  Ibid.,  cap.  156.  — Also  Ovie- 
do, Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  IMS.,  lib.  33, 
cap.  48, — and  Martyr,  (De  Orbe 
Novo,  dec.  5,  cap.  8.)  who,  by  the 
epithet  of  magnanimo  regi,  testi- 
fies the  admiration  which  Guate- 
mozin's  lofty  spirit  excited  in  the 
court  of  Castile. 


Ch.  VIII.] 


CAPTURE  OF  GUATEMOZIN. 


207 


throne,  she  had  been  wedded  to  him  as  his  lawful 
wife.29  She  is  celebrated  by  her  contemporaries  for 
her  personal  charms ; and  the  beautiful  princess, 
Tecuichpo,  is  still  commemorated  by  the  Spaniards, 
since  from  her,  by  a subsequent  marriage,  are  de- 
scended some  of  the  illustrious  families  of  their  own 
nation.30  She  was  kindly  received  by  Cortes,  who 
showed  her  the  respectful  attentions  suited  to  her 
rank.  Her  birth,  no  doubt,  gave  her  an  additional 
interest  in  his  eyes,  and  he  may  have  felt  some 
touch  of  compunction,  as  he  gazed  on  the  daughter 
of  the  unfortunate  Montezuma.  He  invited  his 
royal  captives  to  partake  of  the  refreshments,  which 
their  exhausted  condition  rendered  so  necessary. 
Meanwhile  the  Spanish  commander  made  his  dis- 
positions for  the  night,  ordering  Sandoval  to  escort, 
the  prisoners  to  Cojohuacan,  whither  he  proposed, 
himself,  immediately  to  follow.  The  other  captains, 
Olid  and  Alvarado,  were  to  draw  off  their  forces  to 
their  respective  quarters.  It  was  impossible  for 
them  to  continue  in  the  capital,  where  the  poisonous 
effluvia  from  the  unburied  carcasses  loaded  the  air 
with  infection.  A small  guard  only  was  stationed 
to  keep  order  in  the  wasted  suburbs.  — It  was  the 
hour  of  vespers  when  Guatemozin  surrendered,31 

29  The  ceremony  of  marriage,  zuma  left  at  his  death,  was  a son 
which  distinguished  the  “lawful  and  a daughter,  this  same  princess, 
wife  ” from  the  concubine,  is  de-  — S ez  Appendix,  Part  2,  No.  11. 
scribed  by  Don  Thoan  Cano,  in  his  30  For  a further  account  of  Mon- 
conversation with  Oviedo.  Accord-  tezuma's  daughter,  see  Book  VII., 
ing  to  this,  it  appears  that  the  only  Chapter  III.  of  this  History, 
legitimate  offspring,  which  Monte-  31  The  event  is  annually  com- 


203 


SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI. 


and  the  siege  might  be  considered  as  then  con- 
cluded. The  evening  set  in  dark,  and  the  rain  be- 
gan to  fall,  before  the  several  parties  had  evacuated 
the  city.32 

During  the  night,  a tremendous  tempest,  such  as 
the  Spaniards  had  rarely  witnessed,  and  such  as  is 
known  only  within  the  tropics,  burst  over  the  Mexi- 
can Valley.  The  thunder,  reverberating  from  the 
rocky  amphitheatre  of  hills,  bellowed  over  the  waste 
of  waters,  and  shook  the  teocallis  and  crazy  tene- 


ments of  Tenochtitlan — t 
to  their  foundations.  The 

memorated,  or  rather  was,  under 
the  colonial  government,  by  a sol- 
emn procession  round  the  walls  of 
the  city.  It  took  place  on  the  13th 
of  August,  the  anniversary  of  the 
surrender,  and  consisted  of  the 
principal  cavaliers  and  citizens  on 
horseback,  headed  by  the  viceroy, 
and  displaying  the  venerable  stand- 
ard of  the  Conqueror. 

32  Toribio,  Hist,  de  los  Ind., 
MS'.,  Parte  3,  cap.  7.  — Sahagun, 
Hist,  de  Nueva  Esp.,  MS.,  lib.  12, 
cap.  42.  — Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de 
la  Conquista,  cap.  156. 

“ The  lord  of  Mexico  having 
surrendered,”  says  Cortes,  in  his 
letter  to  the  Emperor,  “ the  war, 
by  the  blessing  of  Heaven,  was 
brought  to  an  end,  on  Wednesday, 
the  13th  day  of  August,  1521.  So 
that  from  the  day  when  we  first  sat 
down  before  the  city,  which  was  the 
30th  of  May,  until  its  final  occu- 
pation, seventy-five  days  elapsed.” 


few  that  yet  survived  — 
ightning  seemed  to  cleave 

(Rel.  Terc.,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p. 
300.)  It  is  not  easy  to  tell  what 
event  occurred  on  May  30th,  to  de- 
signate the  beginning  of  the  siege. 
Clavigero  considers  it  the  occupa- 
tion of  Cojohuacan  by  Olid.  (Stor. 
del  Messico,  tom.  III.  p.  196.) 
But  I know  not  on  what  authority. 
Neither  Bernal  Diaz,  nor  Herrera, 
nor  Cortes,  so  fixes  the  date.  In- 
deed, Clavigero  says,  that  Alvara- 
do and  Olid  left  Tezcuco  May  20, 
while  Cortes  says  May  10.  Per- 
haps Cortes  dates  from  the  time 
when  Sandoval  established  him- 
self on  the  northern  causeway,  and 
when  the  complete  investment  of 
the  capital  began.  — Bernal  Diaz, 
more  than  once,  speaks  of  the 
siege  as  lasting  three  months,  com- 
puting, probably,  from  the  time 
when  his  own  division,  under  Al- 
varado, took  up  its  position  at  Ta- 
cuba. 


Ch.  VIII.] 


EVACUATION  OF  THE  CITY. 


209 


asunder  the  vault  of  heaven,  as  its  vivid  flashes 
wrapped  the  whole  scene  in  a ghastly  glare,  for  a 
moment,  to  be  again  swallowed  up  in  darkness. 
The  war  of  elements  was  in  unison  with  the  for- 
tunes of  the  ruined  city.  It  seemed  as  if  the  deities 
of  Anahuac,  scared  from  their  ancient  abodes,  were 
borne  along  shrieking  and  howling  in  the  blast,  as 
they  abandoned  the  fallen  capital  to  its  fate  ! 33 

On  the  day  following  the  surrender,  Guatemozin 
requested  the  Spanish  commander  to  allow  the  Mex- 
icans to  leave  the  city,  and  to  pass  unmolested  into 
the  open  country.  To  this  Cortes  readily  assented, 
as,  indeed,  without  it  he  could  take  no  steps  for 
purifying  the  capital.  He  gave  his  orders,  accord- 
ingly, for  the  evacuation  of  the  place,  commanding 
that  no  one,  Spaniard  or  confederate,  should  offer 
violence  to  the  Aztecs,  or  in  any  way  obstruct  their 
departure.  The  whole  number  of  these  is  variously 
estimated  at  from  thirty  to  seventy  thousand,  beside 
women  and  children,  who  had  survived  the  sword, 
pestilence,  and  famine.34  It  is  certain  they  were 


33  It  did  not,  apparently,  disturb 
the  slumbers  of  the  troops,  who 
had  been  so  much  deafened  by  the 
incessant  noises  of  the  siege,  that, 
now  these  had  ceased,  “ we  felt,” 
says  Diaz,  in  his  homely  way, 
“ like  men  suddenly  escaped  from 
a belfry,  where  we  had  been  shut 
up  for  months  with  a chime  of 
bells  ringing  in  our  ears  ! ” Ibid., 
ubi  supra. 

34  Herrera  (Hist.  General,  dec. 

VOI.  III.  27 


3,  lib.  2,  cap.  7)  and  Torquema- 
da  (Monarch.  Ind.,  lib.  4,  cap. 
101)  estimate  them  at  30,000. 
Ixtlilxochitl  says,  that  60, 000 
fighting  men  laid  down  their  arms ; 
(Venida  de  los  Esp.  p.  49;)  and 
Oviedo  swells  the  amount  still 
higher,  to  70,000.  (Hist,  de  las 
Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  48.)  — 
After  the  losses  of  the  siege,  these 
numbers  are  startling. 


210 


SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI. 


three  days  in  defiling  along  the  several  causeways, 
— a mournful  train  ; 35  husbands  and  wives,  parents 
and  children,  the  sick  and  the  wounded,  leaning  on 
one  another  for  support,  as  they  feebly  tottered 
along,  squalid,  and  but  half  covered  with  rags,  that 
disclosed  at  every  step  hideous  gashes,  some  re- 
cently received,  others  festering  from  long  neglect, 
and  carrying  with  them  an  atmosphere  of  contagion. 
Their  wasted  forms  and  famine-stricken  faces  told 
the  whole  history  of  the  siege;  and,  as  the  straggling 
files  gained  the  opposite  shore,  they  were  observed 
to  pause  from  time  to  time,  as  if  to  take  one  more 
look  at  the  spot  so  lately  crowned  by  the  imperial 
city,  once  their  pleasant  home,  and  endeared  to 
them  by  many  a glorious  recollection. 

On  the  departure  of  the  inhabitants,  measures 
were  immediately  taken  to  purify  the  place,  by  means 
of  numerous  fires  kept  burning  day  and  night,  espe- 
cially in  the  infected  quarter  of  Tlatelolco,  and  by 
collecting  the  heaps  of  dead,  which  lay  mouldering 
in  the  streets,  and  consigning  them  to  the  earth.  — 
Of  the  whole  number,  who  perished  in  the  course 
of  the  siege,  it  is  impossible  to  form  any  probable 
computation.  The  accounts  range  widely  from  one 
hundred  and  twenty  thousand,  the  lowest  estimate, 
to  two  hundred  and  forty  thousand.36  The  number 

35  “ Digo  que  en  tres  dias  eon  diondos,  que  era  l&stima  de  los 
sus  noches  iban  todas  tres  cal^adas  ver.”  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la 
Uenas  de  Indios,  e Indias,  y mu-  Conquista,  cap.  156. 
chachos,  llenas  de  bote  en  bote,  36  Cortes  estimates  the  losses 
que  nunca  dexauan  de  salir,  y tan  of  the  enemy  in  the  three  several 
flacos,  y suzios,  e amarillos,  e he-  assaults  at  67,000,  which,  with 


Ch.  VIII.] 


TERMINATION  OF  THE  SIEGE. 


211 


of  the  Spaniards  who  fell  was  comparatively  small, 
but  that  of  the  allies  must  have  been  large,  if  the 
historian  of  Tezcuco  is  correct  in  asserting,  that 
thirty  thousand  perished  of  his  own  countrymen 
alone.37  That  the  number  of  those  destroyed  within 
the  city  was  immense  cannot  be  doubted,  when  we 
consider,  that,  besides  its  own  redundant  population, 
it  was  thronged  with  that  of  the  neighbouring  towns, 
who,  distrusting  their  strength  to  resist  the  enemy, 
sought  protection  within  its  walls. 

The  booty  found  there  — that  is,  the  treasures 
of  gold  and  jewels,  the  only  booty  of  much  value  in 
the  eyes  of  the  Spaniards — fell  far  below  their  ex- 
pectations. It  did  not  exceed,  according  to  the 


50,000,  whom  he  reckons  to  have 
perished  from  famine  and  disease, 
would  give  117,000.  (Rel.  Terc., 
ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  298,  et  alibi.) 
But  this  is  exclusive  of  those  who 
fell  previously  to  the  commence- 
ment of  the  vigorous  plan  of  ope- 
rations for  demolishing  the  city. 
Ixtlilxochitl,  who  seldom  allows 
any  one  to  beat  him  in  figures, 
puts  the  dead,  in  round  numbers, 
at  240,000,  comprehending  the 
flower  of  the  Aztec  nobility.  (Ve- 
nida  de  los  Esp.,  p.  51.)  Bernal 
Diaz  observes,  more  generally,  “ I 
have  read  the  story  of  the  destruc- 
tion of  Jerusalem,  but  I doubt  if 
there  was  as  great  mortality  there 
as  in  this  siege  ; for  there  was  as- 
sembled in  the  city  an  immense 
number  of  Indian  warriors  from 
all  the  provinces  and  towns  sub- 


ject to  Mexico,  the  most  of  whom 
perished.”  (Hist,  de  la  Conquis- 
ta,  cap.  156.)  “I  have  conversed,” 
says  Oviedo,  “with  many  hidal- 
gos and  other  persons,  and  have 
heard  them  say  that  the  number 
of  the  dead  was  incalculable,  — 
greater  than  that  at  Jerusalem,  as 
described  by  Josephus.”  (Hist, 
de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  30,  cap.  30.) 
As  the  estimate  of  the  Jewish 
historian  amounts  to  1,100,000, 
(Antiquities  of  the  Jews,  Eng.  tr., 
Book  VII.  chap.  XVII.,)  the  com- 
parison may  stagger  the  most  ac- 
commodating faith.  It  will  be 
safer  to  dispense  with  arithmetic, 
where  the  data  are  too  loose  and 
slippery  to  afford  a foothold  for 
getting  at  truth. 

37  Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 


L212  SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI 

general’s  statement,  a hundred  and  thirty  thousand 
Castellanos  of  gold,  including  the  sovereign’s  share, 
which,  indeed,  taking  into  account  many  articles  of 
curious  and  costly  workmanship,  voluntarily  relin- 
quished by  the  army,  greatly  exceeded  his  legitimate 
fifth.33  Yet  the  Aztecs  must  have  been  in  possession 
of  a much  larger  treasure,  if  it  were  only  the  wreck 
of  that  recovered  from  the  Spaniards  on  the  night 
of  the  memorable  flight  from  Mexico.  Some  of  the 
spoil  may  have  been  sent  away  from  the  capital ; 
some  spent  in  preparations  for  defence,  and  more  of 
it  buried  in  the  earth,  or  sunk  in  the  water  of  the 
lake.  Their  menaces  were  not  without  a meaning. 
They  had,  at  least,  the  satisfaction  of  disappointing 
the  avarice  of  their  enemies. 

Cortes  had  no  further  occasion  for  the  presence  of 
his  Indian  allies.  He  assembled  the  chiefs  of  the 
different  squadrons,  thanked  them  for  their  services, 
noticed  their  valor  in  flattering  terms,  and,  after 
distributing  presents  among  them,  with  the  assur- 
ance that  his  master,  the  Emperor,  would  recompense 
their  fidelity  yet  more  largely,  dismissed  them  to 
their  own  homes.  They  carried  off  a liberal  share 
of  the  spoils,  of  which  they  had  plundered  the  dwel- 
lings, — not  of  a kind  to  excite  the  cupidity  of  the 
Spaniards,  — and  returned  in  triumph,  short-sighted 

38  Rel.  Terc.,  ap.  Lorenzana,  the  imperial  fifth,  to  which  1 shall 
p.  301.  have  occasion  to  advert  hereafter. 

Oviedo  goes  into  some  further  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33 
particulars  respecting  the  amount  cap.  31. 
of  the  treasure,  and  especially  of 


tH.  VIII.] 


TERMINATION  OF  THE  SIEGE. 


213 


triumph ! at  the  success  of  their  expedition,  and  the 
downfall  of  the  Aztec  dynasty. 

Great,  also,  was  the  satisfaction  of  the  Spaniards 
at  this  brilliant  termination  of  their  long  and  labori- 
ous campaign.  They  were,  indeed,  disappointed  at 
the  small  amount  of  treasure  found  in  the  conquered 
city.  But  the  soldier  is  usually  too  much  absorbed 
in  the  present  to  give  much  heed  to  the  future;  and, 
though  their  discontent  showed  itself  afterwards  in 
a more  clamorous  form,  they  now  thought  only  of 
their  triumph,  and  abandoned  themselves  to  jubilee. 
Cortes  celebrated  the  event  by  a banquet,  as  sump- 
tuous as  circumstances  would  permit,  to  which  all 
the  cavaliers  and  officers  were  invited.  Loud  and 
long  was  their  revelry,  which  was  carried  to  such  an 
excess,  as  provoked  the  animadversion  of  father  01- 
medo,  who  intimated  that  this  was  not  the  fitting 
way  to  testify  their  sense  of  the  favors  shown  them 
by  the  Almighty.  Cortes  admitted  the  justice  of  the 
rebuke,  but  craved  some  indulgence  for  a soldier’s 
license  in  the  hour  of  victory.  The  following  day 
was  appointed  for  the  commemoration  of  their  suc- 
cesses in  a more  suitable  manner. 

A procession  of  the  whole  army  was  then  formed 
with  father  Olmedo  at  its  head.  The  soiled  and 
tattered  banners  of  Castile,  which  had  waved  over 
many  a field  of  battle,  now  threw  their  shadows  on 
the  peaceful  array  of  the  soldiery,  as  they  slowly 
moved  along,  rehearsing  the  litany,  and  displaying 
the  image  of  the  Virgin  and  the  blessed  symbol  of 
man’s  redemption.  The  reverend  father  pronounced 


214 


SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI. 


a discourse,  in  which  he  briefly  reminded  the  troops 
of  their  great  cause  for  thankfulness  to  Providence 
for  conducting  them  safe  through  their  long  and  peril- 
ous pilgrimage  ; and,  dwelling  on  the  responsibility 
incurred  by  their  present  position,  he  besought  them 
not  to  abuse  the  rights  of  conquest,  but  to  treat  the 
unfortunate  Indians  with  humanity.  The  sacrament 
was  then  administered  to  the  commander-in-chief 
and  the  principal  cavaliers,  and  the  services  con- 
cluded with  a solemn  thanksgiving  to  the  God  of 
battles,  who  had  enabled  them  to  carry  the  banner 
of  the  Cross  triumphant  over  this  barbaric  empire.39 

Thus,  after  a siege  of  nearly  three  months’  dura- 
tion, unmatched  in  history  for  the  constancy  and 
courage  of  the  besieged,  seldom  surpassed  for  the 
severity  of  its  sufferings,  fell  the  renowned  capital 
of  the  Aztecs.  Unmatched,  it  may  be  truly  said, 
for  constancy  and  courage,  when  we  recollect  that 
the  door  of  capitulation  on  the  most  honorable  terms 
was  left  open  to  them  throughout  the  whole  block- 
ade, and  that,  sternly  rejecting  every  proposal  of  their 
enemy,  they,  to  a man,  preferred  to  die  rather  than 
surrender.  More  than  three  centuries  had  elapsed, 
since  the  Aztecs,  a poor  and  wandering  tribe  from 
the  far  North-west  had  come  on  the  plateau.  There 
they  built  their  miserable  collection  of  huts  on  the 

39  Herrera,  Hist.  General,  dec.  MS.,  lib.  12,  cap.  42. — Oviedo, 
3,  lib.  2,  cap.  8. — Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33, 
Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  156. — cap.  30.  — Ixtlilxochitl,  Venida  de 
Sahagun,  Hist,  de  Nueva  Esp.,  los  Esp.,  pp.  51,  52. 


Ch.  VIII.] 


REFLECTIONS. 


215 


spot  — as  tradition  tells  us  — prescribed  by  the  ora- 
cle. Their  conquests,  at  first  confined  to  their  im- 
mediate neighbourhood,  gradually  covered  the  Valley, 
then,  crossing  the  mountains,  swept  over  the  broad 
extent  of  the  table-land,  descended  its  precipitous 
sides,  and  rolled  onwards  to  the  Mexican  Gulf,  and 
the  distant  confines  of  Central  America.  Their 
wretched  capital,  meanwhile,  keeping  pace  with  the 
enlargement  of  territory,  had  grown  into  a flourishing 
city,  filled  with  buildings,  monuments  of  art,  and  a 
numerous  population,  that  gave  it  the  first  rank 
among  the  capitals  of  the  Western  World.  At  this 
crisis,  came  over  another  race  from  the  remote  East, 
strangers  like  themselves,  whose  coming  had  also 
been  predicted  by  the  oracle,  and,  appearing  on  the 
plateau,  assailed  them  in  the  very  zenith  of  their 
prosperity,  and  blotted  them  out  from  the  map  of 
nations  for  ever ! The  whole  story  has  the  air  of 
fable,  rather  than  of  history ! a legend  of  romance, 
— a tale  of  the  genii ! 

Yet  we  cannot  regret  the  fall  of  an  empire,  which 
did  so  little  to  promote  the  happiness  of  its  subjects, 
or  the  real  interests  of  humanity.  Notwithstanding 
the  lustre  thrown  over  its  latter  days  by  the  glorious 
defence  of  its  capital,  by  the  mild  munificence  of 
Montezuma,  by  the  dauntless  heroism  of  Guatemo- 
zin,  the  Aztecs  were  emphatically  a fierce  and  brutal 
race,  little  calculated,  in  their  best  aspects,  to  excite 
our  sympathy  and  regard.  Their  civilization,  such 
as  it  was,  was  not  their  own,  but  reflected,  perhaps 
imperfectly,  from  a race  whom  they  had  succeeded 


216 


SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI. 


in  the  land.  It  was,  in  respect  to  the  Aztecs,  a gen- 
erous graft  on  a vicious  stock,  and  could  have  brought 
no  fruit  to  perfection.  They  ruled  over  their  wide 
domains  with  a sword,  instead  of  a sceptre.  They 
did  nothing  to  ameliorate  the  condition,  or  in  any 
way  promote  the  progress,  of  their  vassals.  Their 
vassals  were  serfs,  used  only  to  minister  to  their  pleas- 
ure, held  in  awe  by  armed  garrisons,  ground  to  the 
dust  by  imposts  in  peace,  by  military  conscriptions  in 
war.  They  did  not,  like  the  Romans,  whom  they 
resembled  in  the  nature  of  their  conquests,  extend 
the  rights  of  citizenship  to  the  conquered.  They  did 
not  amalgamate  them  into  one  great  nation,  with 
common  rights  and  interests.  They  held  them  as 
aliens,  — even  those,  who  in  the  Valley  were  gath- 
ered round  the  very  walls  of  the  capital.  The  Aztec 
metropolis,  the  heart  of  the  monarchy,  had  not  a 
sympathy,  not  a pulsation,  in  common  with  the  rest 
of  the  body  politic.  It  was  a stranger  in  its  own 
land. 

The  Aztecs  not  only  did  not  advance  the  condi- 
tion of  their  vassals,  but,  morally  speaking,  they  did 
much  to  degrade  it.  How  can  a nation,  where 
human  sacrifices  prevail,  and  especially  when  com- 
bined with  cannibalism,  further  the  march  of  civiliza- 
tion ? How  can  the  interests  of  humanity  be  con- 
sulted, where  man  is  levelled  to  the  rank  of  the 
brutes  that  perish  ? The  influence  of  the  Aztecs 
introduced  their  gloomy  superstition  into  lands  be- 
fore unacquainted  with  it,  or  where,  at  least,  it  was 
not  established  in  any  great  strength.  The  example 


Ch.  VIII.] 


REFLECTIONS. 


217 


of  the  capital  was  contagious.  As  the  latter  in- 
creased in  opulence,  the  religious  celebrations  were 
conducted  with  still  more  terrible  magnificence ; in 
the  same  manner,  as  the  gladiatorial  shows  of  the 
Romans  increased  in  pomp  with  the  increasing 
splendor  of  the  capital.  Men  became  familiar  with 
scenes  of  horror  and  the  most  loathsome  abomina- 
tions. Women  and  children  — the  whole  nation 
became  familiar  with,  and  assisted  at  them.  The 
heart  was  hardened,  the  manners  were  made  fero- 
cious, the  feeble  light  of  civilization,  transmitted 
from  a milder  race,  was  growing  fainter  and  fainter, 
as  thousands  and  thousands  of  miserable  victims, 
throughout  the  empire,  were  yearly  fattened  in  its 
cages,  sacrificed  on  its  altars,  dressed  and  served  at 
its  banquets ! The  whole  land  was  converted  into 
a vast  human  shambles ! The  empire  of  the  Aztecs 
did  not  fall  before  its  time. 

Whether  these  unparalleled  outrages  furnish  a suf- 
ficient plea  to  the  Spaniards  for  their  invasion, 
whether,  with  the  Protestant,  we  are  content  to 
find  a warrant  for  it  in  the  natural  rights  and  de- 
mands of  civilization,  or,  with  the  Roman  Catholic, 
in  the  good  pleasure  of  the  Pope,  — on  the  one  or 
other  of  which  grounds,  the  conquests  by  most 
Christian  nations  in  the  East  and  the  West  have 
been  defended,  — it  is  unnecessary  to  discuss,  as  it 
has  already  been  considered  in  a former  Chapter. 
It  is  more  material  to  inquire,  whether,  assuming  the 
right,  the  conquest  of  Mexico  was  conducted  with 
a proper  regard  to  the  claims  of  humanity.  And 

VOL.  III.  28 


218  SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI. 

here  we  must  admit,  that,  with  all  allowance  for  the 
ferocity  of  the  age  and  the  laxity  of  its  principles, 
there  are  passages  which  every  Spaniard,  who  cher- 
ishes the  fame  of  his  countrymen,  would  be  glad  to 
see  expunged  from  their  history ; passages  not  to  be 
vindicated  on  the  score  of  self-defence,  or  of  neces- 
sity of  any  kind,  and  which  must  for  ever  leave  a 
dark  spot  on  the  annals  of  the  Conquest.  And  yet, 
taken  as  a whole,  the  invasion,  up  to  the  capture  of 
the  capital,  was  conducted  on  principles  less  revolt- 
ing to  humanity,  than  most,  perhaps  than  any,  of 
the  other  conquests  of  the  Castilian  crown  in  the 
New  World. 

It  may  seem  slight  praise  to  say,  that  the  follow- 
ers of  Cortes  used  no  blood-hounds  to  hunt  down 
their  wretched  victims,  as  in  some  other  parts  of  the 
Continent,  nor  exterminated  a peaceful  and  submis- 
sive population  in  mere  wantonness  of  cruelty,  as  in 
the  Islands.  Yet  it  is  something,  that  they  were  not 
so  far  infected  by  the  spirit  of  the  age,  and  that 
their  swords  were  rarely  stained  with  blood,  unless 
it  was  indispensable  to  the  success  of  their  enter- 
prise. Even  in  the  last  siege  of  the  capital,  the 
sufferings  of  the  Aztecs,  terrible  as  they  were,  do 
not  imply  any  unusual  cruelty  in  the  victors ; they 
were  not  greater  than  those  inflicted  on  their  own 
countrymen  at  home,  in  many  a memorable  instance, 
by  the  most  polished  nations,  not  merely  of  ancient 
times,  but  of  our  own.  They  were  the  inevitable 
consequences  which  follow  from  war,  when,  instead 
of  being  confined  to  its  legitimate  field,  it  is  brought 


Ch.  VIII.] 


REFLECTIONS. 


219 


home  to  the  hearthstone,  to  the  peaceful  community 
of  the  city,  — its  burghers  untrained  to  arms,  its 
women  and  children  yet  more  defenceless.  In  the 
present  instance,  indeed,  the  sufferings  of  the  be- 
sieged were  in  a great  degree  to  be  charged  on 
themselves,  — on  their  patriotic,  but  desperate,  self- 
devotion.  It  was  not  the  desire,  as  certainly  it  was 
not  the  interest,  of  the  Spaniards,  to  destroy  the 
capital,  or  its  inhabitants.  When  any  of  these  fell 
into  their  hands,  they  were  kindly  entertained,  their 
wants  supplied,  and  every  means  taken  to  infuse 
into  them  a spirit  of  conciliation  ; and  this,  too,  it 
should  be  remembered,  in  despite  of  the  dreadful 
doom  to  which  they  consigned  their  Christian  cap- 
tives. The  gates  of  a fair  capitulation  were  kept 
open,  though  unavailingly,  to  the  last  hour. 

The  right  of  conquest  necessarily  implies  that  of 
using  whatever  force  may  be  necessary  for  overcom- 
ing resistance  to  the  assertion  of  that  right.  For 
the  Spaniards  to  have  done  otherwise  than  they  did 
would  have  been  to  abandon  the  siege,  and,  with  it, 
the  conquest  of  the  country.  To  have  suffered  the 
inhabitants,  with  their  high-spirited  monarch,  to  es- 
cape, would  but  have  prolonged  the  miseries  of  war 
by  transferring  it  to  another  and  more  inaccessible 
quarter.  They  literally,  as  far  as  the  success  of  the 
expedition  was  concerned,  had  no  choice.  If  our 
imagination  is  struck  with  the  amount  of  suffering 
in  this,  and  in  similar  scenes  of  the  Conquest,  it 
should  be  borne  in  mind,  that  it  is  a natural  result 
of  the  great  masses  of  men  engaged  in  the  conflict 


220 


SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI. 


The  amount  of  suffering  does  not  of  itself  show  the 
amount  of  cruelty  which  caused  it;  and  it  is  but 
justice  to  the  Conquerors  of  Mexico  to  say,  that  the 
very  brilliancy  and  importance  of  their  exploits  have 
given  a melancholy  celebrity  to  their  misdeeds,  and 
thrown  them  into  somewhat  bolder  relief  than  strict- 
ly belongs  to  them.  — It  is  proper  that  thus  much 
should  be  stated,  not  to  excuse  their  excesses,  but 
that  we  may  be  enabled  to  make  a more  impartial 
estimate  of  their  conduct,  as  compared  with  that  of 
other  nations  under  similar  circumstances,  and  that 
we  may  not  visit  them  with  peculiar  obloquy  for 
evils  which  necessarily  flow  from  the  condition  of 
war.40  I have  not  drawn  a veil  over  these  evils  ; for 
the  historian  should  not  shrink  from  depicting,  in 
their  true  colors,  the  atrocities  of  a condition,  over 
which  success  is  apt  to  throw  a false  halo  of  glory, 
but  which,  bursting  asunder  the  strong  bonds  of  hu- 


40  By  none  has  this  obloquy 
been  poured  with  such  unspar- 
ing hand  on  the  heads  of  the  old 
Conquerors,  as  by  their  own  de- 
scendants, the  modern  Mexicans. 
Ixtlilxochitl’s  editor,  Bustamante, 
concludes  an  animated  invective 
against  the  invaders,  with  recom- 
mending that  a monument  should 
be  raised  on  the  spot,  — now  dry 
land,  — where  Guatemozin  was 
taken,  which,  as  the  proposed  in- 
scription itself  intimates,  should 
“devote  to  eternal  execration  the 
detested  memory  of  these  ban- 
ditti! ” (Venida  de  los  Esp.,  p. 
52,  nota.)  One  would  suppose 


that  the  pure  Aztec  blood,  uncon- 
taminated by  a drop  of  Castilian, 
flowed  in  the  veins  of  the  indig- 
nant editor  and  his  compatriots ; 
or,  at  least,  that  their  sympathies 
for  the  conquered  race  would  make 
them  anxious  to  reinstate  them  in 
their  ancient  rights.  Notwith- 
standing these  bursts  of  generous 
indignation,  however,  which  plen- 
tifully season  the  writings  of  the 
Mexicans  of  our  day,  we  do  not 
find,  that  the  Revolution,  or  any 
of  its  numerous  brood  of  pronun- 
ciamientos,  has  resulted  in  restor- 
ing them  to  an  acre  of  their  an- 
cient territory. 


Ch.  VIII.] 


REFLECTIONS. 


221 


man  fellowship,  purchases  its  triumphs  by  arming 
the  hand  of  man  against  his  brother,  makes  a sav- 
age of  the  civilized,  and  kindles  the  fires  of  hell  in 
the  bosom  of  the  savage. 

Whatever  may  be  thought  of  the  Conquest  in  a 
moral  view,  regarded  as  a military  achievement  it 
must  fill  us  with  astonishment.  That  a handful  of 
adventurers,  indifferently  armed  and  equipped,  should 
have  landed  on  the  shores  of  a powerful  empire  in- 
habited by  a fierce  and  warlike  race,  and,  in  defiance 
of  the  reiterated  prohibitions  of  its  sovereign,  have 
forced  their  way  into  the  interior ; — that  they  should 
have  done  this,  without  knowledge  of  the  language 
or  of  the  land,  without  chart  or  compass  to  guide 
them,  without  any  idea  of  the  difficulties  they  were 
to  encounter,  totally  uncertain  whether  the  next  step 
might  bring  them  on  a hostile  nation,  or  on  a desert, 
feeling  their  way  along  in  the  dark,  as  it  were  ; — 
that,  though  nearly  overwhelmed  by  their  first  en- 
counter with  the  inhabitants,  they  should  have  still 
pressed  on  to  the  capital  of  the  empire,  and,  having 
reached  it,  thrown  themselves  unhesitatingly  into  the 
midst  of  their  enemies ; — that,  so  far  from  being 
daunted  by  the  extraordinary  spectacle  there  exhib- 
ited of  power  and  civilization,  they  should  have  been 
bui  the  more  confirmed  in  their  original  design  ; — 
that  they  should  have  seized  the  monarch,  have  ex- 
ecuted his  ministers  before  the  eyes  of  his  subjects, 
and,  when  driven  forth  with  ruin  from  the  gates, 
have  gathered  their  scattered  wreck  together,  and, 
after  a system  of  operations,  pursued  with  consum- 


222  SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  VI. 

mate  policy  and  daring,  have  succeeded  in  overturn- 
ing the  capital,  and  establishing  their  sway  over  the 
country ; — that  all  this  should  have  been  so  effected 
by  a mere  handful  of  indigent  adventurers,  is  a fact 
little  short  of  the  miraculous,  — too  startling  for  the 
probabilities  demanded  by  fiction,  and  without  a 
parallel  in  the  pages  of  history. 

Yet  this  must  not  be  understood  too  literally  ; for 
it  would  be  unjust  to  the  Aztecs  themselves,  at  least 
to  their  military  prowess,  to  regard  the  Conquest  as 
directly  achieved  by  the  Spaniards  alone.  This 
would  indeed  be  to  arm  the  latter  with  the  charmed 
shield  of  Ruggiero,  and  the  magic  lance  of  Astolfo, 
overturning*  its  hundreds  at  a touch.  The  Indian 
empire  was  in  a manner  conquered  by  Indians. 
The  first  terrible  encounter  of  the  Spaniards  with 
the  Tlascalans,  which  had  nearly  proved  their  ruin, 
did  in  fact  insure  their  success.  It  secured  to  them 
a strong  native  support,  on  which  to  retreat  in  the 
hour  of  trouble,  and  round  which  they  could  rally 
the  kindred  races  of  the  land  for  one  great  and 
overwhelming  assault.  The  Aztec  monarchy  fell  by 
the  hands  of  its  own  subjects,  under  the  direction  of 
European  sagacity  and  science.  Had  it  been  uni- 
ted, it  might  have  bidden  defiance  to  the  invaders. 
As  it  was,  the  capital  was  dissevered  from  the  rest 
of  the  country,  and  the  bolt,  which  might  have 
passed  off  comparatively  harmless,  had  the  empire 
been  cemented  by  a common  principle  of  loyalty 
and  patriotism,  now  found  its  wav  into  every  crack 
and  crevice  of  the  ill-compacted  fabric,  and  buried  it 


Ch.  VIII.] 


SOLIS. 


223 


in  its  own  ruins.  — Its  fate  may  serve  as  a striking 
proof,  that  a government,  which  does  not  rest  on 
the  sympathies  of  its  subjects,  cannot  long  abide  ; 
that  human  institutions,  when  not  connected  with 
human  prosperity  and  progress,  must  fall,  — if  not 
before  the  increasing  light  of  civilization,  by  the 
hand  of  violence ; by  violence  from  within,  if  not 
from  without.  And  who  shall  lament  their  fall  ? 


With  the  events  of  this  Book  terminates  the  history,  by  Solis,  of 
the  Conquista  de  Mejico  ; a history,  in  many  points  of  view,  the  most 
remarkable  in  the  Castilian  language.  — Bon  Antonio  de  Solis  was 
horn  of  a respectable  family,  in  October,  1 G 10,  at  Alcala  de  Henares, 
the  nursery  of  science,  and  the  name  of  which  is  associated  in  Spain 
with  the  brightest  ornaments  of  both  church  and  state.  Solis,  while 
very  young,  exhibited  the  sparks  of  future  genius,  especially  in  the 
vivacity  of  his  imagination  and  a sensibility  to  the  beautiful.  He 
showed  a decided  turn  for  dramatic  composition,  and  produced  a com- 
edy, at  the  age  of  seventeen,  which  would  have  reflected  credit  on  a 
riper  age.  He  afterwards  devoted  himself  with  assiduity  to  the  study 
of  ethics,  the  fruits  of  which  are  visible  in  the  moral  reflections  which 
give  a didactic  character  to  the  lightest  of  his  compositions. 

At  the  usual  age  he  entered  the  University  of  Salamanca,  and  went 
through  the  regular  course  of  the  canon  and  civil  law.  But  the 
imaginative  spirit  of  Solis  took  much  more  delight  in  the  soft  revels 
of  the  Muses  than  in  the  severe  discipline  of  the  schools  ; and  he  pro- 
duced a number  of  pieces  for  the  theatre,  much  esteemed  for  the  rich- 
ness of  the  diction,  and  for  the  ingenious  and  delicate  texture  of  the 
intrigue.  His  taste  for  dramatic  composition  was,  no  doubt,  nourished 
by  his  intimacy  with  the  great  Calderon,  for  whose  dramas  he  pre- 
pared several  loas,  or  prologues.  The  amiable  manners  and  brilliant 
acquisitions  of  Solis  recommended  him  to  the  favor  of  the  Conde  de 
Oropesa,  viceroy  of  Navarre,  who  made  him  his  secretary.  The  let- 
ters written  by  him,  while  in  the  service  of  this  nobleman,  and  after- 
wards, have  some  of  them  been  given  to  the  publie,  and  are  much 
commended  for  the  suavity  and  elegance  of  expression,  characteristic 
of  all  the  writings  of  their  author. 


224 


SOLIS. 


[Book  VI. 


The  increasing  reputation  of  Solis  attracted  the  notice  of  the  Court, 
and,  in  1661,  he  was  made  secretary  of  the  queen  dowager,  — an 
office  which  he  had  declined  under  Philip  the  Fourth,  — and  he  was 
also  preferred  to  the  still  more  important  post  of  Historiographer  of 
the  Indies,  an  appointment  which  stimulated  his  ambition  to  a bold 
career,  different  from  any  thing  he  had  yet  attempted.  Five  years 
after  this  event,  at  the  age  of  fifty-six,  he  made  a most  important 
change  in  his  way  of  life,  by  embracing  the  religious  profession,  and 
was  admitted  to  priest’s  orders  in  1666.  From  this  time,  he  discon- 
tinued his  addresses  to  the  comic  Muse  ; and,  if  we  may  credit  his 
biographers,  even  refused,  from  conscientious  scruples,  to  engage  in 
the  composition  of  the  religious  dramas,  styled  autos  sacrament  ales, 
although  the  field  was  now  opened  to  him  by  the  death  of  the  poet 
Calderon.  But  such  tenderness  of  conscience  it  seems  difficult  to  recon- 
cile with  the  publication  of  his  various  comedies,  which  took  place  in 
1681.  It  is  certain,  however,  that  he  devoted  himself  zealously  to  his 
new  profession,  and  to  the  historical  studies  in  which  his  office  of 
chronicler  had  engaged  him.  At  length,  the  fruits  of  these  studies 
were  given  to  the  world  in  his  Conquista  de  Mijico,  which  appeared  at 
Madrid  in  1684.  He  designed,  it  is  said,  to  continue  the  work  to  the 
times  after  the  Conquest.  But,  if  so,  he  was  unfortunately  prevented 
by  his  death,  which  occurred  about  two  years  after  the  publication  of 
his  history,  on  the  13th  of  April,  1686.  He  died  at  the  age  of  seventy- 
six,  much  regarded  for  his  virtues,  and  admired  for  his  genius,  but  in 
that  poverty  with  which  genius  and  virtue  are  too  often  requited. 

The  miscellaneous  poems  of  Solis  were  collected  and  published  a 
few  years  after  his  death,  in  one  volume  quarto  ; which  has  since  been 
reprinted.  But  his  great  work,  that  on  which  his  fame  is  permanently 
to  rest,  is  his  Conquista  de  Mtjico.  Notwithstanding  the  field  of  his- 
tory had  been  occupied  by  so  many  eminent  Spanish  scholars,  there 
was  still  a new  career  open  to  Solis.  His  predecessors,  with  all  their 
merits,  had  showm  a strange  ignorance  of  the  principles  of  art.  They 
had  regarded  historical  writing,  not  as  a work  of  art,  but  as  a science. 
They  had  approached  it  on  that  side  only,  and  thus  divorced  it  from 
its  legitimate  connexion  w-ith  belles-lettres.  They  had  thought  only  of 
the  useful,  and  nothing  of  the  beautiful  ; had  addressed  themselves  to 
the  business  of  instruction,  not  to  that  of  giving  pleasure;  to  the  man 
of  letters,  studious  to  hive  up  knowledge,  not  to  the  man  of  leisure, 
who  turns  to  books  as  a solace  or  a recreation.  Such  writers  are 
never  in  the  hands  of  the  many,  — not  even  of  the  cultivated  many. 
They  are  condemned  to  the  closet  of  the  student,  painfully  toiling 
after  truth,  and  little  mindful  of  the  coarse  covering  under  which  she 
may  be  wrapped.  Some  of  the  most  distinguished  of  the  national 


Ch.  Vlll.j 


SOLIS. 


225 


historiographers,  as,  for  example,  Herrera  and  Zurita,  two  of  the 
greatest  names  in  Castile  and  Aragon,  fall  under  this  censure.  They 
display  acuteness,  strength  of  argument,  judicious  criticism,  wonderful 
patience  and  industry  in  accumulating  details  for  their  varied  and 
voluminous  compilations  ; but  in  all  the  graces  of  composition,  — in 
elegance  of  style,  skilful  arrangement  of  the  story,  and  in  selection 
of  incidents,  they  are  lamentably  deficient.  With  all  their  high  merits, 
intellectually  considered,  they  are  so  defective  on  the  score  of  art,  that 
they  can  neither  be  popular,  nor  reverenced  as  the  great  classics  of 
the  nation. 

Solis  saw  that  the  field  was  unappropriated  by  his  predecessors, 
and  had  the  address  to  avail  himself  of  it.  Instead  of  spreading  him- 
self over  a vast  range,  where  he  must  expend  his  efforts  on  cold  and 
barren  generalities,  he  fixed  his  attention  on  one  great  theme,  — one, 
that,  by  its  picturesque  accompaniments,  the  romantic  incidents  of  the 
story,  the  adventurous  character  of  the  actors,  and  their  exploits,  as- 
sociated with  many  a proud  and  patriotic  feeling  in  the  bosom  of  the 
Spaniard,  — one,  in  fine,  that,  by  the  brilliant  contrast  it  afforded  of 
European  civilization  to  the  barbaric  splendors  of  an  Indian  dynasty, 
was  remarkably  suited  to  the  kindling  imagination  of  the  poet.  It 
was  accordingly  under  its  poetic  aspect,  that  the  eye  of  Solis  sur- 
veyed it.  He  distributed  the  whole  subject  with  admirable  skill,  keep- 
ing down  the  subordinate  parts,  bringing  the  most  important  into 
high  relief,  and,  by  a careful  study  of  its  proportions,  giving  an  ad- 
mirable symmetry  to  the  whole.  Instead  of  bewildering  the  atten- 
tion by  a variety  of  objects,  he  presented  to  it  one  great  and  pre- 
dominant idea,  which  shed  its  light,  if  I may  so  say,  over  his  whole 
work.  Instead  of  the  numerous  episodes,  leading,  like  so  many  blind 
galleries,  to  nothing,  he  took  the  student  along  a great  road,  conduct- 
ing straight  towards  the  mark.  At  every  step  which  we  take  in  the 
narrative,  we  feel  ourselves  on  the  advance.  The  story  never  falters 
or  stands  still.  That  admirable  liaison  of  the  parts  is  maintained,  by 
which  one  part  is  held  to  another,  and  each  preceding  event  prepares 
the  way  for  that  which  is  to  follow  Even  those  occasional  inter- 
ruptions, the  great  stumbling-block  of  the  historian,  which  cannot  be 
avoided,  in  consequence  of  the  important  bearing  which  the  events 
that  cause  them  have  on  the  story,  are  managed  with  such  address, 
that,  if  the  interest  is  suspended,  it  is  never  snapped.  Such  halting- 
places,  indeed,  are  so  contrived,  as  to  afford  a repose  not  unwelcome 
after  the  stirring  scenes  in  which  the  reader  has  been  long  involved  ; 
as  the  traveller,  exhausted  by  the  fatigues  of  his  journey,  finds  re- 
freshment at  places,  which,  in  their  own  character,  have  little  to 
recommend  them. 

VOL.  III. 


29 


226 


SOLIS. 


[Book  VI 


The  work,  thus  conducted,  affords  the  interest  of  a grand  spectacle, 
— of  some  well-ordered  drama,  in  which  scene  succeeds  to  scene,  act 
to  act,  each  unfolding  and  preparing  the  mind  for  the  one  that  is  to  fol- 
low, until  the  whole  is  consummated  by  the  grand  and  decisive  dinoue- 
ment.  With  this  denouement,  the  fall  of  Mexico,  Solis  has  closed  his 
history,  preferring  to  leave  the  full  impression  unbroken  on  the  reader’s 
mind,  rather  than  to  weaken  it  by  prolonging  the  narrative  to  the  Con- 
queror's death.  In  this  he  certainly  consulted  effect. 

Solis  used  the  same  care  in  regard  to  style,  that  he  showed  in  the 
arrangement  of  his  story.  It  is  elaborated  with  nicest  art,  and  displays 
that  varied  beauty  and  brilliancy  which  remind  us  of  those  finely  va- 
riegated woods,  which,  under  a high  polish,  display  all  the  rich  tints 
that  lie  beneath  the  surface.  Yet  this  style  finds  little  favor  with  for- 
eign critics,  who  are  apt  to  condemn  it  as  tumid,  artificial,  and  verbose. 
But  let  the  foreign  critic  beware  how  he  meddles  with  style,  that  im- 
palpable essence  which  surrounds  thought  as  with  an  atmosphere,  giv- 
ing to  it  its  life  and  peculiar  tone  of  color,  differing  in  different  nations, 
like  the  atmospheres  which  envelope  the  different  planets  of  our  sys- 
tem, and  which  require  to  be  comprehended,  that  we  may  interpret  the 
character  of  the  objects  seen  through  their  medium.  None  but  a 
native  can  pronounce  with  any  confidence  upon  style,  affected,  as  it  is, 
by  so  many  casual  and  local  associations,  that  determine  its  propriety 
and  its  elegance.  In  the  judgment  of  eminent  Spanish  critics,  the 
style  of  Solis  claims  the  merits  of  perspicuity,  copiousness,  and  classic 
elegance.  Even  the  foreigner  will  not  be  insensible  to  its  power  of 
conveying  a living  picture  to  the  eye.  Words  are  the  colors  of  the 
writer,  and  Solis  uses  them  with  the  skill  of  a consummate  artist; 
now  displaying  the  dark  tumult  of  battle,  and  now  refreshing  the  mind 
by  scenes  of  quiet  magnificence,  or  of  soft  luxury  and  repose. 

Solis  formed  himself,  to  some  extent,  on  the  historical  models  of  An- 
tiquity. He  introduced  set  speeches  into  the  mouths  of  his  personages, 
speeches  of  his  own  composing.  The  practice  may  claim  high  author- 
ity among  moderns  as  well  as  ancients,  especially  among  the  great 
Italian  historians.  It  has  its  advantages,  in  enabling  the  writer  to  con- 
vey, in  a dramatic  form,  the  sentiments  of  the  actors,  and  thus  to 
maintain  the  charm  of  historic  illusion  by  never  introducing  the  person 
of  the  historian.  It  has  also  another  advantage,  that  of  exhibiting  the 
author's  own  sentiments  under  cover  ot  his  hero’s,  — a more  effective 
mode  than  if  they  were  introduced  as  his  own.  But,  to  one  trained  in 
the  school  of  the  great  English  historians,  the  practice  has  something 
in  it  unsatisfactory  and  displeasing.  There  is  something  like  deception 
in  it.  The  reader  is  unable  to  determine  what  are  the  sentiments  of 
the  characters  and  what  those  of  the  author.  History  assumes  the  air 


Ch.  VIII  ] 


SOLIS. 


227 


of  romance,  and  the  bewildered  student  wanders  about  in  an  uncertain 
light,  doubtful  whether  he  is  treading  on  fact  or  fiction. 

It  is  open  to  another  objection,  when,  as  it  frequently  does,  it  vio- 
lates the  propriety  of  costume.  Nothing  is  more  difficult  than  to  pre- 
serve the  keeping  of  the  piece,  when  the  new  is  thus  laid  on  the  old, 
— the  imitation  of  the  antique  on  the  antique  itself.  The  declama- 
tions of  Solis  are  much  prized  as  specimens  of  eloquence.  But  they 
are  too  often  misplaced ; and  the  rude  characters,  into  whose  mouths 
they  are  inserted,  are  as  little  in  keeping  with  them,  as  were  the  Ro- 
man heroes  with  the  fashionable  wig  and  sword,  with  which  they 
strutted  on  the  French  stage  in  Louis  the  Fourteenth’s  time. 

As  to  the  value  of  the  researches  made  by  Solis  in  the  compilation 
of  his  work  it  is  not  easy  to  speak,  for  the  page  is  supported  by  none 
of  the  notes  and  references  which  enable  us  to  track  the  modern  author 
to  the  quarry  whence  he  has  drawn  his  materials.  It  was  not  the 
usage  of  the  age.  The  people  of  that  day,  and,  indeed,  of  preceding 
times,  were  content  to  take  the  author’s  word  for  his  facts.  They  did  not 
require  to  know  why  he  affirmed  this  thing  or  doubted  that ; whether 
he  built  his  story  on  the  authority  of  a friend,  or  of  a foe,  of  a writer 
of  good  report,  or  of  evil  report.  In  short,  they  did  not  demapd  a 
reason  for  their  faith.  They  were  content  to  take  it  on  trust.  This 
was  very  comfortable  to  the  historian.  It  saved  him  a world  of  trouble 
in  the  process,  and  it  prevented  the  detection  of  error,  or,  at  least,  of 
negligence.  It  prevented  it  with  all  who  did  not  carefully  go  over  the 
same  ground  with  himself.  They  who  have  occasion  to  do  this  with 
Solis  will  probably  arise  from  the  examination  with  no  very  favorable 
idea  of  the  extent  of  his  researches  ; they  will  find,  that,  though  his 
situation  gave  him  access  to  the  most  valuable  repositories  in  the  king- 
dom, he  rarely  ascends  to  original  documents,  but  contents  himself 
with  the  most  obvious  and  accessible  ; that  he  rarely  discriminates  be- 
tween the  contemporary  testimony,  and  that  of  later  date  ; in  a word, 
that,  in  all  that  constitutes  the  scientific  value  of  history,  he  falls  far 
below  his  learned  predecessor,  Herrera,  — rapid  as  was  the  composi- 
tion of  this  last. 

Another  objection  that  may  be  made  to  Solis  is  his  bigotry,  or  rather 
his  fanaticism.  This  defect,  so  repugnant  to  the  philosophic  spirit 
which  should  preside  over  the  labors  of  the  historian,  he  possessed,  it 
is  true,  in  common  with  many  of  his  countrymen.  But  in  him  it  was 
carried  to  an  uncommon  height ; and  it  was  peculiarly  unfortunate,  since 
his  subject,  being  the  contest  between  the  Christian  and  the  Infidel, 
naturally  drew  forth  the  full  display  of  this  failing.  Instead  of  regard- 
ing the  benighted  heathen  with  the  usual  measure  of  aversion  in  which 
they  were  held  in  the  Peninsula,  after  the  subjugation  of  Granada,  he 


228 


SOLIS. 


[Book  VI. 


considered  them  as  part  of  the  grand  confederacy  of  Satan,  not  merely 
breathing  the  spirit  and  acting  under  the  invisible  influence  of  the 
Prince  of  Darkness,  but  holding  personal  communication  with  him  ; he 
seems  to  have  regarded  them,  in  short,  as  his  regular  and  organized 
militia.  In  this  view,  every  act  of  the  unfortunate  enemy  was  a crime. 
Even  good  acts  were  misrepresented,  or  referred  to  evil  motives  ; for 
how  could  goodness  originate  with  the  Spirit  of  Evil  1 No  better  evi- 
dence of  the  results  of  this  way  of  thinking  need  be  given,  than  that 
afforded  by  the  ill-favored  and  unauthorized  portrait  which  the  historian 
has  left  us  of  Montezuma,  — even  in  his  dying  hours.  The  war  of  the 
Conquest  was,  in  short,  in  the  historian's  eye,  a conflict  between  light 
and  darkness,  between  the  good  principle  and  the  evil  principle,  be- 
tween the  soldiers  of  Satan  and  the  chivalry  of  the  Cross.  It  was  a 
Holy  War,  in  which  the  sanctity  of  the  cause  covered  up  the  sins  of 
the  Conquerors  ; and  every  one  — the  meanest  soldier  who  fell  in  it  — 
might  aspire  to  the  crown  of  martyrdom.  With  sympathies  thus  pre- 
occupied, what  room  was  there  for  that  impartial  criticism  which  is  the 
life  of  history  1 

The  historian’s  overweening  partiality  to  the  Conquerors  is  still 
further  heightened  by  those  feelings  of  patriotism,  — a bastard  patriot- 
ism,— which,  identifying  the  writer’s  own  glory  with  that  of  his  coun- 
trymen, makes  him  blind  to  their  errors.  This  partiality  is  especially 
shown  in  regard  to  Cortes,  the  hero  of  the  piece.  The  lights  and 
shadows  of  the  picture  are  all  disposed  with  reference  to  this  principal 
character.  The  good  is  ostentatiously  paraded  before  us,  and  the  bad 
is  winked  out  of  sight.  Solis  does  not  stop  here,  but,  by  the  artful 
gloss  which  makes  the  worse  appear  the  better  cause,  he  calls  on  us 
to  admire  his  hero  sometimes  for  his  very  transgressions.  No  one,  not 
even  Gomara  himself,  is  such  a wholesale  encomiast  of  the  great  Con- 
queror ; and,  when  his  views  are  contradicted  by  the  statements  of 
honest  Diaz,  Solis  is  sure  to  find  a motive  for  the  discrepancy  in  some 
sinister  purpose  of  the  veteran.  He  knows  more  of  Cortes,  of  his  ac- 
tions and  his  motives,  than  his  companion  in  arms,  or  his  admiring 
chaplain. 

In  this  way  Solis  has  presented  a beautiful  image  of  his  hero, — but 
it  is  a hero  of  romance  ; a character  without  a blemish.  An  eminent 
Castilian  critic  has  commended  him  for  “ having  conducted  his  history 
with  so  much  art,  that  it  has  become  a panegyric.”  This  may  be  true  ; 
but,  if  history  be  panegyric,  panegyric  is  not  history. 

Yet,  with  all  these  defects,  — the  existence  of  which  no  candid  critic 
will  be  disposed  to  deny,  — the  History  of  Solis  has  found  such  favor 
with  his  own  countrymen,  that  it  has  been  printed  and  reprinted,  with 
all  the  refinements  of  editorial  luxury.  It  has  been  translated  into  the 


Ch.  VIII.] 


SAHAUUN. 


229 


principal  languages  of  Europe  ; and  such  is  the  charm  of  its  composi- 
tion, and  its  exquisite  finish  as  a work  of  art,  that  it  will  doubtless  be 
as  imperishable  as  the  language  in  which  it  is  written,  or  the  memory 
of  the  events  which  it  records. 

At  this  place,  also,  we  are  to  take  leave  of  father  Sahagun,  who  has 
accompanied  us  through  our  narrative.  As  his  information  was  col- 
lected from  the  traditions  of  the  natives,  the  contemporaries  of  the 
Conquest,  it  has  been  of  considerable  importance  in  corroborating  or 
contradicting  the  statements  of  the  Conquerors.  Yet  its  value  in  this 
respect  is  much  impaired  by  the  wild  and  random  character  of  many 
of  the  Aztec  traditions,  — so  absurd,  indeed,  as  to  carry  their  own  re- 
futation with  them.  Where  the  passions  are  enlisted,  what  is  too 
absurd  to  find  credit  ? 

The  Twelfth  Book  — as  it  would  appear  from  his  Preface,  the 
Ninth  Book  originally — of  his  Historia  de  la  Nueva  Esparia  is  devoted 
to  the  account  of  the  Conquest.  In  1585,  thirty  years  after  the  first 
draft,  he  rewrote  this  part  of  his  great  work,  moved  to  it,  as  he 
tells  us,  “ by  the  desire  to  correct  the  defects  of  the  first  account,  in 
which  some  things  had  found  their  way  that  had  better  been  omitted, 
and  other  things  omitted  which  were  well  deserving  of  record.”  * It 
might  be  supposed,  that  the  obloquy,  which  the  missionary  had  brought 
on  his  head  by  his  honest  recital  of  the  Aztec  traditions,  would  have 
made  him  more  circumspect  in  this  rifacimento  of  his  former  narrative. 
But  I have  not  found  it  so  ; or  that  there  has  been  any  effort  to  miti- 
gate the  statements  that  bore  hardest  on  his  countrymen.  As  this 
manuscript  copy  must  have  been  that  which  the  author  himself  deemed 
the  most  correct,  since  it  is  his  last  revision,  and  as  it  is  more  copious 
than  the  printed  narrative,  I have  been  usually  guided  by  it. 

Senor  de  Bustamante  is  mistaken  in  supposing  that  the  edition  of 
this  Twelfth  Book,  which  he  published  in  Mexico,  in  1829,  is  from  the 
reformed  copy  of  Sahagun.  The  manuscript  cited  in  these  pages  is 
undoubtedly  a transcript  of  that  copy.  For  in  the  Preface  to  it,  as  we 
have  seen,  the  author  himself  declares  it.  — In  the  intrinsic  value  of 
the  two  drafts  there  is,  after  all,  but  little  difference. 

* “ En  el  libro  nono,  donde  se  trata  esta  Conquista,  se  hicieron  ciertos  defectos;  y 
fufe,  que  algunas  cosas  se  pusi6ron  en  la  narracion  de  este  Conquista  que  fu^ron  mal  pu* 
estas  ; y otras  se  callaron,  que  fueron  mal  calladas.  Por  esta  causa,  este  ano  de  mil  quint 
entos  ochenta  y cinco,  enmende  este  Libro.”  MS. 


> 

?• 


- 

v 1 

) 

■ 

. / 

> 

4. 

- 

• - . •>:  . ' • 

■ ' 

V 

..'■l  “■ 

$}»? 

< f . . - ' ' 

. ' / ' . ' V 

. ' 


BOOK  SEVENTH, 


CONCLUSION. 

SUBSEQUENT  CAREER  OF  CORTES. 


) 


\ 


BOOK  VII. 

CONCLUSION. 

SUBSEQUENT  CAREER  OF  CORTES 


CHAPTER  I. 

Torture  of  Guatemozin.  — Submission  of  the  Country.  — Re- 
building of  the  Capital.  — Mission  to  Castile.  — Complaints 
against  Cortes.  — He  is  confirmed  in  his  Authority. 

1521  — 1522. 

The  history  of  the  Conquest  of  Mexico  termi- 
nates with  the  surrender  of  the  capital.  But  the 
history  of  the  Conquest  is  so  intimately  blended 
with  that  of  the  extraordinary  man  who  achieved  it, 
that  there  would  seem  to  be  an  incompleteness  in 
the  narrative,  if  it  were  not  continued  to  the  close 
of  his  personal  career.  This  part  of  the  subject  has 
been  very  imperfectly  treated  by  preceding  writers. 
T shall  therefore  avail  myself  of  the  authentic  mate- 
rials in  my  possession  to  give  a brief  sketch  of  the 
brilliant,  but  chequered,  fortunes  which  marked  the 
subsequent  career  of  Cortes. 

The  first  ebullition  of  triumph  was  succeeded  in 
the  army  by  very  different  feelings,  as  they  beheld 

VOL.  hi.  30 


1 


234  SUBSEQUENT  CAREER  OF  CORTES.  [Book  VII 

the  scanty  spoil  gleaned  from  the  conquered  city, 
and  as  they  brooded  over  the  inadequate  compensa- 
tion  they  were  to  receive  for  all  their  toils  and  suf- 
ferings. Some  of  the  soldiers  of  Narvaez,  with 
feelings  of  bitter  disappointment,  absolutely  declined 
to  accept  their  shares.  Some  murmured  audibly 
against  the  general,  and  others  against  Guatemozin, 
who,  they  said,  could  reveal,  if  he  chose,  the  place 
where  the  treasures  were  secreted.  The  white 
walls  of  the  barracks  were  covered  with  epigrams 
and  pasquinades  levelled  at  Cortes,  whom  they  ac- 
cused of  taking  “ one  fifth  of  the  booty  as  Com- 
mander-in-chief, and  another  fifth  as  King.”  As 
Guatemozin  refused  to  make  any  revelation  in  re- 
spect to  the  treasure,  or  rather  declared  there  was 
none  to  make,  the  soldiers  loudly  insisted  on  his 
being  put  to  the  torture.  But  for  this  act  of  vio- 
lence, so  contrary  to  the  promise  of  protection 
recently  made  to  the  Indian  prince,  Cortes  was  not 
prepared ; and  he  resisted  the  demand,  until  the 
men,  instigated,  it  is  said,  by  the  royal  treasurer,  Al- 
derete,  accused  the  general  of  a secret  understanding 
with  Guatemozin,  and  of  a design  to  defraud  the 
Spanish  sovereigns  and  themselves.  These  unmer- 
ited taunts  stung  Cortes  to  the  quick,  and  in  an  evil 
hour  he  delivered  the  Aztec  prince  into  the  hands  of 
his  enemies  to  work  their  pleasure  on  him. 

But  the  hero,  who  had  braved  death  in  its  most 
awful  forms,  was  not  to  be  intimidated  by  bodily 
suffering.  When  his  companion,  the  cacique  of  Ta- 
cuba,  who  was  put  to  the  torture  with  him,  testified 


Ch.  I.] 


TORTURE  OF  GUATEMOZIN. 


235 


his  anguish  by  his  groans,  Guatemozin  coldly  re- 
buked him  by  exclaiming,  “ And  do  you  think  I, 
then,  am  taking  my  pleasure  in  my  bath ! ” 1 At 
length  Cortes,  ashamed  of  the  base  part  he  was  led 
to  play,  rescued  the  Aztec  prince  from  his  torment- 
ors before  it  was  too  late  ; — not,  however,  before  it 
was  too  late  for  his  own  honor,  which  has  suffered 
an  indelible  stain  from  this  treatment  of  his  royal 
prisoner. 

All  that  could  be  wrung  from  Guatemozin  by  the 
extremity  of  his  sufferings  was  the  confession,  that 
much  gold  had  been  thrown  into  the  water.  But, 
although  the  best  divers  were  employed,  under  the 
eye  of  Cortes  himself,  to  search  the  oozy  bed  of  the 
lake,  only  a few  articles  of  inconsiderable  value  were 
drawn  from  it.  They  had  better  fortune  in  search- 
ing a pond  in  Guatemozin’s  gardens,  where  a sun, 
as  it  is  called,  probably  one  of  the  Aztec  calendar 
wheels,  made  of  pure  gold,  of  great  size  and  thick- 
ness, was  discovered.  The  cacique  of  Tacuba  had 
confessed  that  a quantity  of  treasure  was  buried  in 
the  ground  at  one  of  his  own  villas.  But,  when  the 
Spaniards  carried  him  to  the  spot,  he  alleged  that 
“ his  only  motive  for  saying  so  was  the  hope  of  dy- 
ing on  the  road  ! ” The  soldiers,  disappointed  in 
their  expectations,  now,  with  the  usual  caprice  of  an 
unlicensed  mob,  changed  their  tone,  and  openly  ac- 
cused their  commander  of  cruelty  to  his  captive. 

1 “ jEstoi  yo  en  algun  deleite,  so  poetical  as  “the  bed  of  fiow- 
6 bano?  ” (Gomara,  Cronica,  cap.  ers,”  into  which  this  exclamation 
145.)  The  literal  version  is  not  of  Guatemozin  is  usually  rendered. 


236  SUBSEQUENT  CAREER  OF  CORTES.  [Book  VI[ 

The  charge  was  well  deserved,  — but  not  froQi 
them.2 

The  tidings  of  the  fall  of  Mexico  were  borne  on 
the  wings  of  the  wind  over  the  plateau,  and  down 
the  broad  sides  of  the  Cordilleras.  Many  an  envoy 
made  his  appearance  from  the  remote  Indian  tribes, 
anxious  to  learn  the  truth  of  the  astounding  intel- 
ligence, and  to  gaze  with  their  own  eyes  on  the 
ruins  of  the  detested  city.  Among  these  were  am- 
bassadors from  the  kingdom  of  Michuacan,  a power- 
ful and  independent  state,  inhabited  by  one  of  the 
kindred  Nahuatlac  races,  and  lying  between  the 
Mexican  Valley  and  the  Pacific.  The  embassy  was 
soon  followed  by  the  king  of  the  country  in  person, 
who  came  in  great  state  to  the  Castilian  quarters. 
Cortes  received  him  with  equal  parade,  astonished 
him  by  the  brilliant  evolutions  of  his  cavalry,  and 
by  the  thunders  of  his  ordnance,  and  escorted  him 
in  one  of  the  brigantines  round  the  fallen  city, 
whose  pile  of  smouldering  palaces  and  temples  was 
all  that  now  remained  of  the  once  dread  capital  of 
Anahuac.  The  Indian  monarch  gazed  with  silent 
awe  on  the  scene  of  desolation,  and  eagerly  craved 
the  protection  of  the  invincible  beings  who  had 
caused  it.3  His  example  was  followed  by  ambas- 

2 The  most  particular  account  tion,  but  excuses  Cortes  from  a 
of  this  disgraceful  transaction  is  voluntary  part  in  it. 
given  by  Bernal  Diaz,  one  of  those  3 Rel.  Terc.  de  Cortds,  ap.  Lo- 
selected  to  accompany  the  lord  of  renzana,  p.  308. 

Tacuba  to  his  villa.  (Hist,  de  la  The  simple  statement  of  the 
Conquista,  cap.  157.)  He  notices  Conqueror  contrasts  strongly  with 
the  affair  with  becoming  indigna-  the  pompous  narrative  of  Herrera, 


Ch.  I.] 


SUBMISSION  OF  THE  COUNTRY. 


237 


sadors  from  the  remote  regions  which  had  never  jet 
had  intercourse  with  the  Spaniards.  Cortes,  who 
saw  the  boundaries  of  his  empire  thus  rapidly  en- 
larging, availed  himself  of  the  favorable  dispositions 
of  the  natives  to  ascertain  the  products  and  re- 
sources of  their  several  countries. 

Two  small  detachments  were  sent  into  the  friend- 
ly state  of  Michuacan,  through  which  country  they 
penetrated  to  the  borders  of  the  great  Southern 
ocean.  No  European  had  as  yet  descended  on  its 
shores  so  far  north  of  the  equator.  The  Spaniards 
eagerly  advanced  into  its  waters,  erected  a cross  on 
the  sandy  margin,  and  took  possession  of  it,  with  all 
the  usual  formalities,  in  the  name  of  their  Most  Cath- 
olic Majesties.  On  their  return,  they  visited  some 
of  the  rich  districts  towards  the  north,  since  celebrat- 
ed for  their  mineral  treasures,  and  brought  back 
samples  of  gold  and  Californian  pearls,  with  an  ac- 
count of  their  discovery  of  the  Ocean.  The  imag- 
ination of  Cortes  was  kindled,  and  his  soul  swelled 
with  exultation  at  the  splendid  prospects  which  their 
discoveries  unfolded.  “ Most  %f  all,”  he  writes  to 
the  emperor,  “ do  I exult  in  the  tidings  brought  me 
of  the  Great  Ocean.  For  in  it,  as  cosmographers, 
• 

(Hist.  General,  dec.  3,  lib.  3,  cap.  templo  de  Huitzilopuctli ; estas 
3,)  and  with  that  of  father  Cavo,  ruinas  son  del  grande  edificio  de 
who  may  draw  a little  on  his  own  Quauhtemoc,  aquellos  de  la  gran 
imagination.  “ Cortes  en  una  ca-  plaza  del  mercado.  Conmovido 
noa  ricamente  entapizada,  llevo  a Yehichilzi  de  este  espectaculo,  se 
el  Rey  Yehichilze,  y a los  nobles  le  saltaron  las  lagrimas.”  Los 
de  Michoacan  a Mexico.  Este  es  Tres  Siglos  de  Mexico,  (Mexico, 
uno  de  los  palacios  de  Moctheuzo-  1836,)  tom.  I.  p.  13. 
ma  (les  decia) ; all!  esta  el  gran 


238 


SUBSEQUENT  CAREER  OF  CORTES.  [Book  VII. 


and  those  learned  men  who  know  most  about  the 
Indies,  inform  us,  are  scattered  the  rich  isles  teem- 
ing with  gold  and  spices  and  precious  stones.”4  He 
at  once  sought  a favorable  spot  for  a colony  on  the 
shores  of  the  Pacific,  and  made  arrangements  for 
the  construction  of  four  vessels  to  explore  the  mys- 
teries of  these  unknown  seas.  This  was  the  begin- 
ning of  his  noble  enterprises  for  discovery  in  the 
Gulf  of  California. 

Although  the  greater  part  of  Anahuac,  overawed 
by  the  successes  of  the  Spaniards,  had  tendered 
their  allegiance,  there  were  some,  especially  on  the 
southern  slopes  of  the  Cordilleras,  who  showed  a less 
submissive  disposition.  Cortes  instantly  sent  out 
strong  detachments  under  Sandoval  and  Alvarado  to 
reduce  the  enemy  and  establish  colonies  in  the  con- 
quered provinces.  The  highly  colored  reports,  which 
Alvarado,  who  had  a quick  scent  for  gold,  gave  of 
the  mineral  wealth  of  Oaxaca,  no  doubt  operated 
with  Cortes  in  determining  him  to  select  this  region 
for  his  own  particular  domain. 

The  commander-in-chief,  with  his  little  band  of 
Spaniards,  now  daily  recruited  by  reinforcements 
from  the  Islands,  still  occupied  the  quarters  of  Co- 
johuacan,  which  they  had  taken  up  at  the  termina- 
tion of  the  siege.  Cortes  did  not  immediately  de- 

4 “Que  todos  los  que  lienen  chas  Islas  ricas  de  Oro,  y Perlas,  y 
alguna  ciencia,  y experieticia  en  Piedras  preciosas,  y Especeria,  y se 
la  Navegacion  de  las  Indias,  han  habian  de  descubrir  y hallar  otros 
tenido  por  muy  cierto,  que  descu-  muchos  secretos  y cosas  admira- 
briendo  por  estas  Partes  la  Mar  bles.”  Rel.  Terc.  de  Cortes,  ap. 
del  Sur,  se  habian  de  hallar  mu-  Lorenzana,  pp.  302,  303. 


Ch.  I.]  REBUILDING  OF  THE  CAPITAL.  239 

cide  in  what  quarter  of  the  Valley  to  establish  the 
new  capital  which  was  to  take  the  place  of  the  an- 
cient Tenochtitlan.  The  situation  of  the  latter, 
surrounded  by  water  and  exposed  to  occasional  in- 
undations, had  some  obvious  disadvantages.  But 
there  was  no  doubt  that  in  some  part  of  the  ele- 
vated and  central  plateau  of  the  Valley  the  new 
metropolis  should  be  built,  to  which  both  European 
and  Indian  might  look  up  as  to  the  head  of  the  colo- 
nial empire  of  Spain.  At  length  he  decided  on  re- 
taining the  site  of  the  ancient  city,  moved  to  it,  as 
he  says,  “ by  its  past  renown,  and  the  memory  ” — 
not  an  enviable  one,  surely  — “ in  which  it  was  held 
among  the  nations  ” ; and  he  made  preparations  for 
the  reconstruction  of  the  capital  on  a scale  of  magnifi- 
cence, which  should,  in  his  own  language,  “ raise  her 
to  the  rank  of  Queen  of  the  surrounding  provinces, 
in  the  same  manner  as  she  had  been  of  yore.” 5 
The  labor  was  to  be  performed  by  the  Indian 
population,  drawn  from  all  quarters  of  the  Valley, 
and  including  the  Mexicans  themselves,  great  num- 
bers of  whom  still  lingered  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
their  ancient  residence.  At  first  they  showed  reluc- 
tance, and  even  symptoms  of  hostility,  when  called 
to  this  work  of  humiliation  by  their  conquerors. 
But  Cortes  had  the  address  to  secure  some  of  the 
principal  chiefs  in  his  interests,  and,  under  their  au- 
thority and  direction,  the  labor  of  their  countrymen 


5 “ Y crea  Yuestra  Magestad,  Principal,  y Sefiora  de  todas  estas 
que  cada  dia  se  ira  ennobleciendo  Provincias,  que  lo  sera  tambien 
en  tal  manera,  que  como  antes  fue  de  aqui  adelante.”  Ibid.,  p.  307 


240 


SUBSEQUENT  CAREER  OF  CORTES.  [Bo  OK  VII. 


was  conducted.  The  deep  groves  of  the  Valley  and 
the  forests  of  the  neighbouring  hills  supplied  cedar, 
cypress,  and  other  durable  woods,  for  the  interior  of 
the  buildings,  and  the  quarries  of  tetzontli  and  the 
ruins  of  the  ancient  edifices  furnished  abundance  of 
stone.  As  there  were  no  beasts  of  draught  employ- 
ed by  the  Aztecs,  an  immense  number  of  hands  was 
necessarily  required  for  the  work.  All  within  the 
immediate  control  of  Cortes  were  pressed  into  the 
service.  The  spot  so  recently  deserted  now  swarm- 
ed with  multitudes  of  Indians  of  various  tribes,  and 
with  Europeans,  the  latter  directing,  while  the  oth- 
ers labored.  The  prophecy  of  the  Aztecs  was  ac- 
complished.6 And  the  work  of  reconstruction  went 
forward  with  a rapidity  like  that  shown  by  an  Asia 
tic  despot,  who  concentrates  the  population  of  an 
empire  on  the  erection  of  a favorite  capital.7 

Yet  the  condition  of  Cortes,  notwithstanding  the 
success  of  his  arms,  suggested  many  causes  for  anx- 
iety. He  had  not  received  a word  of  encourage- 
ment from  home,  — not  a word,  indeed,  of  encour- 
agement or  censure.  In  what  light  his  irregular 


6 Ante,  p.  171. 

7 Herrera,  Hist.  General,  dec. 
3,  lib.  4,  cap.  8.  — Oviedo,  Hist, 
de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  32. 
— Camargo,  Hist,  do  Tlascala, 
MS. — Gomara,  Cronica,  cap.  162. 

“ En  la  cual  (la  edificacion  de 
la  ciudad)  los  primeros  afios  anda- 
ba  mas  gente  que  en  la  edificacion 
del  templo  de  Jerusalem,  porque 
era  tanta  la  gente  que  andaba  en 


las  obras,  que  apdnas  podia  hombre 
romper  por  algunas  calles  y cal- 
zadas,  aunque  son  muy  anchas.” 
(Toribio,  Hist,  de  los  Indios,  MS., 
Parte  1,  cap.  1.)  Ixtlilxochitl 
supplies  any  blank  which  the  im- 
agination might  leave,  by  filling  it 
up  with  400,000,  as  the  number  of 
natives  employed  in  this  work  by 
Cortes!  Venida  de  los  Esp., 

p.  60. 


Ch.  I.] 


MISSION  TO  CASTILE. 


241 


course  was  regarded  by  the  government  or  the  na- 
tion was  still  matter  of  painful  uncertainty.  He 
now  prepared  another  Letter  to  the  emperor,  the 
Third  in  the  published  series,  written  in  the  same 
simple  and  energetic  style  which  has  entitled  his 
Commentaries,  as  they  may  be  called,  to  a compar- 
ison with  those  of  Ciesar.  It  was  dated  at  Cojohu- 
acan,  May  15th,  1522,  and  in  it  he  recapitulated 
the  events  of  the  final  siege  of  the  capital,  and  his 
subsequent  operations,  accompanied  by  many  saga- 
cious reflections,  as  usual,  on  the  character  and  re- 
sources of  the  country.  With  this  letter  he  purposed 
to  send  the  royal  fifth  of  the  spoils  of  Mexico,  and 
a rich  collection  of  fabrics,  especially  of  gold  and 
jewelry  wrought  into  many  rare  and  fanciful  forms. 
One  of  the  jewels  was  an  emerald,  cut  in  a pyram- 
idal shape,  of  so  extraordinary  a size,  that  the  base 
was  as  broad  as  the  palm  of  the  hand ! 3 The  col- 
lection was  still  further  augmented  by  specimens  of 
many  of  the  natural  products,  as  well  as  of  animals 
peculiar  to  the  country. 

The  army  wrote  a letter  to  accompany  that  of 
Cortes,  in  which  they  expatiated  on  his  manifold  ser- 
vices, and  besought  the  emperor  to  ratify  his  pro- 

8 “ Sirvieron  al  Emperador  con  says,  “ was  reported  to  the  king 
muchas  piedras,  i entre  ellas  con  and  council  to  be  nearly  as  broad 
una  esmeralda  fina,  como  la  pal-  as  the  palm  of  the  hand,  and 
raa,  pero  quadrada,  i que  se  rema-  which  those,  who  had  seen  it, 
taba  en  punta  como  piramide.”  thought  could  not  be  procured  for 
(Gomara,  Cronica,  cap.  146.)  any  sum.”  De  Orbe  Nero,  dec 
Martyr  confirms  the  account  of  8,  cap.  4. 
this  wonderful  emerald,  which,  he 

VOL.  III.  31 


242  SUBSEQUENT  CAREER  OF  CORTES.  [Book  VII. 

ceedings  and  confirm  him  in  his  present  authority. 
The  important  mission  was  intrusted  to  two  of  the 
general’s  confidential  officers,  Quinones  and  Avila. 
It  proved  to  be  unfortunate.  The  agents  touched  at 
the  Azores,  where  Quinones  lost  his  life  in  a brawl. 
Avila,  resuming  his  voyage,  was  captured  by  a French 
privateer,  and  the  rich  spoils  of  the  Aztecs  went  into 
the  treasury  of  his  Most  Christian  Majesty.  Francis 
the  First  gazed  with  pardonable  envy  on  the  treas- 
ures which  his  Imperial  rival  drew  from  his  colonial 
domains  ; and  he  intimated  his  discontent  by  peevish- 
ly expressing  a desire  “ to  see  the  clause  in  Adam’s 
testament  which  entitled  his  brothers  of  Castile  and 
Portugal  to  divide  the  New  World  between  them.” 
Avila  found  means,  through  a private  hand,  of  trans- 
mitting his  letters,  the  most  important  part  of  his 
charge,  to  Spain,  where  they  reached  the  court  in 
safety.9 

While  these  events  were  passing,  affairs  in  Spain 
had  been  taking  an  unfavorable  turn  for  Cortes.  It 
may  seem  strange,  that  the  brilliant  exploits  ot  the 
Conqueror  of  Mexico  should  have  attracted  so  little 
notice  from  the  government  at  home.  But  the 
country  was  at  that  time  distracted  by  the  dismal 
feuds  of  the  comunidades.  The  sovereign  was  in 
Germany,  too  much  engrossed  by  the  cares  of  the 
empire  to  allow  leisure  for  those  of  his  own  king- 
dom. The  reins  of  government  were  in  the  hands 
of  Adrian,  Charles’s  preceptor ; a man  whose  ascetic 


9 Ibid.,  ubi  supra.  — Bernal  Diaz.,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  169 


Ch.  I.] 


COMPLAINTS  AGAINST  CORTES. 


243 


and  studious  habits  better  qualified  him  to  preside 
over  a college  of  monks,  than  to  fill,  as  he  succes- 
sively did,  the  most  important  posts  in  Christendom, 
— first  as  Regent  of  Castile,  afterwards  as  Head  of 
the  Church.  Yet  the  slow  and  hesitating  Adrian 
could  not  have  so  long  passed  over  in  silence  the 
important  services  of  Cortes,  but  for  the  hostile  in- 
terference of  Velasquez,  the  governor  of  Cuba, 
sustained  by  Fonseca,  bishop  of  Burgos,  the  chief 
person  in  the  Spanish  colonial  department.  This 
prelate,  from  his  elevated  station,  possessed  para- 
mount authority  in  all  matters  relating  to  the  Indies, 
and  he  had  exerted  it  from  the  first,  as  we  have 
already  seen,  in  a manner  most  prejudicial  to  the 
interests  of  Cortes.  He  had  now  the  address  to 
obtain  a warrant  from  the  regent,  which  was  de- 
signed to  ruin  the  Conqueror  at  the  very  moment 
when  his  great  enterprise  had  been  crowned  with 
success.  The  instrument,  after  recapitulating  the 
offences  of  Cortes  in  regard  to  Velasquez,  appoints 
a commissioner  with  full  powers  to  visit  the  country, 
to  institute  an  inquiry  into  the  general’s  conduct,  to 
suspend  him  from  his  functions,  and  even  to  seize  his 
person  and  sequestrate  his  property,  until  the  pleas- 
ure of  the  Castilian  court  could  be  known.  The 
warrant  was  signed  by  Adrian,  at  Burgos,  on  the 
11th  of  April,  1521,  and  countersigned  by  Fonseca.10 

10  The  instrument  also  confer-  The  whole  document  is  cited  in  a 
red  similar  powers  in  respect  to  deposition  drawn  up  by  the  notary, 
an  inquiry  into  Narvaez's  treat-  Alonso  de  Vergara,  setting  forth 
inent  of  the  licentiate  Ayllon.  the  proceedings  of  Tapia  and  the 


244  SUBSEQUENT  CAREER  OF  CORTES.  [Book  VII 

The  individual  selected  for  the  delicate  task  of 
apprehending  Cortes  and  bringing  him  to  trial,  on 
the  theatre  of  his  own  discoveries  and  in  the  heart 
of  his  own  camp,  was  named  Christoval  de  Tapia, 
vcedor , or  inspector  of  the  gold  founderies  in  St.  Do- 
mingo. He  was  a feeble,  vacillating  man,  as  little 
competent  to  cope  with  Cortes  in  civil  matters,  as 
Narvaez  had  shown  himself  to  be  in  military. 

The  commissioner,  clothed  in  his  brief  authority, 
landed,  in  December,  at  Villa  Rica.  But  he  was 
coldly  received  by  the  magistrates  of  the  city.  His 
credentials  were  disputed,  on  the  ground  of  some 
technical  informality.  It  was  objected,  moreover,  that 
his  commission  was  founded  on  obvious  misrepre- 
sentations to  the  government ; and,  notwithstanding 
a most  courteous  and  complimentary  epistle  which 
he  received  from  Cortes,  congratulating  him,  as  an 
old  friend,  on  his  arrival,  the  veedor  soon  found  that 
he  was  neither  to  be  permitted  to  penetrate  far  into 
the  country,  nor  to  exercise  any  control  there.  He 
loved  money,  and,  as  Cortes  knew  the  weak  side  of 
his  “old  friend,”  he  proposed  to  purchase  his  horses, 
slaves,  and  equipage,  at  a tempting  price.  The 
dreams  of  disappointed  ambition  were  gradually 
succeeded  by  those  of  avarice  ; and  the  discomfited 
commissioner  consented  to  reembark  for  Cuba,  well 
freighted  with  gold,  if  not  with  glory,  and  provided 

municipality  of  Villa  Rica,  dated  lection  of  Don  Vargas  Pon$e,  in 
at  Cempoalla,  Dec.  24th,  1521.  the  archives  of  the  Academy  of 
The  MS.  forms  part  of  the  col-  History  at  Madrid. 


Ch.  I.]  COMPLAINTS  AGAINST  CORTES.  245 

with  fresh  matter  of  accusation  against  the  high- 
handed measures  of  Cortes.11 

Thus  left  in  undisputed  possession  of  authority, 
the  Spanish  commander  went  forward  with  vigor  in 
his  plans  for  the  settlement  of  his  conquests.  The 
Panuchese,  a fierce  people  on  the  borders  of  the 
Panuco,  on  the  Atlantic  coast,  had  taken  up  arms 
against  the  Spaniards.  Cortes  marched  at  the  head 
of  a considerable  force  into  their  country,  defeated 
them  in  two  pitched  battles,  and,  after  a severe 
campaign,  reduced  the  warlike  tribe  to  subjection. 

A subsequent  insurrection  was  punished  with 
greater  severity.  They  rose  on  the  Spaniards,  mas 
sacred  five  hundred  of  their  oppressors,  and  menaced 
with  destruction  the  neighbouring  settlement  of  Sai 
Estevan.  Cortes  ordered  Sandoval  to  chastise  tht 
insurgents ; and  that  officer,  after  a campaign  of  in 
credible  hardship,  completely  routed  the  barbarians 
captured  four  hundred  of  their  chiefs,  and,  after  the 
affected  formalities  of  a trial,  sentenced  every  man 
of  them  to  the  stake  or  the  gibbet.  “ By  which 
means,”  says  Cortes,  “ God  be  praised  ! the  safety 
of  the  Spaniards  was  secured,  and  the  province 
once  more  restored  to  tranquillity  and  peace.”12  He 

11  Relacion  de  Vergara,  MS. — presence  was  necessary  to  over- 
Rel.  Terc.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Loren-  awe  the  natives.  (MS.,  Coyoacan, 
zana,  pp.  309-314.  — Bernal  Diaz,  Dec.  12,  1521.)  The  general  ac- 
Hist.  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  158.  quiesced  in  the  force  of  a remon- 

The  regidores  of  Mexico  and  strance,  which,  it  is  not  improba- 
other  places  remonstrated  against  ble,  was  made  at  his  own  sugges- 
Cortes’  leaving  the  Valley  to  meet  tion. 

Tapia,  on  the  ground  that  his  13  “Como  ya  ( loado  nuestro 


246  SUBSEQUENT  CAREER  OF  CORTES.  [Book  VII 

had  omitted  to  mention  in  his  Letter  his  ungen- 
erous treatment  of  Guatemozin.  But  the  undis- 
guised and  naive  manner,  so  to  speak,  in  which  he 
details  these  circumstances  to  the  emperor,  shows 
that  he  attached  no  discredit  to  the  deed.  It  was 
the  just  recompense  of  rebellion ; a word  that  has 
been  made  the  apology  for  more  atrocities  than  any 
other  word, — save  religion. 

During  this  interval,  the  great  question  in  respect 
to  Cortes  and  the  colony  had  been  brought  to  a de- 
cisive issue.  The  general  must  have  succumbed 
under  the  insidious  and  implacable  attacks  of  his 
enemies,  but  for  the  sturdy  opposition  of  a few 
powerful  friends  zealously  devoted  to  his  interests. 
Among  them  may  be  mentioned  his  own  father, 
Don  Martin  Cortes,  a discreet  and  efficient  person,13 
and  the  Duke  de  Bejar,  a powerful  nobleman,  who 
from  an  early  period  had  warmly  espoused  the  cause 
of  Cortes.  By  their  representations  the  timid  regent 
was  at  length  convinced  that  the  measures  of  Fon- 
seca were  prejudicial  to  the  interests  of  the  Crown, 
and  an  order  was  issued  interdicting  him  from  fur- 
ther interference  in  any  matters  in  which  Cortes 
was  concerned. 

While  the  exasperated  prelate  was  chafing  under 
this  affront,  both  the  commissioners  Tapia  and  Nar- 

Seiior)  estaba  toda  la  Provincia  by  Cortes  to  his  father,  authoriz- 
muy  pacifica,  y segura.”  Rel.  ing  him  to  manage  all  negotiations 
Quarta  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  with  the  emperor,  and  with  private 
p.  367.  persons,  to  conduct  all  lawsuits  on 

13  The  MuHoz  collection  of  MSS.  his  behalf,  to  pay  over  and  receive 
contains  a power  of  attorney  given  money,  &c. 


Ch.  I ] 


COMPLAINTS  AGAINST  CORTES. 


247 


vaez  arrived  in  Castile.  The  latter  had  been  ordered 
to  Cojohuacan  after  the  surrender  of  the  capital, 
where  his  cringing  demeanour  formed  a striking  con- 
trast to  the  swaggering  port  which  he  had  assumed 
on  first  entering  the  country.  When  brought  into 
the  presence  of  Cortes,  he  knelt  down  and  would 
have  kissed  his  hand,  but  the  latter  raised  him  from 
the  ground,  and,  during  his  residence  in  his  quarters, 
treated  him  with  every  mark  of  respect.  The  gen- 
eral soon  afterwards  permitted  his  unfortunate  rival 
to  return  to  Spain,  where  he  proved,  as  might  have 
been  anticipated,  a most  bitter  and  implacable  en- 
emy.14 

These  two  personages,  reinforced  by  the  discon- 
tented prelate,  brought  forward  their  several  charges 
against  Cortes  with  all  the  acrimony  which  mortified 
vanity  and  the  thirst  of  vengeance  could  inspire. 
Adrian  was  no  longer  in  Spain,  having  been  called 
to  the  chair  of  St.  Peter ; but  Charles  the  Fifth, 
after  his  long  absence,  had  returned  to  his  dominions, 
in  July,  1522.  The  royal  ear  was  instantly  assailed 
with  accusations  of  Cortes  on  the  one  hand  and  his 
vindication  on  the  other,  till  the  young  monarch, 
perplexed,  and  unable  to  decide  on  the  merits  of  the 
question,  referred  the  whole  subject  to  the  decision 
of  a board  selected  for  the  purpose.  It  was  drawn 
partly  from  the  members  of  his  privy  council,  and 
partly  from  the  Indian  department,  with  the  Grand 
Chancellor  of  Naples  as  its  president;  and  constituted 


14  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  158. 


248 


SUBSEQUENT  CAREER  OF  CORTES.  [Book  VII 


altogether  a tribunal  of  the  highest  respectability 
for  integrity  and  wisdom.15 

By  this  learned  body  a patient  and  temperate 
hearing  was  given  to  the  parties.  The  enemies  of 
Cortes  accused  him  of  having  seized  and  finally 
destroyed  the  fleet  intrusted  to  him  by  Velasquez, 
and  fitted  out  at  the  governor’s  expense  ; of  having 
afterwards  usurped  powers  in  contempt  of  the  royal 
prerogative  ; of  the  unjustifiable  treatment  of  Nar- 
vaez and  Tapia,  when  they  had  been  lawfully  com- 
missioned to  supersede  him  ; of  cruelty  to  the  na- 
tives, and  especially  to  Guatemozin  ; of  embezzling 
the  royal  treasures,  and  remitting  but  a small  part 
of  its  dues  to  the  Crown  ; of  squandering  the  rev- 
enues of  the  conquered  countries  in  useless  and 
wasteful  schemes,  and  particularly  in  rebuilding  the 
capital  on  a plan  of  unprecedented  extravagance ; 
of  pursuing,  in  short,  a system  of  violence  and  ex- 
tortion, without  respect  to  the  public  interest,  or  any 
other  end  than  his  own  selfish  aggrandizement. 

In  answer  to  these  grave  charges,  the  friends  of 
Cortes  adduced  evidence  to  show,  that  he  had  de- 
frayed with  his  own  funds  two  thirds  of  the  cost  of 
the  expedition.  The  powers  of  Velasquez  extended 
only  to  traffic,  not  to  establish  a colony.  Yet  the 
interests  of  the  Crown  required  the  latter.  The 


15  Sayas,  Annales  de  Aragon,  lindez  de  Carbajal,  an  eminent 
(Zaragoza,  1666,)  cap.  63,  78.  Castilian  jurist,  grown  grey  in  the 
It  is  sufficient  voucher  for  the  service  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella, 
respectability  of  this  court,  that  whose  confidence  he  enjoyed  in 
we  find  in  it  the  name  of  Dr.  Ga-  the  highest  degree. 


Ch.  I.] 


COMPLAINTS  AGAINST  CORTES. 


249 


army  had  therefore  necessarily  assumed  this  power 
to  themselves  ; but,  having  done  so,  they  had  sent 
intelligence  of  their  proceedings  to  the  emperor  and 
solicited  his  confirmation  of  them.  The  rupture 
with  Narvaez  was  that  commander’s  own  fault ; 
since  Cortes  would  have  met  him  amicably,  had  not 
the  violent  measures  of  his  rival,  threatening  the 
ruin  of  the  expedition,  compelled  him  to  an  opposite 
course.  The  treatment  of  Tapia  was  vindicated  on 
the  grounds  alleged  to  that  officer  by  the  muni- 
cipality at  Cempoalla.  The  violence  to  Guatemozin 
was  laid  at  the  door  of  Alderete,  the  royal  treasurer, 
who  had  instigated  the  soldiers  to  demand  it.  The 
remittances  to  the  Crown,  it  was  clearly  proved,  so 
far  from  falling  short  of  the  legitimate  fifth,  had 
considerably  exceeded  it.  If  the  general  had  ex- 
pended the  revenues  of  the  country  on  costly  enter- 
prises and  public  works,  it  was  for  the  interest  of 
the  country  that  he  did  so,  and  he  had  incurred  a 
heavy  debt  by  straining  his  own  credit  to  the  ut- 
most for  the  same  great  objects.  Neither  did  they 
deny,  that,  in  the  same  spirit,  he  was  now  rebuilding 
Mexico  on  a scale  which  should  be  suited  to  the 
metropolis  of  a vast  and  opulent  empire. 

They  enlarged  on  the  opposition  he  had  ex- 
perienced, throughout  his  whole  career,  from  the 
governor  of  Cuba,  and  still  more  from  the  bishop 
of  Burgos,  which  latter  functionary,  instead  of  af- 
fording him  the  aid  to  have  been  expected,  had 
discouraged  recruits,  stopped  his  supplies,  seques- 
tered such  property  as,  from  time  to  time,  he  had 

VOL.  in.  32 


250 


SUBSEQUENT  CAREER  OF  CORTES.  [Book  VII. 


sent  to  Spain,  and  falsely  represented  his  remit- 
tances to  the  Crown,  as  coming  from  the  governor 
of  Cuba.  In  short,  such  and  so  numerous  were  the 
obstacles  thrown  in  his  path,  that  Cortes  had  been 
heard  to  say,  “ he  had  found  it  more  difficult  to  con- 
tend against  his  own  countrymen  than  against  the 
Aztecs.”  They  concluded  with  expatiating  on  the 
brilliant  results  of  his  expedition,  and  asked  if  the 
council  were  prepared  to  dishonor  the  man,  who, 
in  the  face  of  such  obstacles,  and  with  scarcely  other 
resources  than  what  he  found  in  himself,  had  won 
an  empire  for  Castile,  such  as  was  possessed  by  no 
European  potentate ! 16 

This  last  appeal  was  irresistible.  However  ir- 
regular had  been  the  manner  of  proceeding,  no  one 
could  deny  the  grandeur  of  the  results.  There  was 
not  a Spaniard  that  could  be  insensible  to  such  ser- 
vices, or  that  would  not  have  cried  out,  “ Shame ! ” at 
an  ungenerous  requital  of  them.  There  were  three 
Flemings  in  the  council ; but  there  seems  to  have 
been  no  difference  of  opinion  in  the  body.  It  was 
decided,  that  neither  Velasquez  nor  Fonseca  should 
interfere  further  in  the  concerns  of  New  Spain. 
The  difficulties  of  the  former  with  Cortes  were  re- 
garded in  the  nature  of  a private  suit ; and,  as  such, 
redress  must  be  sought  by  the  regular  course  of  law. 
The  acts  of  Cortes  were  confirmed  in  their  full  ex- 
tent. He  was  constituted  Governor,  Captain-Gen- 

16  Sayas,  Annales  de  Aragon,  en  la  Villa  Segura,  MS.  — Declar- 
cap.  78. — Herrera,  Hist.  General,  aciones  de  Puertocarrero  y de  Mon- 
dec.  3,  lib.  4,  cap.  3. — Probanza  tejo,  MSS. 


Ch.  I.]  CONFIRMED  IN  HIS  AUTHORITY.  251 

eral,  and  Chief  Justice  of  New  Spain,  with  power 
to  appoint  to  all  offices,  civil  and  military,  and  to  or- 
der any  person  to  leave  the  country,  whose  residence 
there  he  might  deem  prejudicial  to  the  interests  of 
the  Crown.  This  judgment  of  the  council  was 
ratified  by  Charles  the  Fifth,  and  the  commission 
investing  Cortes  with  these  ample  powers  was 
signed  by  the  emperor  at  Valladolid,  October  15th, 
1522.  A liberal  salary  was  provided,  to  enable  the 
governor  of  New  Spain  to  maintain  his  office  with 
suitable  dignity.  The  principal  officers  were  recom- 
pensed with  honors  and  substantial  emoluments ; and 
the  troops,  together  with  some  privileges,  grateful  to 
the  vanity  of  the  soldier,  received  the  promise  of 
liberal  grants  of  land.  The  emperor  still  further 
complimented  them  by  a letter  written  to  the  army 
with  his  own  hand,  in  which  he  acknowledged  its 
services  in  the  fullest  manner.17 

From  this  hour  the  influence  of  Fonseca  in  the 
Indian  department  was  at  an  end.  Pie  did  not  long 
survive  his  chagrin,  as  he  died  in  the  following  year. 
No  man  was  in  a situation  to  do  more  for  the  pros- 
perity of  his  country  than  the  bishop  of  Burgos 
For  more  than  thirty  years,  ever  since  the  first  dawn 
of  discovery  under  Columbus,  he  had  held  supreme 
control  over  colonial  affairs  ; and  it  lay  with  him, 
therefore,  in  an  especial  degree,  to  give  ardor  to  en- 
terprise, and  to  foster  the  youthful  fortunes  of  the 


17  Nombramiento  de  Governador  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Corquis- 
y Capitan  General  y Justicia  May-  ta,  cap.  168. 
or  de  Nueva  Espana,  MS.  — Also 


252 


SUBSEQUENT  CAREER  OF  CORTES.  [Book  VII. 


colonies.  But  he  lay  like  a blight  upon  them.  He 
looked  with  an  evil  eye  on  the  most  illustrious  of 
the  Spanish  discoverers,  and  sought  only  to  throw 
impediments  in  their  career.  Such  had  been  his 
conduct  towards  Columbus,  and  such  to  Cortes. 
By  a wise  and  generous  policy,  he  might  have  placed 
his  name  among  the  great  lights  of  his  age.  As 
it  was,  he  only  served  to  bring  these  into  greater 
lustre  by  contrast  with  his  own  dark  and  malig- 
nant nature.  His  career  shows  the  overweening 
ascendency  which  the  ecclesiastical  profession  pos- 
sessed in  Castile  in  the  sixteenth  century  ; . when 
it  could  raise  a man  to  so  important  a station,  for 
which  he  was  totally  unfit,  — and  keep  him  there 
after  he  had  proved  himself  to  be  so.13 

The  messengers,  who  bore  the  commission  of 
Cortes  to  Mexico,  touched  on  their  way  at  Cuba, 
where  the  tidings  were  proclaimed  by  sound  of 
trumpet.  It  was  a death-blow  to  the  hopes  of  Ve- 
lasquez. Exasperated  by  the  failure  of  his  schemes, 
impoverished  by  the  expense  of  expeditions  of  which 
others  had  reaped  the  fruits,  he  had  still  looked  for- 
ward to  eventual  redress,  and  cherished  the  sweet 
hope  of  vengeance,  — long  delayed.  That  hope  was 
now  gone.  There  wras  slight  chance  of  redress,  he 

18  The  character  of  Fonseca  has  the  historian,  though  the  charac- 
been  traced  by  the  same  hand  ters  of  the  two  individuals  have 
which  has  traced  that  of  Colum-  been  inscribed  with  pens  as  differ- 
bus.  (Irving’s  Life  and  Voyages  ent  from  each  other  as  the  golden 
of  Columbus,  Appendix,  No.  32.)  and  iron  pen  which  Paolo  Giovio 
Side  by  side  they  will  go  down  to  tells  us  he  employed  in  his  compo- 
posterity  in  the  beautiful  page  of  sitions. 


Ch.  I.] 


CONFIRMED  IN  HIS  AUTHORITY. 


253 


well  knew,  in  the  tedious  and  thorny  litigation  of  the 
Castilian  courts.  Ruined  in  fortune,  dishonored  be- 
fore the  nation,  the  haughty  spirit  of  the  governor 
was  humbled  in  the  dust.  He  would  take  no  com- 
fort, but  fell  into  a sullen  melancholy,  and  in  a few 
months  died  — if  report  be  true  — of  a broken 
heart.19 

The  portrait  usually  given  of  YYlasquez  is  not 
favorable.  Yet  Las  Casas  speaks  kindly  of  him, 
and,  when  his  prejudices  are  not  involved,  there  can 
be  no  better  authority.  But  Las  Casas  knew  him, 
when,  in  his  earlier  days,  the  missionary  first  landed 
in  Cuba.  The  governor  treated  him  with  courtesy, 
and  even  confidence  ; and  it  was  natural,  that  the 
condescension  of  a man  of  high  family  and  station 
should  have  made  its  impression  on  the  feelings  of 
the  poor  ecclesiastic.  In  most  accounts  he  is  de- 
picted as  a haughty,  irascible  person,  jealous  of 
authority,  and  covetous  of  wealth.  He  quarrelled 
with  Grijalva,  Cortes’  predecessor,  apparently  with- 
out cause.  With  as  little  reason,  he  broke  with 
Cortes  before  he  left  the  port.  He  proposed  ob- 
jects to  himself  in  their  nature  incompatible.  He 
proposed  that  others  should  fight  his  battles,  and 
that  he  should  win  the  laurels  ; that  others  should 
make  discoveries,  and  that  he  should  reap  the  fruits 
of  them.  None  but  a weak  mind  would  have  con- 
formed to  his  conditions,  and  a weak  mind  could 
not  have  effected  his  objects.  His  appointment  of 


19  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  158. 


254  SUBSEQUENT  CAREER  OF  CORTES.  [Book  VII. 

Cortes  put  him  in  a false  position  for  the  rest  of 
his  life.  His  efforts  to  retrieve  his  position  only 
made  things  worse.  The  appointment  of  Cortes 
to  the  command  was  scarcely  a greater  error,  than 
the  subsequent  appointment  of  Narvaez  and  of 
Tapia.  The  life  of  Velasquez  was  a series  of 
errors. 

The  announcement  of  the  emperor’s  commission, 
confirming  Cortes  in  the  supreme  authority  of  New 
Spain,  was  received  there  with  general  acclamation. 
The  army  rejoiced  in  having,  at  last,  secured  not 
merely  an  amnesty  for  their  irregular  proceedings, 
but  a distinct  acknowledgment  of  their  services. 
The  nomination  of  Cortes  to  the  supreme  command 
put  his  mind  at  ease  as  to  the  past,  and  opened 
to  him  a noble  theatre  for  future  enterprise.  The 
soldiers  congratulated  themselves  on  the  broad  pow- 
ers conferred  on  their  commander,  and,  as  they 
reckoned  up  their  scars  and  their  services,  indulged 
in  golden  dreams  and  the  most  vague  and  visionary 
expectations.  It  is  not  strange  that  their  expec- 
tations should  have  been  disappointed. 


I 


CHAPTER  II. 

Modern  Mexico.  — Settlement  of  the  Country.  — Condition  or 
the  Natives.  — Christian  Missionaries.  — Cultivation  of  the 
Soil. — Voyages  and  Expeditions. 

1522—  1524. 

In  less  than  four  years  from  the  destruction  ol 
Mexico,  a new  city  had  risen  on  its  ruins,  which,  if 
inferior  to  the  ancient  capital  in  extent,  surpassed  it 
in  magnificence  and  strength.  It  occupied  so  exact 
ly  the  same  site  as  its  predecessor,  that  the  plaza 
mayor,  or  great  square,  was  the  same  spot  which  had 
been  covered  by  the  huge  teocalli  and  the  palace  of 
Montezuma ; while  the  principal  streets  took  their 
departure  as  before  from  this  central  point,  and,  pass- 
ing through  the  whole  length  of  the  city,  terminated 
at  the  principal  causeways.  Great  alterations,  how- 
ever, took  place  in  the  fashion  of  the  architecture. 
The  streets  were  widened,  many  of  the  canals  were 
filled  up,  and  the  edifices  were  constructed  on  a 
plan  better  accommodated  to  European  taste  and 
the  wants  of  a European  population. 

On  the  site  of  the  temple  of  the  Aztec  war-god 
rose  the  stately  cathedral  dedicated  to  St.  Francis; 
and,  as  if  to  complete  the  triumphs  of  the  Cross,  the 
foundations  were  laid  with  the  broken  images  of  the 


256 


SUBSEQUENT  CAREER  OF  CORTES.  [Book  VII 


Aztec  gods.1  Iii  a corner  of  the  square,  on  the 
ground  once  covered  by  the  House  of  Birds,  stood 
a Franciscan  convent,  a magnificent  pile,  erected  a 
few  years  after  the  Conquest  by  a lay  brother,  Pe- 
dro de  Gante,  a natural  son,  it  is  said,  of  Charles 
the  Fifth.2  In  an  opposite  quarter  of  the  same 
square  Cortes  caused  his  own  palace  to  be  con- 
structed. It  was  built  of  hewn  stone,  and  seven 
thousand  cedar  beams  are  said  to  have  been  used 
for  the  interior.3  The  government  afterwards  ap- 
propriated it  to  the  residence  of  the  viceroys  ; and 
the  Conqueror’s  descendants,  the  dukes  of  Monte- 
leone,  w'ere  allowed  to  erect  a new  mansion  in 
another  part  of  the  plaza , on  the  spot  which,  by  an 
ominous  coincidence,  had  been  covered  by  the  pal- 
ace of  Montezuma.4 

The  houses  occupied  by  the  Spaniards  were  of 
stone,  combining  with  elegance  a solid  strength 
which  made  them  capable  of  defence  like  so  many 
fortresses.5  The  Indian  buildings  were  for  the  most 
part  of  an  inferior  quality.  They  were  scattered 
over  the  ancient  district  of  Tlatelolco,  where  the 
nation  had  made  its  last  stand  for  freedom.  This 
quarter  wras  also  provided  with  a spacious  cathedral ; 
and  thirty  inferior  churches  attested  the  care  of  the 

1 Herrera,  Hist.  General,  dec.  4 Humboldt,  Essai  Politique, 
3,  lib.  4,  cap.  8.  tom.  II.  p.  72. 

9 Clavigero,  Stor.  del  Messico,  5 Rel.  d’  un  gent.,  ap.  Ramu- 
tom.  I.  p.  271. — Humboldt,  Essai  sio,  tom.  III.  fol.  309. 

Politique,  tom.  II.  p.  58. 

3 Herrera,  Hist.  General,  ubi 

supra. 


Ch.  II.] 


MODERN  MEXICO. 


257 


Spaniards  for  the  spiritual  welfare  of  the  natives.0 
It  was  in  watching  over  his  Indian  flock,  and  in  the 
care  of  the  hospitals  with  which  the  new  capital 
was  speedily  endowed,  that  the  good  father  Olmedo, 
when  oppressed  by  growing  infirmities,  spent  the 
evening  of  his  days.6 7 

To  give  greater  security  to  the  Spaniards,  Cortes 
caused  a strong  fortress  to  be  erected  in  a place 
since  known  as  the  Matadero8  It  was  provided  with 
a dock-yard,  and  the  brigantines,  which  had  served 
in  the  siege  of  Mexico,  were  long  preserved  there 
as  memorials  of  the  Conquest.  When  the  fortress 
was  completed,  the  general,  owing  to  the  evil  offi- 
ces of  Fonseca,  found  himself  in  want  of  artillerv 
and  ammunition  for  its  defence.  He  supplied  the 
former  deficiency  by  causing  cannon  to  be  cast  in 
his  own  founderies,  made  of  the  copper  which  was 
common  in  the  country,  and  tin  which  he  obtained 
with  more  difficulty  from  the  mines  of  Tasco.  By 
this  means,  and  a contribution  which  he  received 
from  the  shipping,  he  contrived  to  mount  his  walls 
with  seventy  pieces  of  ordnance.  Stone  balls,  used 
much  in  that  age,  could  easily  be  made ; but  for  the 
manufacture  of  his  powder,  although  there  was  nitre 
in  abundance,  he  was  obliged  to  seek  the  sulphur 
by  a perilous  expedition  into  the  bowels  of  the  great 
volcand  Such  were  the  resources  displayed  by  Cor- 

6 Ibid.,  ubi  supra.  9 For  an  account  of  this  singu- 

7 Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Con-  lar  enterprise,  see  Ante,  Vol.  II. 

quista,  cap.  177.  p.  48. 

8 Rel.  Quarta  de  Cortes,  ap. 

Lorenzana,  p.  376,  nota. 

VOL.  111. 


33 


258  SUBSEQUENT  CAREER  OF  CORTES.  [Book  VII. 

tes,  enabling  him  to  supply  every  deficiency,  and  to 
triumph  over  every  obstacle  which  the  malice  of  his 
enemies  had  thrown  in  his  path. 

The  general’s  next  care  was  to  provide  a popula- 
tion for  the  capital.  He  invited  the  Spaniards  thith- 
er by  grants  of  lands  and  houses,  while  the  Indians, 
with  politic  liberality,  were  permitted  to  live  under 
their  own  chiefs  as  before,  and  to  enjoy  various  im- 
munities. With  this  encouragement,  the  Spanish 
quarter  of  the  city  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  great 
square  could  boast  in  a few  years  two  thousand 
families  ; while  the  Indian  district  of  Tlatelolco  in- 
cluded no  less  than  thirty  thousand.10  The  various 
trades  and  occupations  were  resumed ; the  canals 
were  again  covered  with  barges ; two  vast  markets 
in  the  respective  quarters  of  the  capital  displayed  all 
the  different  products  and  manufactures  of  the  sur- 
rounding country ; and  the  city  swarmed  with  a 
busy,  industrious  population,  in  which  the  white  man 
and  the  Indian,  the  conqueror  and  the  conq  ered, 
mingled  together  promiscuously  in  peaceful  and  pic- 
turesque confusion.  Not  twenty  years  had  elapsed 
since  the  Conquest,  when  a missionary  who  visited 
it  had  the  confidence,  or  the  credulity,  to  assert,  that 
“ Europe  could  not  boast  a single  city  so  fair  and 
opulent  as  Mexico.”11 


10  Cortes,  reckoning  only  the  estimates  the  number  of  Spanish 
Indian  population,  says  treinta  mil  householders  as  in  the  text.  Cro- 
vecinos.  (Rel.  Quarta,  ap.  Lo-  nica,  cap.  162. 
renzana,  p.  375.)  Gomara,  speak-  11  Toribio,  Hist,  de  los  Indios, 
ing  of  Mexico  some  years  later,  MS.,  Parte  3,  cap.  7. 


Ch.  II.] 


SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY. 


259 


The  metropolis  of  our  day  would  seem  to  stand  in 
a different  situation  from  that  reared  by  the  Con- 
querors ; for  the  waters  no  longer  flow  through  its 
streets,  nor  wash  the  ample  circumference  of  its 
walls.  These  waters  have  retreated  within  the 
diminished  basin  of  Tezcuco  ; and  the  causeways, 
which  anciently  traversed  the  depths  of  the  lake, 
are  not  now  to  be  distinguished  from  the  other  ave- 
nues to  the  capital.  But  the  city,  embellished,  it  is 
true,  by  the  labors  of  successive  viceroys,  is  substan- 
tially the  same  as  in  the  days  of  the  Conquerors ; 
and  the  massive  grandeur  of  the  few  buildings  that 
remain  of  the  primitive  period,  and  the  general 
magnificence  and  symmetry  of  its  plan,  attest  the 
far-sighted  policy  of  its  founder,  which  looked  be- 
yond the  present  to  the  wants  of  coming  gen- 
erations. 

The  attention  of  Cortes  was  not  confined  to  the 
capital.  He  was  careful  to  establish  settlements  in 
every  part  of  the  country  which  afforded  a favorable 
position  for  them.  He  founded  Zacatula  on  the 
shores  of  the  miscalled  Pacific,  Coliman  in  the  ter- 
ritory of  Michuacan,  San  Esteban  on  the  Atlantic 
coast,  probably  not  far  from  the  site  of  Tampico, 
Medellin  (so  called  after  his  own  birth-place)  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  the  modern  Vera  Cruz,  and  a port 
near  the  river  Antigua,  from  which  it  derived  its 

Yet  this  is  scarcely  stronger  quanto  d’  altre  citta  che  siano  al 
language  than  that  of  the  Anony-  mondo.”  Rel.  d’  un  gent.,  ap. 
mous  Conqueror;  “ Cosi  ben  ordi-  Ramusio,  tom.  III.  fol.  309. 
nato  et  di  si  belle  piazze  et  strade, 


260  SUBSEQUENT  CAREER  OF  CORTES.  [Book  VII. 

name.  It  was  designed  to  take  the  place  of  Villa 
Rica,  which,  as  experience  had  shown,  from  its  ex- 
posed situation,  afforded  no  protection  to  shipping 
against  the  winds  that  sweep  over  the  Mexican 
Gulf.  Antigua,  sheltered  within  the  recesses  of  a 
bay,  presented  a more  advantageous  position.  Cortes 
established  there  a board  of  trade,  connected  the 
settlement  by  a highway  with  the  capital,  and  fondly 
predicted  that  his  new  city  would  become  the  great 
emporium  of  the  country.12  But  in  this  he  was  mis- 
taken. From  some  cause  not  very  obvious,  the  port 
of  entry  was  removed,  at  the  close  of  the  sixteenth 
century,  to  the  modern  Vera  Cruz;  which,  without 
any  superiority,  probably,  of  topographical  position, 
or  even  of  salubrity  of  climate,  has  remained  ever 
since  the  great  commercial  capital  of  New  Spain. 

Cortes  stimulated  the  settlement  of  his  several 
colonies  by  liberal  grants  of  land  and  municipal  priv- 
ileges. The  great  difficulty  was  to  induce  women 
to  reside  in  the  country,  and  without  them  he  felt 
that  the  colonies,  like  a tree  without  roots,  must 
soon  perish.  By  a singular  provision  he  required 
every  settler,  if  a married  man,  to  bring  over  his 
wife  within  eighteen  months,  on  pain  of  forfeiting 
his  estate.  If  he  were  too  poor  to  do  this  himself, 

12  “Y  tengo  por  cierto,  que  the  general's  description  of  the 
aquel  Pueblo  ha  de  ser,  despues  port  refutes  this  supposition,  and 
de  esta  Ciudad,  el  mejor  que  obiere  confirms  our  confidence  in  Clavi- 
en  esta  Nueva  Espaila.”  (Rel.  gero’s  statement,  that  the  present 
Quarta,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  382.)  city  was  founded  by  the  Conde  de 
The  archbishop  confounds  this  town  Monterey,  at  the  time  mentioned  in 
with  the  modern  Vera  Cruz.  But  the  text.  See  Vol.  I.  p.  353,  note. 


Ch.  II.] 


SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNTRY. 


261 


the  government  would  assist  him.  Another  law  im- 
posed the  same  penalty  on  all  bachelors  who  did  not 
provide  themselves  with  wives  within  the  same  pe- 
riod ! The  general  seems  to  have  considered  celi- 
bacy as  too  great  a luxury  for  a young  country.13 

His  own  wife,  Dona  Catalina  Xuarez,  was  among 


those  who  came  over  from 
According  to  Bernal  Diaz, 

13  Ordenanzas  Municipales,  Te- 
nochtitlan,  Marzo,  1524,  MS. 

The  Ordinances  made  by  Cortes, 
for  the  government  of  the  coun- 
try during  his  viceroyalty,  are  still 
preserved  in  Mexico ; and  the  copy 
in  my  possession  was  transmitted 
to  me  from  that  capital.  They  give 
ample  evidence  of  the  wise  and 
penetrating  spirit  which  embraced 
every  object  worthy  of  the  atten- 
tion of  an  enlightened  ruler  ; and  I 
will  quote,  in  the  original,  the  sin- 
gular provisions  mentioned  in  the 
text. 

“ Item.  Por  que  mas  se  mani- 
fieste  la  voluntad  que  los  pobla- 
dores  de  estas  partes  tienen  de 
residir  y permanecer  en  ellas, 
mando  que  todas  las  personas  que 
tuvieren  Indios,  que  fueren  casa- 
dos  en  Castilla  6 en  otras  par- 
tes, que  traigan  sus  mugeres  den- 
tro  de  un  afio  y medio  primero 
siguientes  de  como  estas  ordenan- 
zas fueren  pregonadas,  so  pena 
de  perder  los  Indios,  y todo  lo  con 
ellos  adquirido  e grangeado  ; y 
por  que  muchas  personas  podrian 
poner  por  achaque  aunque  tuviesen 
aparejo  de  decir  que  no  tienen  di- 


the  Islands  to  New  Spain, 
her  coming  gave  him  no 

neros  para  enviar  por  ellas,  por 
hende  las  tales  personas  que  tuvi- 
eran  esta  necesidad  parescan  ante 
el  R°.  Pe.  Pray  Juan  de  Teto  y 
ante  Alonso  de  Estrada,  tesorero 
de  su  Magestad,  a les  informar  de 
su  necesidad,  para  que  ellos  la  co- 
muniquen  a mi,  y su  necesidad  se 
remedie;  y si  algunas  personas  hay 
que  casados  y no  tienen  sus  muge- 
res en  esta  tierra,  y quisieran  tra- 
erlas,  sepan  que  trayendolas  seran 
ayudadas  asi  mismo  para  las  traer 
dando  fianzas. 

“ Item.  Por  quanto  en  esta  tier- 
ra hay  muchas  personas  que  tienen 
Indios  de  encomienda  y no  son  ca- 
sados, por  hende  por  que  conviene 
asi  para  la  salud  de  sus  conciencias 
de  los  tales  por  estar  en  buen  esta- 
do,  como  por  la  poblacion  e noble- 
cimiento  de  sus  tierras,  mando  que 
las  tales  personas  se  casen,  traigan 
y tengan  sus  mugeres  en  esta  tier- 
ra dentro  de  un  auo  y medio,  des 
pues  que  fueren  pregonadas  estas 
dichas  Ordenanzas,  e que  no  liaci- 
endo  lo  por  el  mismo  caso  sean 
privados  y pierdan  los  tales  Indios 
que  asi  tienen.” 


262 


SUBSEQUENT  CAREER  OF  CORTES.  [Book  VII. 


particular  satisfaction.14  It  is  possible ; since  his 
marriage  with  her  seems  to  have  been  entered  into 
with  reluctance,  and  her  lowly  condition  and  con- 
nexions stood  somewhat  in  the  way  of  his  future 
advancement.  Yet  they  lived  happily  together  for 
several  years,  according  to  the  testimony  of  Las 
Casas ; 15  and,  whatever  he  may  have  felt,  he  had  the 
generosity,  or  the  prudence,  not  to  betray  his  feel- 
ings to  the  world.  On  landing,  Dona  Catalina  was 
escorted  by  Sandoval  to  the  capital,  where  she  was 
kindly  received  by  her  husband,  and  all  the  respect 
paid  to  her,  to  which  she  was  entitled  by  her  el- 
evated rank.  But  the  climate  of  the  table-land  was 
not  suited  to  her  constitution,  and  she  died  in  three 
months  after  her  arrival.16  An  event  so  auspicious 
to  his  worldly  prospects  did  not  fail,  as  we  shall  see 
hereafter,  to  provoke  the  tongue  of  scandal  to  the 
most  malicious,  but  it  is  scarcely  necessary  to  say, 
unfounded  inferences. 

In  the  distribution  of  the  soil  among  the  Conquer- 
ors, Cortes  adopted  the  vicious  system  of  repartimi- 
entos,  universally  practised  among  his  countrymen. 
In  a letter  to  the  emperor,  he  states,  that  the  superior 
capacity  of  the  Indians  in  New  Spain  had  made  him 
regard  it  as  a grievous  thing  to  condemn  them  to 
servitude,  as  had  been  done  in  the  Islands.  But,  on 

14  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Con-  ubi  supra;)  but  her  death  seems 

quista,  cap.  160.  to  have  been  too  sudden  to  be  at- 

15  Ante,  Yol.  I.  p.  243.  tributed  to  that  disease.  I shall 

16  Of  asthma,  according  to  Ber-  return  to  the  subject  hereafter, 
nal  Diaz;  (Hist,  de  la  Conquista, 


Ch.  II.] 


CONDITION  OF  THE  NATIVES. 


263 


further  trial,  he  had  found  the  Spaniards  so  much 
harassed  and  impoverished,  that  they  could  not  hope 
to  maintain  themselves  in  the  land  without  enforcing 
the  services  of  the  natives,  and  for  this  reason  he 
had  at  length  waived  his  own  scruples  in  compliance 
with  their  repeated  remonstrances.17  This  was  the 
wretched  pretext  used  on  the  like  occasions  by  his 
countrymen  to  cover  up  this  flagrant  act  of  injustice. 
The  Crown,  however,  in  its  instructions  to  the  gen- 
eral, disavowed  the  act  and  annulled  the  repartimi- 
entos .I8  It  was  all  in  vain.  The  necessities,  or 
vather  the  cupidity,  of  the  colonists,  easily  evaded 
the  royal  ordinances.  The  colonial  legislation  of 
Spain  shows,  in  the  repetition  of  enactments  against 
slavery,  the  perpetual  struggle  that  subsisted  be- 
tween the  Crown  and  the  colonists,  and  the  impo- 
tence of  the  former  to  enforce  measures  repugnant 
to  the  interests,  at  all  events  to  the  avarice,  of  the 
latter.  New  Spain  furnishes  no  exception  to  the 
general  fact. 

The  Tlascalans,  in  gratitude  for  their  signal  ser- 
vices, were  exempted,  at  the  recommendation  of 
Cortes,  from  the  doom  of  slavery.  It  should  be  ad- 
ded, that  the  general,  in  granting  the  repartimientos , 
made  many  humane  regulations  for  limiting  the 
power  of  the  master,  and  for  securing  as  many  priv- 
ileges to  the  native  as  were  compatible  with  any 
degree  of  compulsory  service.19  These  limitations, 

17  Rel.  Terc.,  ap.  Lorenzana,  13  Ibid.,  dec.  4,  lib.  6,  cap.  5. 

pp.  319,  320.  — Ordenanzas,  MS. 

18  Herrera,  Ilist.  General,  dec.  The  ordinances  prescribe  the 

3,  lib.  5,  cap.  1.  service  of  the  Indians,  the  hours 


264  SUBSEQUENT  CAREER  OF  CORTES.  [Book  VII. 

it  is  true,  were  too  often  disregarded ; and  in  the 
mining  districts,  in  particular,  the  situation  of  the 
poor  Indian  was  often  deplorable.  Yet  the  Indian 
population,  clustering  together  in  their  own  villages, 
and  living  under  their  own  magistrates,  have  con- 
tinued to  prove  by  their  numbers,  fallen  as  these 
have  below  their  primitive  amount,  how  far  superior 
was  their  condition  to  that  in  most  other  parts  of  the 
vast  colonial  empire  of  Spain.20  This  condition  has 
been  gradually  ameliorated,  under  the  influence  of 
higher  moral  views  and  larger  ideas  of  government ; 
until  the  servile  descendants  of  the  ancient  lords  of 
the  soil  have  been  permitted,  in  republican  Mexico, 
to  rise  — nominally,  at  least  — to  a level  with  the 
children  of  their  conquerors. 

Whatever  disregard  he  may  have  shown  to  the 
political  rights  of  the  natives,  Cortes  manifested  a 
commendable  solicitude  for  their  spiritual  welfare 
He  requested  the  emperor  to  send  out  holy  men  to 
the  country ; not  bishops  and  pampered  prelates, 
who  too  often  squandered  the  substance  of  the 
Church  in  riotous  living,  but  godly  persons,  members 
of  religious  fraternities,  whose  lives  might  be  a fit- 
ting commentary  on  their  teaching.  Thus  only,  he 

they  may  be  employed,  their  food,  20  The  whole  population  of  New 
compensation,  and  the  like.  They  Spain,  in  1810,  is  estimated  by 
require  the  encomendero  to  provide  Don  Francisco  Navarro  y Noriega 
them  with  suitable  means  of  re-  at  about  6,000,000 ; of  which  more 
ligious  instruction  and  places  of  than  half  were  pure  Indians.  The 
worship.  — But  what  avail  good  author  had  the  best  means  for  ar- 
laws,  which,  in  their  very  nature,  riving  at  a correct  result.  See 
imply  the  toleration  of  a great  Humboldt,  Essai  Politique,  tom. 
abuse?  I.  pp.  318,  319,  note. 


Ch.  II  ] 


CHRISTIAN  MISSIONARIES. 


265 


adds,  — and  the  remark  is  worthy  of  note,  — can 
they  exercise  any  influence  over  the  natives,  who 
have  been  accustomed  to  see  the  least  departure 
from  morals  in  their  own  priesthood  punished  with 
the  utmost  rigor  of  the  law.21  In  obedience  to  these 
suggestions  twelve  Franciscan  friars  embarked  for 
New  Spain,  which  they  reached  early  in  1524. 
They  were  men  of  unblemished  purity  of  life,  nour- 
ished with  the  learning  of  the  cloister,  and,  like 
many  others  whom  the  Romish  Church  has  sent 
forth  on  such  apostolic  missions,  counted  all  personal 
sacrifices  as  little  in  the  sacred  cause  to  which  they 
were  devoted.22 

The  presence  of  the  reverend  fathers  in  the  coun- 
try was  greeted  with  general  rejoicing.  The  inhab- 
itants of  the  towns  through  which  they  passed  came 
out  in  a body  to  welcome  them ; processions  were 
formed  of  the  natives  bearing  wax  tapers  in  their 
hands,  and  the  bells  of  the  churches  rung  out  a joy- 
ous peal  in  honor  of  their  arrival.  Houses  of  re- 
freshment were  provided  for  them  along  their  route 
to  the  capital ; and,  when  they  entered  it,  they  were 
met  by  a brilliant  cavalcade  of  the  principal  cavaliers 


21  Rel.  Quarta,  ap.  Lorenzana, 
pp.  391-394. 

The  petition  of  the  Conquerors 
was  acceded  to  by  government, 
which  further  prohibited  “attor- 
neys and  men  learned  in  the  law 
from  setting  foot  in  the  country, 
on  the  ground  that  experience  had 
shown,  they  would  be  sure  by 
their  evil  practices  to  disturb  the 
VOL.  III.  34 


peace  of  the  community.”  (Her- 
rera, Hist.  General,  dec.  3,  lib.  5, 
cap.  2.)  These  enactments  are  but 
an  indifferent  tribute  to  the  char- 
acter of  the  two  professions  in 
Castile. 

22  Toribio,  Hist,  de  los  Indios, 
MS.,  Parte  l,cap.  1. — Camargo 
Hist,  de  Tlascala,  MS. 


266 


SUBSEQUENT  CAREER  OF  CORTES.  [Book  VII. 


and  citizens,  with  Cortes  at  their  head.  The  gen- 
eral, dismounting,  and  bending  one  knee  to  the 
ground,  kissed  the  robes  of  father  Martin  of  Valen 
cia,  the  principal  of  the  fraternity.  The  natives, 
filled  with  amazement  at  the  viceroy’s  humiliation 
before  men  whose  naked  feet  and  tattered  garments 
gave  them  the  aspect  of  mendicants,  henceforth  re- 
garded them  as  beings  of  a superior  nature.  The 
Indian  chronicler  of  Tlascala  does  not  conceal  his 
admiration  of  this  edifying  condescension  of  Cortes, 
which  he  pronounces  “ one  of  the  most  heroical  acts 
of  his  life  !” 23 

The  missionaries  lost  no  time  in  the  good  work 
of  conversion.  They  began  their  preaching  through 
interpreters,  until  they  had  acquired  a competent 
knowledge  of  the  language  themselves.  They  open- 
ed schools  and  founded  colleges,  in  which  the  native 
youth  were  instructed  in  profane  as  well  as  Christian 
learning.  The  ardor  of  the  Indian  neophyte  emu- 
lated that  of  his  teacher.  In  a few  years  every 
vestige  of  the  primitive  teocallis  was  effaced  from 
the  land.  The  uncouth  idols  of  the  country,  and 
unhappily  the  hieroglyphical  manuscripts,  shared  the 

93  “ Cuyo  hecho  del  rotisimo  y Lorenzana  falls  nothing  short  of 
humilde  recebimiento  fue  uno  de  the  Tlascalan  historian  in  his  ad- 
los  heroicos  hechos  que  este  Cap-  miration  of  the  religious  zeal  of  the 
itan  hizo,  porque  fue  documento  great  Conquistador,  which,  he  as- 
para  que  con  mayor  fervor  los  na-  sures  us,  “entirely  overwhelms 
turales  desta  tierra  viniesen  a la  him,  as  savoring  so  much  more 
conversion  de  nuestra  fee.”  (Ca-  of  the  apostolic  missionary  than  of 
margo,  Hist,  de  Tlascala,  MS. — the  soldier  ! ” Lorenzana,  p.  393, 
See  aiso  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  nota. 

Oonouista,  cap.  171.)  Archbishop 


N, 


CHRISTIAN  MISSIONARIES. 


267 


Ch.  II.] 


same  fate.  Yet  the  missionary  and  the  convert  did 
much  to  repair  these  losses  by  their  copious  accounts 
of  the  Aztec  institutions,  collected  from  the  most 
authentic  sources.24 

The  business  of  conversion  went  on  prosperously 
among  the  several  tribes  of  the  great  Nahuatlac 
family.  In  about  twenty  years  from  the  first  advent 
of  the  missionaries,  one  of  their  body  could  make 
the  pious  vaunt,  that  nine  millions  of  converts — a 
number  probably  exceeding  the  population  of  the 
country  — had  been  admitted  within  the  Christian 
fold!25  The  Aztec  worship  was  remarkable  for  its 
burdensome  ceremonial,  and  prepared  its  votaries 
for  the  pomp  and  splendors  of  the  Romish  ritual. 
It  was  not  difficult  to  pass  from  the  fasts  and  festi- 
vals of  the  one  religion  to  the  fasts  and  festivals  of 
the  other ; to  transfer  their  homage  from  the  fantas- 
tic idols  of  their  own  creation  to  the  beautiful  forms 


24  Toribio,  Hist,  de  los  Indios, 
MS.,  Parte  3,  cap.  1. 

Father  Sahagun,  who  has  done 
better  service  in  this  way  than  any 
other  of  his  order,  describes  with 
simple  brevity  the  rapid  process 
of  demolition.  “We  took  the 
children  of  the  caciques,”  he  says, 
“ into  our  schools,  where  we 
taught  them  to  read,  write,  and  to 
chant.  The  children  of  the  poorer 
natives  were  brought  together  in 
the  court-yard,  and  instructed  there 
in  the  Christian  faith.  After  our 
teaching,  one  or  two  brethren  took 
the  pupils  to  some  neighbouring 
teocalli,  and,  by  working  at  it  for  a 


few  days,  they  levelled  it  to  the 
ground.  In  this  way  they  demol- 
ished, in  a short  time,  all  the  Az- 
tec temples,  great  and  small,  so 
that  not  a vestige  of  them  re- 
mained.”  (Hist,  de  Nueva  Es- 
pafia,  tom.  III.  p.  77.)  This  pas- 
sage helps  to  explain  why  so  few 
architectural  relics  of  the  Indian 
era  still  survive  in  Mexico. 

25  “ De  manera  que  a mi  juicio 
y verdaderamente  seran  bautizados 
en  este  tiempo  que  digo,  que  seran 
quince  aiios,  mas  de  nueve  millo- 
nes  de  animas  de  Indios.”  Tori- 
bio, Hist,  de  los  Indios,  MS., 
Parte  2,  cap.  3. 


268  SUBSEQUENT  CAREER  OF  CORTES.  [Book  VII. 

in  sculpture  and  in  painting  which  decorated  the 
Christian  cathedral.  It  is  true,  they  could  have 
comprehended  little  of  the  dogmas  of  their  new 
faith,  and  little,  it  may  be,  of  its  vital  spirit.  But, 
if  the  philosopher  may  smile  at  the  reflection,  that 
conversion,  under  these  circumstances,  was  one  of 
form  rather  than  of  substance,  the  philanthropist 
will  console  himself  by  considering  how  much  the 
cause  of  humanity  and  good  morals  must  have 
gained  by  the  substitution  of  these  unsullied  rites 
for  the  brutal  abominations  of  the  Aztecs. 

The  Conquerors  settled  in  such  parts  of  the  coun- 
try as  best  suited  their  inclinations.  Many  occupied 
the  south-eastern  slopes  of  the  Cordilleras  towards 
the  rich  valley  of  Oaxaca.  Many  more  spread 

themselves  over  the  broad  surface  of  the  table-land, 
which,  from  its  elevated  position,  reminded  them  of 
the  plateau  of  their  own  Castiles.  Here,  too,  they 
were  in  the  range  of  those  inexhaustible  mines 
which  have  since  poured  their  silver  deluge  over 
Europe.  The  mineral  resources  of  the  land  were 
not,  indeed,  fully  explored  or  comprehended  till  at  a 
much  later  period  ; but  some  few,  as  the  mines  of 
Zacatecas,  Guanuaxato,  and  Tasco,  — the  last  of 
which  was  also  known  in  Montezuma’s  time,  — 
had  begun  to  be  wrought  within  a generation  after 
the  Conquest.26 

But  the  best  wealth  of  the  first  settlers  was  in  the 


23  Clavigero,  Stor.  del  Messico,  Esposicion  de  Don  Lucas  Alaman, 
tom.  I.  p.  43.  — Humboldt,  Essai  (Mexico,  1828,)  p.  59. 

Politique,  tom.  III.  pp.  115,  145. — 


Ch.  II.] 


CULTIVATION  OF  THE  SOIL. 


269 


vegetable  products  of  the  soil,  whether  indigenous, 
or  introduced  from  abroad  by  the  wise  economy 
of  Cortes.  He  had  earnestly  recommended  the 
Crown  to  require  all  vessels  coming  to  the  country  to 
bring  over  a certain  quantity  of  seeds  and  plants.27 
He  made  it  a condition  of  the  grants  of  land  on  the 
plateau,  that  the  proprietor  of  every  estate  should 
plant  a specified  number  of  vines  in  it.23  He  fur- 
ther stipulated,  that  no  one  should  get  a clear  title  to 
his  estate  until  he  had  occupied  it  eight  years.29  He 
knew  that  permanent  residence  could  alone  create 
that  interest  in  the  soil,  which  would  lead  to  its  effi- 
cient culture ; and  that  the  opposite  system  had 
caused  the  impoverishment  of  the  best  plantations 
in  the  Islands.  His  various  regulations,  some  of 
them  not  a little  distasteful  to  the  colonists,  aug- 
mented the  agricultural  resources  of  the  country  by 
the  addition  of  the  most  important  European  grains 
and  other  vegetables,  for  which  the  diversified  climate 
of  New  Spain  was  admirably  adapted.  The  sugar- 
cane was  transplanted  from  the  neighbouring  islands 
to  the  lower  level  of  the  country,  and,  together  with 
indigo,  cotton,  and  cochineal,  formed  a more  desir- 
able staple  for  the  colony  than  its  precious  metals. 

27  “ Paraque  cada  Navio  traiga  to  sea  obligado  a poner  en  ellos  en 

cierta  cantidad  de  Plantas,  y que  cada  un  ado  con  cada  cien  Indios 
no  pueda  salir  sin  ellas,  porque  se-  de  los  que  tuvieren  de  repartimien- 
ra  mucha  causa  para  la  Poblacion,  to  mil  sarmientos,  encogiendo  la 
y perpetuacion  de  ella.”  Rel.  Quar-  mejor  que  pudiese  hallar.”  Or- 
ta de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  denanzas  Municipales,  aiio  de  1524, 
397.  MS. 

28  “ Item,  que  cualquier  vesino  29  Ordenanzas  Municipales,  auo 
que  tubiere  Indios  de  repartimien-  de  1524,  MS. 


X. 


270  SUBSEQUENT  CAREER  OF  CORTES.  [Book  VII. 

Under  the  sun  of  the  tropics,  the  peach,  the  almond, 
the  orange,  the  vine,  and  the  olive,  before  un- 
known there,  flourished  in  the  gardens  of  the  table- 
land, at  an  elevation  twice  as  great,  as  that  at 
which  the  clouds  are  suspended  in  summer  above 
our  heads.  The  importation  of  a European  fruit 
or  vegetable  was  hailed  by  the  simple  colonists  with 
delight.  The  first  produce  of  the  exotic  was  cele- 
brated by  a festival,  and  the  guests  greeted  each 
other,  as  on  the  appearance  of  an  old  familiar  friend, 
who  called  up  the  remembrance  of  the  past,  and 
the  tender  associations  of  their  native  land. 

While  thus  occupied  with  the  internal  economy 
of  the  country,  Cortes  was  still  bent  on  his  great 
schemes  of  discovery  and  conquest.  In  the  pre- 
ceding Chapter  we  have  seen  him  fitting  out  a 
little  fleet  at  Zacatula,  to  explore  the  shores  of 
the  Pacific.  It  was  burnt  in  the  dock-yard,  when 
nearly  completed.  This  was  a serious  calamity, 
as  most  of  the  materials  were  to  be  transported 
across  the  country  from  Villa  Rica.  Cortes,  how- 
ever, with  his  usual  promptness,  took  measures  to 
repair  the  loss.  He  writes  to  the  emperor,  that 
another  squadron  will  soon  he  got  ready  at  the  same 
port,  and,  “ he  doubts  not,  will  put  his  Majesty  in 
possession  of  more  lands  and  kingdoms,  than  the 
nation  has  ever  heard  of ! ” 30  This  magnificent 

30  “ Tengo  de  ser  causa,  que  en  nuestra  Nacion  se  tiene  noti- 
Vuestra  Cesarea  Magestad  sea  en  cia.”  Rel.  Quarta  de  Cortes,  ap. 
estas  paries  Senor  de  mas  Reynos,  Lorenzana,  p.  374. 
v Senorios  que  los  que  hasta  hoy 


Ch.  II.] 


VOYAGES  AND  EXPEDITIONS. 


271 


vaunt  shows  the  common  sentiment  of  the  Span- 
iards at  that  time,  who  looked  on  the  Pacific  as  the 
famed  Indian  Ocean,  studded  with  golden  islands, 
and  teeming  with  the  rich  treasures  of  the  East. 

A principal  object  of  this  squadron  was  the  dis- 
covery of  a strait  which  should  connect  the  Atlantic 
with  the  Pacific.  Another  squadron,  consisting  of 
five  vessels,  was  fitted  out  in  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  to 
take  the  direction  of  Florida,  with  the  same  view  of 
detecting  a strait.  For  Cortes  trusted  — we,  at 
this  day,  may  smile  at  the  illusion  — that  one  might 
be  found  in  that  direction,  which  should  conduct  the 
navigator  to  those  waters  which  had  been  traversed 
by  the  keels  of  Magellan  ! 31 

The  discovery  of  a strait  was  the  great  object  to 
which  nautical  enterprise  in  that  day  was  directed, 
as  it  had  been  ever  since  the  time  of  Columbus.  It 
was  in  the  sixteenth  century  what  the  discovery  of 
the  North-west  passage  has  been  in  our  own  age ; 
the  great  ignis  fatuus  of  navigators.  The  vast  ex- 
tent of  the  American  continent  had  been  ascer- 
tained by  the  voyages  of  Cabot  in  the  North,  and 
of  Magellan  very  recently  in  the  South.  The  prox- 
imity, in  certain  quarters,  of  the  two  great  oceans 
that  washed  its  eastern  and  western  shores  had  been 
settled  by  the  discoveries  both  of  Balboa  and  of 


31  “ Much  as  I esteem  Hernan-  ion  shows  he  was  no  great  cos- 
do  Cortes,”  exclaims  Oviedo,  “ for  mographer.”  (Hist,  de  las  Ind., 
the  greatest  captain  and  most  prac-  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  41.)  Oviedo 
tised  in  military  matters  of  any  we  had  lived  to  see  its  fallacy, 
have  known,  I think  such  an  opin- 


272  SUBSEQUENT  CAREER  OF  CORTES.  [Book  VII. 

Cortes.  European  scholars  could  not  believe,  that 
Nature  had  worked  on  a plan  so  repugnant,  appa- 
rently, to  the  interests  of  humanity,  as  to  inter- 
pose, through  the  whole  length  of  the  great  con- 
tinent, such  a barrier  to  communication  between 
the  adjacent  waters.  The  correspondence  of  men 
of  science,32  the  instructions  of  the  Court,  the  letters 
of  Cortes,  like  those  of  Columbus,  touch  frequently 
on  this  favorite  topic.  “ Your  Majesty  may  be  as- 
sured,” he  writes,  “ that,  as  I know  how  much  you 
have  at  heart  the  discovery  of  this  great  secret  of  a 
strait,  I shall  postpone  all  interests  and  projects  of 
my  own,  some  of  them  of  the  highest  moment,  for 
the  fulfilment  of  this  great  object.”33 

It  was  partly  with  the  same  view,  that  the  gener- 
al caused  a considerable  armament  to  be  equipped 
and  placed  under  the  command  of  Christoval  de 
Olid,  the  brave  officer,  who,  as  the  reader  will  re- 
member, had  charge  of  one  of  the  great  divisions  of 
the  besieging  army.  He  was  to  steer  for  Honduras, 
and  plant  a colony  on  its  northern  coast.  A detach- 
ment of  Olid’s  squadron  was  afterwards  to  cruise 
along  its  southern  shore  towards  Darien  in  search  of 
the  mysterious  strait.  The  country  was  reported  to 
be  full  of  gold:  so  full,  that  “the  fishermen  used  gold 
weights  for  their  nets.”  The  life  of  the  Spanish 
discoverers  was  one  long  day-dream.  Illusion  after 
illusion  chased  one  another  like  the  bubbles  which 
the  child  throws  off  from  his  pipe,  as  bright,  as  beau- 


32  MartyT,  Opus  Epist.,  ep.  811.  33  Rel.  Quarta,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  385 


Ch.  II.] 


VOYAGES  AND  EXPEDITIONS. 


273 


tiful,  and  as  empty.  They  lived  in  a world  of  en- 
chantment.51 

Together  with  these  maritime  expeditions  Cortes 
fitted  out  a powerful  expedition  by  land.  It  was 
intrusted  to  Alvarado,  who,  with  a large  force  of 
Spaniards  and  Indians,  was  to  descend  the  southern 
slant  of  the  Cordilleras,  and  penetrate  into  the  coun- 
tries that  lay  beyond  the  rich  valley  of  Oaxaca. 
The  campaigns  of  this  bold  and  rapacious  chief  ter- 
minated in  the  important  conquest  of  Guatemala. 
The  general  required  his  captains  to  send  him  mi- 
nute accounts  of  the  countries  which  they  visited, 
the  productions  of  the  soil,  and  their  general  re- 
sources. The  result  was  several  valuable  and  inter- 
esting communications.36  In  his  instructions  for  the 
conduct  of  these  expeditions,  he  enjoined  a consid- 
erate treatment  of  the  natives,  and  inculcated  a poli- 
cy which  may  be  called  humane,  as  far  as  humanity 
is  compatible  with  a system  of  subjugation.36  Un- 


34  The  illusion  at  home  was  kept 
up,  in  some  measure,  by  the  daz- 
zling display  of  gold  and  jewels  re- 
mitted from  time  to  time,  wrought 
into  fanciful  and  often  fantastic 
forms.  One  of  the  articles  sent 
home  by  Cortes  was  a piece  of 
ordnance,  made  of  gold  and  sil- 
ver, of  very  fine  workmanship,  the 
metal  of  which  alone  cost  25,500 
pesos  de  oro.  Oviedo,  who  saw  it 
in  the  palace,  speaks  with  admira- 
tion of  this  magnificent  toy.  Hist, 
de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  41. 

35  Among  these  may  be  particu- 

VOL.  III.  3 5 


larly  mentioned  the  Letters  of  Al- 
varado and  Diego  de  Godoy,  trans- 
cribed by  Oviedo  in  his  Hist,  de 
las  Ind.,  MS.,  (lib.  33,  cap.  42- 
44,)  and  translated  by  Ramusio, 
for  his  rich  collection,  Viaggi,  tom. 
III. 

36  See,  among  others,  his  or- 
ders to  his  kinsman,  Francis  Cor- 
tes,— “Instruccion  Civil  y Militar 
por  la  Expedicion  de  la  Costa  de 
Colima.”  The  paper  is  dated  in 
1524,  and  forms  part  of  the  Munoz 
collection  of  MSS. 


274  SUBSEQUENT  CAREER  OF  CORTES.  [Book  VII. 

fortunately,  the  character  of  his  officers  too  often 
rendered  these  instructions  unavailing. 

In  the  prosecution  of  his  great  enterprises,  Cortes, 
within  three  short  years  after  the  Conquest,  had 
reduced  under  the  dominion  of  Castile  an  extent  of 
country  more  than  four  hundred  leagues  in  length, 
as  he  affirms,  on  the  Atlantic  coast,  and  more  than 
five  hundred  on  the  Pacific  ; and,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  a few  interior  provinces  of  no  great  import- 
ance, had  brought  them  to  a condition  of  entire  tran- 
quillity.37 In  accomplishing  this,  he  had  freely 
expended  the  revenues  of  the  Crown,  drawn  from 
tributes  similar  to  those  which  had  been  anciently 
paid  by  the  natives  to  their  own  sovereigns  ; and  he 
had,  moreover,  incurred  a large  debt  on  his  own  ac- 
count, for  which  he  demanded  remuneration  from 
government.  The  celebrity  of  his  name,  and  the 
dazzling  reports  of  the  conquered  countries,  drew 
crowds  of  adventurers  to  New  Spain,  who  furnished 
the  general  with  recruits  for  his  various  enterprises. 

Whoever  would  form  a just  estimate  of  this  re- 
markable man  must  not  confine  himself  to  the  his- 
tory of  the  Conquest.  His  military  career,  indeed, 
places  him  on  a level  with  the  greatest  captains  of 
his  age.  But  the  period  subsequent  to  the  Con- 
quest affords  different,  and  in  some  respects  nobler, 

37  Rel.  Quarta,  ap.  Lorenzana,  short  a time,  countries,  many  of 
p.  371.  them  so  rough  and  difficult  of  ac- 

“Well  may  we  wonder,”  ex-  cess,  that,  even  at  the  present  day, 
claims  his  archiepiscopal  editor,  we  can  hardly  penetrate  them!” 
“ that  Cortes  and  his  soldiers  could  Ibid.,  nota 
have  overrun  and  subdued,  in  so 


Ch.  II.] 


VOYAGES  AND  EXPEDITIONS. 


275 


points  of  view  for  the  study  of  his  character.  For 
we  then  see  him  devising  a system  of  government 
for  the  motley  and  antagonist  races,  so  to  speak, 
now  first  brought  under  a common  dominion;  re- 
pairing the  mischiefs  of  war ; and  employing  his  ef- 
forts to  detect  the  latent  resources  of  the  country, 
and  to  stimulate  it  to  its  highest  power  of  produc- 
tion. The  narrative  may  seem  tame,  after  the  recital 
of  exploits  as  bold  and  adventurous  as  those  of  a 
paladin  of  romance.  But  it  is  only  by  the  perusal 
of  this  narrative,  that  we  can  form  an  adequate 
conception  of  the  acute  and  comprehensive  genius 
of  Cortes. 


CHAPTER  III. 


Defection  of  Olid. — Dreadful  March  to  Honduras.  — Execu- 
tion of  Guatemozin.  — Dona  Marina.  — Arrival  at  Honduras. 

1524—  1526. 

In  the  last  Chapter  we  have  seen  that  Christoval 
de  Olid  was  sent  by  Cortes  to  plant  a colony  in 
Honduras.  The  expedition  was  attended  with  con- 
sequences which  had  not  been  foreseen.  Made  giddy 
by  the  possession  of  power,  Olid,  when  he  had 
reached  his  place  of  destination,  determined  to  as- 
sert an  independent  jurisdiction  for  himself.  His 
distance  from  Mexico,  he  flattered  himself,  might 
enable  him  to  do  so  with  impunity.  He  misunder- 
stood the  character  of  Cortes,  when  he  supposed 
that  any  distance  would  be  great  enough  to  shield  a 
rebel  from  his  vengeance. 

It  was  long  before  the  general  received  tidings  of 
Olid’s  defection.  But  no  sooner  was  he  satisfied 
of  this,  than  he  despatched  to  Honduras  a trusty 
captain  and  kinsman,  Francisco  de  las  Casas,  with 
directions  to  arrest  his  disobedient  officer.  Las 
Casas  was  wrecked  on  the  coast,  and  fell  into  Olid’s 
hands ; but  eventually  succeeded  in  raising  an  in- 
surrection in  the  settlement,  seized  the  person  of 


Ch.  III.] 


DEFECTION  OF  OLID. 


277 


Olid,  and  beheaded  that  unhappy  delinquent  in  the 
market-place  of  Naco.1 

Of  these  proceedings,  Cortes  learned  only  what 
related  to  the  shipwreck  of  his  lieutenant.  He  saw 
all  the  mischievous  consequences  that  must  arise 
from  Olid’s  example,  especially  if  his  defection  were 
to  go  unpunished.  He  determined  to  take  the  affair 
into  his  own  hands,  and  to  lead  an  expedition  in 
person  to  Honduras.  He  would  thus,  moreover,  be 
enabled  to  ascertain  from  personal  inspection  the 
resources  of  the  country,  which  were  reputed  great 
on  the  score  of  mineral  wealth ; and  would,  perhaps, 
detect  the  point  of  communication  between  the 
great  oceans,  which  had  so  long  eluded  the  efforts 
of  the  Spanish  discoverers.  He  was  still  further 
urged  to  this  step  by  the  uncomfortable  position  in 
which  he  had  found  himself  of  late  in  the  capital. 
Several  functionaries  had  recently  been  sent  from 
the  mother  country  for  the  ostensible  purpose  of  ad- 
ministering the  colonial  revenues.  But  they  served 
as  spies  on  the  general’s  conduct,  caused  him  many 
petty  annoyances,  and  sent  back  to  court  the  most 
malicious  reports  of  his  purposes  and  proceedings. 
Cortes,  in  short,  now  that  he  was  made  Governor- 
General  of  the  country,  had  less  real  power  than 
when  he  held  no  legal  commission  at  all. 

The  Spanish  force  which  he  took  with  him  did 
not  probably  exceed  a hundred  horse  and  forty  or 
perhaps  fifty  foot ; to  which  were  added  about  three 


1 Carta  Quinta  de  Cortes,  MS. 


278  SUBSEQUENT  CAREER  OF  CORTES.  [Book  Vll. 

i ■ * t 

+bousand  Indian  auxiliaries.2  Among  them  were 
Juatemozin  and  the  cacique  of  Tacuba,  with  a few 
others  of  highest  rank,  whose  consideration  with  their 
countrymen  would  make  them  an  obvious  nucleus, 
round  which  disaffection  might  gather.  The  gen- 
eral’s personal  retinue  consisted  of  several  pages, 
young  men  of  good  family,  and  among  them  Mon- 
tejo,  the  future  conqueror  of  Yucatan ; a butler  and 
steward ; several  musicians,  dancers,  jugglers,  and 
buffoons,  showing,  it  might  seem,  more  of  the  ef- 
feminacy of  an  Oriental  satrap,  than  the  hardy  valor 
of  a Spanish  cavalier.3  Yet  the  imputation  of  ef- 
feminacy is  sufficiently  disproved  by  the  terrible 
march  which  he  accomplished. 

On  the  12th  of  October,  1524,  Cortes  commenced 
his  march.  As  he  descended  the  sides  of  the  Cor- 
dilleras, he  was  met  by  many  of  his  old  compan- 
ions in  arms,  who  greeted  their  commander  with 
a hearty  welcome,  and  some  of  them  left  their  es- 
tates to  join  the  expedition.4  He  halted  in  the  pro- 
vince of  Coatzacualco,  (Huasacualco,)  until  he  could 
receive  intelligence  respecting  his  route  from  the 
natives  of  Tabasco.  They  furnished  him  with  a 

2 Carta  de  Albornos,  MS.,  Mex-  4 Among  these  was  Captain 

ico,  Dec.  15,  1525.  — Carta  Quin-  Diaz,  who,  however,  left  the  pleas- 
ta  de  Cortes,  MS.  ant  farm,  which  he  occupied  i-n 

The  authorities  do  not  precisely  the  province  of  Coatzacualco,  with 
agree  as  to  the  numbers,  which  a very  ill  grace,  to  accompany  the 
were  changing,  probably,  with  ev-  expedition.  “ But  Cortes  com- 
ery  step  of  their  march  across  the  manded  it,  and  we  dared  not  say 
table-land.  no,”  says  the  veteran.  Ibid.,  cap. 

3 Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Con-  175. 

quista,  cap.  174. 


h.  Ill/]  DREADFUL  MARCH  TO  HONDURAS. 


279 


map,  exhibiting  the  principal  places  whither  the  In- 
dian traders,  who  wandered  over  these  wild  regions, 
were  in  the  habit  of  resorting.  With  the  aid  of  this 
map,  a compass,  and  such  guides  as  from  time  to 
time  he  could  pick  up  on  his  journey,  he  proposed 
to  traverse  that  broad  and  level  tract  which  forms 
the  base  of  Yucatan,  and  spreads  from  the  Coatza- 
cualco  river  to  the  head  of  the  Gulf  of  Honduras 
“ I shall  give  your  Majesty,”  he  begins  his  celebrat- 
ed Letter  to  the  emperor,  describing  this  expedition, 
“ an  account,  as  usual,  of  the  most  remarkable 
events  of  my  journey,  every  one  of  which  might 
form  the  subject  of  a separate  narration.”  Cortes 
did  not  exaggerate.5 

The  beginning  of  the  march  lay  across  a low  and 
marshy  level,  intersected  by  numerous  little  streams, 
which  form  the  head  waters  of  the  Rio  de  Tabasco, 
and  of  the  other  rivers  that  discharge  themselves, 
to  the  north,  into  the  Mexican  Gulf.  The  smaller 
streams  they  forded,  or  passed  in  canoes,  suffering 
their  horses  to  swim  across  as  they  held  them  by 


5 This  celebrated  Letter,  which 
has  never  been  published,  is  usual- 
ly designated  as  the  Carta  Quinta , 
or  “ Fifth  Letter,”  of  Cortes.  It 
is  nearly  as  long  as  the  longest 
of  the  printed  letters  of  the  Con- 
queror, is  written  in  the  same 
clear,  simple,  business-like  man- 
ner, and  is  as  full  of  interest  as 
any  of  the  preceding.  It  gives  a 
minute  account  of  the  expedition 
to  Honduras,  together  with  events 


that  occurred  in  the  year  follow- 
ing. It  bears  no  date,  but  was 
probably  written  in  that  year  from 
Mexico.  The  original  manuscript 
is  in  the  Imperial  Library  at  Vien- 
na, which,  as  the  German  sceptre 
was  swayed  at  that  time  by  the 
same  hand  which  held  the  Casti- 
lian, contains  many  documents  of 
value  for  the  illustration  of  Span- 
ish history. 


280 


SUBSEQUENT  CAREER  OF  CORTES.  [Book  VII. 


the  bridle.  Rivers  of  more  formidable  size  they 
crossed  on  floating  bridges.  It  gives  one  some  idea 
of  the  difficulties  they  had  to  encounter  in  this  way, 
when  it  is  stated,  that  the  Spaniards  were  obliged  to 
construct  no  less  than  fifty  of  these  bridges  in  a 
distance  of  less  than  a hundred  miles ! s One  of 
them  was  more  than  nine  hundred  paces  in  length. 
Their  troubles  were  much  augmented  by  the  diffi- 
culty of  obtaining  subsistence,  as  the  natives  fre- 
quently set  fire  to  the  villages  on  their  approach, 
leaving  to  the  way-worn  adventurers  only  a pile  of 
smoking  ruins. 

It  would  be  useless  to  encumber  the  page  with 
the  names  of  Indian  towns  which  lay  in  the  route 
of  the  army,  but  which  may  be  now  obsolete,  and,  at 
all  events,  have  never  found  their  way  into  a map 
of  the  country.6 7  The  first  considerable  place  which 
they  reached  was  Iztapan,  pleasantly  situated  in  the 
midst  of  a fruitful  region,  on  the  banks  of  one  of  the 
tributaries  of  the  Rio  de  Tabasco.  Such  was  the 

6 “ Es  tierra  mui  baja  y de  mu-  cosmographers,  in  order  to  deter- 

chas  sienegas,  tanto  que  en  tiempo  mine  the  route  of  Cortes.  An  in- 
de  invierno  no  se  puede  andar,  ni  estimable  collection  of  these  maps, 
se  sirve  sino  en  canoas,  y con  pa-  made  by  the  learned  German, 
sarla  yo  en  tiempo  de  seca,  desde  Ebeling,  is  to  be  found  in  the  li- 
la  entrada  hasta  la  salida  de  ella,  brary  of  Harvard  University.  I 
que  puede  aver  veinti  leguas,  se  can  detect  on  them  only  four  or 
hizidron  mas  de  cinquenta  puentes,  five  of  the  places  indicated  by  the 
que  sin  se  hazer,  fuera  imposible  general.  They  are  the  places  men- 
pasar.  Carta  Quinta  de  Cortes,  tioned  in  the  text,  and,  though 
MS.  few,  may  serve  to  show  the  gen- 

7 I have  examined  some  of  the  eral  direction  of  the  march  of  the 
most  ancient  maps  of  the  country,  army. 

by  Spanish,  French,  and  Dutch 


Ch.  III.]  DREADFUL  MARCH  TO  HONDURAS.  281 

extremity  to  which  the  Spaniards  had  already,  in  the 
course  of  a few  weeks,  been  reduced  by  hunger  and 
fatigue,  that  the  sight  of  a village  in  these  dreary 
solitudes  was  welcomed  by  his  followers,  says  Cortes, 
“ with  a shout  of  joy  that  was  echoed  back  from  all 
the  surrounding  woods.”  The  army  was  now  at  no 
great  distance  from  the  ancient  city  of  Palenque,  the 
subject  of  so  much  speculation  in  our  time.  The 
village  of  Las  Tres  Cruzes , indeed,  situated  be- 
tween twenty  and  thirty  miles  from  Palenque,  is  said 
still  to  commemorate  the  passage  of  the  Conquer- 
ors by  the  existence  of  three  crosses  which  they  left 
there.  Yet  no  allusion  is  made  to  the  ancient  capi- 
tal. Was  it  then  the  abode  of  a populous  and  flour- 
ishing community,  such  as  once  occupied  it,  to  judge 
from  the  extent  and  magnificence  of  its  remains  ? 
Or  was  it,  even  then,  a heap  of  mouldering  ruins, 
buried  in  a wilderness  of  vegetation,  and  thus  hid- 
den from  the  knowledge  of  the  surrounding  country  ? 
if  the  former,  the  silence  of  Cortes  is  not  easy  to 
be  explained. 

On  quitting  Iztapan,  the  Spaniards  struck  across 
a country  having  the  same  character  of  a low  and 
marshy  soil,  chequered  by  occasional  patches  of  cul- 
tivation, and  covered  with  forests  of  cedar  and  Bra- 
zil wood,  which  seemed  absolutely  interminable. 
The  overhanging  foliage  threw  so  deep  a shade,  that, 
as  Cortes  says,  the  soldiers  could  not  see  where 
to  set  their  feet.8  To  add  to  their  perplexity,  their 

8 “ Donde  se  ponian  los  pies  en  el  suelo  a$ia  arriba  la  claxidad  del 

VOL.  III.  36 


282  SUBSEQUENT  CAREER  OF  CORTES.  [Book  VII. 

guides  deserted  them;  and,  when  they  climbed  to  the 
summits  of  the  tallest  trees,  they  could  see  only  the 
same  cheerless,  interminable  line  of  waving  woods. 
The  compass  and  the  map  furnished  the  only  clue 
to  extricate  them  from  this  gloomy  labyrinth ; and 
Cortes  and  his  officers,  among  whom  was  the  com 
stant  Sandoval,  spreading  out  their  chart  on  the 
ground,  anxiously  studied  the  probable  direction  of 
their  route.  Their  scanty  supplies  meanwhile  had 
entirely  failed  them,  and  they  appeased  the  cravings 
of  appetite  by  such  roots  as  they  dug  out  of  the 
earth,  or  by  the  nuts  and  berries  that  grew  wild  in 
the  woods.  Numbers  fell  sick,  and  many  of  the 
Indians  sank  by  the  way,  and  died  of  absolute  star- 
vation. 

"When,  at  length,  the  troops  emerged  from  these 
dismal  forests,  their  path  was  crossed  by  a river  of 
great  depth,  and  far  wider  than  any  which  they 
had  hitherto  traversed.  The  soldiers,  dishearten- 
ed, broke  out  into  murmurs  against  their  leader, 
who  was  plunging  them  deeper  and  deeper  in  a 
boundless  wilderness,  where  they  must  lay  their 
bones.  It  was  in  vain  that  Cortes  encouraged  them 
to  construct  a floating  bridge,  which  might  take 
them  to  the  opposite  bank  of  the  river.  It  seemed 
a work  of  appalling  magnitude,  to  which  their  wast- 
ed strength  was  unequal.  He  was  more  successful 
in  his  appeal  to  the  Indian  auxiliaries,  till  his  own 

cielo  no  se  veia,  tanta  era  la  es-  podian  descubrir  un  tiro  de  pie- 
pesura  y alteza  de  los  arboles,  que  dra.”  Carta  Quinta  de  Cortes, 
aunque  se  subian  en  algunos,  no  MS. 


Oh.  HI.]  DREADFUL  MARCH  TO  HONDURAS.  283 

men,  put  to  shame  by  the  ready  obedience  of  the 
latter,  engaged  in  the  work  with  a hearty  good-will, 
which  enabled  them,  although  ready  to  drop  from 
fatigue,  to  accomplish  it  at  the  end  of  four  days. 
It  was,  indeed,  the  only  expedient  by  which  they 
could  hope  to  extricate  themselves  from  their  peril- 
ous situation.  The  bridge  consisted  of  one  thousand 
pieces  of  timber,  each  of  the  thickness  of  a man’s 
body  and  full  sixty  feet  long.9  When  we  consider 
that  the  timber  was  all  standing  in  the  forest  at  the 
commencement  of  the  labor,  it  must  be  admitted  to 
have  been  an  achievement  worthy  of  the  Spaniards. 
The  well-compacted  beams  presented  a solid  struc- 
ture, which  nothing,  says  Cortes,  but  fire  could  de- 
stroy. It  excited  the  admiration  of  the  natives, 
who  came  from  a great  distance  to  see  it ; and  “ the 
bridge  of  Cortes  ” remained  for  many  a year  the 
enduring  monument  of  that  commander’s  energy  and 
perseverance. 

The  arrival  of  the  army  on  the  opposite  bank  of 
the  river  involved  them  in  new  difficulties.  The 
ground  was  so  soft  and  saturated  with  water,  that 
the  horses  floundered  up  to  their  girths,  and,  some- 
times plunging  into  quagmires,  were  nearly  buried 
in  the  mud.  It  was  with  the  greatest  difficulty  that 
they  could  be  extricated  by  covering  the  wet  soil 
with  the  foliage  and  the  boughs  of  trees,  when  a 
stream  of  water,  which  forced  its  way  through  the 


9 “ Porque  lleva  mas  que  mil  y de  nueve  y diez  brazas  en  lar- 
bigas,  que  lamenor  es  casi  tan  gor-  go.”  Carta  Quinta  de  Cortes, 
da  como  un  cuerpo  de  un  hombre,  MS. 


284 


SUBSEQUENT  CAREER  OF  CORTES.  [Book  VII. 


heart  of  the  morass,  furnished  the  jaded  animals  with 
the  means  of  effecting  their  escape  by  swimming.10 
As  the  Spaniards  emerged  from  these  slimy  depths, 
they  came  on  a broad  and  rising  ground,  which,  by 
its  cultivated  fields  teeming  with  maize,  agi,  or 
pepper  of  the  country,  and  the  yuca  plant,  intimated 
their  approach  to  the  capital  of  the  fruitful  province 
of  Aculan.  It  was  in  the  beginning  of  Lent,  1525, 
a period  memorable  for  an  event  of  which  I shall 
give  the  particulars  from  the  narrative  of  Cortes. 

The  general  at  this  place  was  informed  by  one  of 
the  Indian  converts  in  his  train,  that  a conspiracy  had 
been  set  on  foot  by  Guatemozin,  with  the  cacique  of 
Tacuba,  and  some  other  of  the  principal  Indian  no- 
bles, to  massacre  the  Spaniards.  They  would  seize 
the  moment  when  the  army  should  be  entangled  in 
the  passage  of  some  defile,  or  some  frightful  morass 
like  that  from  which  it  had  just  escaped,  where, 
taken  at  disadvantage,  it  could  be  easily  overpowered 
by  the  superior  number  of  the  Mexicans.  After  the 
slaughter  of  the  troops,  the  Indians  would  continue 


10  “ Pasada  toda  la  gente  y ca- 
vallos de  la  otra  parte  del  alcon 
dlmos  luego  en  una  gran  (jienega, 
que  durava  bien  tres  tiros  de  bal- 
lesta,  la  cosa  mas  espantosa  que 
jamas  las  gentes  vieron,  donde  to- 
dos  los  cavallos  deseneillados  se 
sumieron  hasta  las  orejas  sin  pa- 
recerse  otra  cosa,  y querer  for$e- 
jar  a salir,  sumianse  mas,  de  mane- 
ra  que  alii  perdimos  toda  la  espe- 
ranza  de  poder  escapar  cavallos 
ningunos,  pero  todavia  comenza- 


mos  a trabajar  y componerles  haces 
de  yerba  y ramas  grandes  de  bajo, 
sobre  que  se  sostuviesen  y no  se 
sumiesen,  remediavanse  algo,  y 
andando  trabajando  y yendo  y vi- 
niendo  de  la  una  parte  a la  otra, 
abriose  por  medio  de  un  calejon  de 
agua  y cieno,  que  los  cavallos  co- 
menzaron  algo  a nadar,  y con  esto 
plugo  a nuestro  Sefior  que  salieron 
todos  sin  peligro  ninguno.”  Carta 
Quinta  de  Cortes,  MS. 


Ch.  III.] 


EXECUTION  OF  GUATEMOZIN. 


285 


their  march  to  Honduras,  and  cut  off  the  Spanish 
settlements  there.  Their  success  would  lead  to  a 
rising  in  the  capital,  and,  indeed,  throughout  the 
land,  until  every  Spaniard  should  be  exterminated, 
and  the  vessels  in  the  ports  be  seized,  and  secured 
from  carrying  the  tidings  across  the  waters. 

No  sooner  had  Cortes  learned  the  particulars  of 
this  formidable  plot,  than  he  arrested  Guatemozin 
and  the  principal  Aztec  lords  in  his  train.  The 
latter  admitted  the  fact  of  the  conspiracy,  but  al- 
leged, that  it  had  been  planned  by  Guatemozin,  and 
that  they  had  refused  to  come  into  it.  Guatemozin 
and  the  chief  of  Tacuba  neither  admitted  nor  denied 
the  truth  of  the  accusation,  but  maintained  a dogged 
silence.  — Such  is  the  statement  of  Cortes.11  Bernal 
Diaz,  however,  who  was  present  in  the  expedition, 
assures  us,  that  both  Guatemozin  and  the  cacique  of 
Tacuba  avowed  their  innocence.  They  had,  indeed, 
they  said,  talked  more  than  once  together  of  the 
sufferings  they  were  then  enduring,  and  had  said, 
that  death  was  preferable  to  seeing  so  many  of  their 
poor  followers  dying  daily  around  them.  They  ad- 
mitted, also,  that  a project  for  rising  on  the  Spaniards 
had  been  discussed  by  some  of  the  Aztecs  ; but  Gua- 
temozin had  discouraged  it  from  the  first,  and  no 
scheme  of  the  kind  could  have  been  put  into  execu- 
tion without  his  knowledge  and  consent.12  These 
protestations  did  not  avail  the  unfortunate  princes ; 
and  Cortes,  having  satisfied,  or  affected  to  satisfy, 


11  Carta  Quinta  de  Cortes,  MS.  12  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  177. 


286  SUBSEQUENT  CAREER  OF  CORTES.  [Book  VII 

himself  of  their  guilt,  ordered  them  to  immediate 
execution. 

When  brought  to  the  fatal  tree,  Guatemozin  dis- 
played the  intrepid  spirit  worthy  of  his  better  days. 
“ I knew  what  it  was,”  said  he,  “ to  trust  to  your 
false  promises,  Malinche  ; I knew  that  you  had  des- 
tined me  to  this  fate,  since  I did  not  fall  by  my  own 
hand  when  you  entered  my  city  of  Tenochtitlan. 
Why  do  you  slay  me  so  unjustly  ? God  will  demand 
it  of  you  ! ” 13  The  cacique  of  Tacuba,  protesting 
his  innocence,  declared,  that  he  desired  no  better  lot 
than  to  die  by  the  side  of  his  lord.  The  unfortu- 
nate princes,  with  one  or  more  inferior  nobles,  (for 
the  number  is  uncertain,)  were  then  executed  by 
beiim  hung  from  the  huge  branches  of  a ceiba  tree, 
which  overshadowed  the  road.14 

Such  was  the  sad  end  of  Guatemozin,  the  Iasi 
emperor  of  the  Aztecs,  if  we  might  not  rather  call 
him  “ the  last  of  the  Aztecs”;  since,  from  this  time, 
broken  in  spirit  and  without  a head,  the  remnant  of 
the  nation  resigned  itself,  almost  without  a struggle, 
to  the  stern  yoke  of  its  oppressors.  Among  all  the 
names  of  barbarian  princes,  there  are  few  entitled 


13  Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 

14  According  to  Diaz,  both  Gua- 
temozin and  the  prince  of  Tacuba 
had  embraced  the  religion  of  their 
conquerors,  and  were  confessed 
by  a Franciscan  friar  before  their 
execution.  We  are  further  assur- 
ed by  the  same  authority,  that 
“ they  were,  for  Indians,  very 


good  Christians,  and  believed  well 
and  truly.”  (Ibid.,  loc.  cit.)  One 
is  reminded  of  the  last  hours  of 
Caupolican,  converted  to  Christi- 
anity by  the  same  men  who  tied 
him  to  the  stake.  See  the  scene, 
painted  in  the  frightful  coloring  of 
a master  hand,  in  the  Araucana, 
Canto  34. 


Ch.  III.] 


EXECUTION  OF  GUATEMOZIN. 


287 


to  a higher  place  on  the  roll  of  fame  than  that  of 
Guatemozin.  He  was  young,  and  his  public  career 
was  not  long ; but  it  was  glorious.  He  was  called 
to  the  throne  in  the  convulsed  and  expiring  hours  of 
the  monarchy,  when  the  banded  nations  of  Anahuac 
and  the  fierce  European  were  thundering  at  the 
gates  of  the  capital.  It  was  a post  of  tremendous 
responsibility;  but  Guatemozin’s  conduct  fully  justi- 
fied the  choice  of  him  to  fill  it.  No  one  can  refuse 
his  admiration  to  the  intrepid  spirit  which  could 
prolong  a defence  of  his  city,  while  one  stone  was 
left  upon  another ; and  our  sympathies,  for  the  time, 
are  inevitably  thrown  more  into  the  scale  of  the 
rude  chieftain,  thus  battling  for  his  country’s  free- 
dom, than  into  that  of  his  civilized  and  success- 
ful antagonist.15 

In  reviewing  the  circumstances  of  Guatemozin’s 
death,  one  cannot  attach  much  weight  to  the  charge 
of  conspiracy  brought  against  him.  That  the  In- 
dians, brooding  over  their  wrongs  and  present  suffer- 
ings, should  have  sometimes  talked  of  revenge  would 
not  be  surprising.  But  that  any  chimerical  scheme 
of  an  insurrection,  like  that  above  mentioned,  should 

15  Guatemozin’s  beautiful  wife,  winning  in  her  deportment,  and  as 
the  princess  Tecuichpo,  the  daugh-  having  contributed  greatly,  by  her 
ter  of  Montezuma,  lived  long  example,  and  the  deference  with 
enough  after  his  death  to  give  her  which  she  inspired  the  Aztecs,  to 
hand  to  three  Castilians,  all  of  no-  the  tranquillity  of  the  conquered 
ble  descent.  (See  Ante,  Vol.II.  p.  country.  — This  pleasing  portrait, 
351,  note  36.)  She  is  described  as  it  may  be  well  enough  to  mention, 
having  been  as  well  instructed  in  is  by  the  hand  of  her  husband,  Don 
the  Catholic  faith  as  any  woman  Thoan  Cano.  See  Appendix,  Part 
in  CasAile,  as  most  gracious  and  2,  No.  11. 


288 


SUBSEQUENT  CAREER  OF  CORTES.  [Book  VII, 


have  been  set  on  foot,  or  even  sanctioned  by  Guate- 
mozin,  is  altogether  improbable.  That  prince’s  ex- 
planation of  the  affair,  as  given  by  Diaz,  is,  to  say 
the  least,  quite  as  deserving  of  credit  as  the  accusa- 
tion of  the  Indian  informer. 16  The  defect  of  tes- 
timony and  the  distance  of  time  make  it  difficult 
for  us,  at  the  present  day,  to  decide  the  question. 
We  have  a surer  criterion  of  the  truth  in  the  opin- 
ion of  those  who  were  eyewitnesses  of  the  trans- 
action. It  is  given  in  the  words  of  the  old  chron- 
icler, so  often  quoted.  “ The  execution  of  Guate- 
mozin,”  says  Diaz,  “ was  most  unjust ; and  was 
thought  wrong  by  all  of  us.”  17 

The  most  probable  explanation  of  the  affair  seems 
to  be,  that  Guatemozin  was  a troublesome  and,  in- 
deed, formidable  captive.  Thus  much  is  intimated 
by  Cortes  himself,  in  his  Letter  to  the  emperor.18 
The  fallen  sovereign  of  Mexico,  by  the  ascendency 
of  his  character,  as  well  as  by  his  previous  station, 
maintained  an  influence  over  his  countrymen,  which 
would  have  enabled  him  with  a breath,  as  it  were, 


16  The  Indian  chroniclers  regard 
the  pretended  conspiracy  of  Gua- 
temozin as  an  invention  of  Cortes. 
The  informer  himself,  when  after- 
wards put  to  the  torture  by  the 
cacique  of  Tezcuco,  declared  that 
he  had  made  no  revelation  of  this 
nature  to  the  Spanish  commander. 
Ixtlilxochitl  vouches  for  the  truth 
of  this  story.  (Venida  de  los 
Esp.,  pp.  83-93.)  But  who  will 
vouch  for  Ixtlixochitl  ? 


17  “ Y fue  esta  muerte  que  les 
dieron  muy  injustamente  dada,  v 
parecio  mal  a todos  los  que  ibamos 
aquella  jornada.”  Hist,  dela  Con- 
quista,  cap.  177. 

18  “Guatemazin,  Seiior  que  fud 
de  esta  Ciudad  de  Temixtitan,  a 
quien  yo  despues  que  la  gane  he 
tenido  siempre  preso,  teniendole 
por  hombre  bullicioso,  y le  llev6 
conmigo.”  Carta  Quinta,  MS. 


Ch.  111.] 


EXECUTION  OF  GUATEMOZIN. 


289 


to  rouse  their  smothered,  not  extinguished,  animosity 
into  rebellion.  The  Spaniards,  during  the  first  years 
after  the  Conquest,  lived  in  constant  apprehension 
of  a rising  of  the  Aztecs.  This  is  evident  from  nu- 
merous passages  in  the  writings  of  the  time.  It 
was  under  the  same  apprehension,  that  Cortes  con- 
sented to  embarrass  himself  with  his  royal  captive 
on  this  dreary  expedition.  And  in  such  distrust  did 
he  hold  him,  that,  even  while  in  Mexico,  he  neither 
rode  abroad,  nor  walked  to  any  great  distance,  ac- 
cording to  Gomara,  without  being  attended  by  Gua- 
temozin.19 

Parties  standing  in  such  relations  to  each  other 
could  have  been  the  objects  only  of  mutual  distrust 
and  aversion.  The  forlorn  condition  of  the  Span- 
iards on  the  present  march,  which  exposed  them,  in 
a peculiar  degree,  to  any  sudden  assault  from  their 
wily  Indian  vassals,  increased  the  suspicions  of  Cor- 
tes. Thus  predisposed  to  think  ill  of  Guatemozin, 
the  general  lent  a ready  ear  to  the  first  accusation 
against  him.  Charges  were  converted  into  proofs, 
and  condemnation  followed  close  upon  the  charges. 
By  a single  blow  he  proposed  to  rid  himself  and  the 
state  for  ever  of  a dangerous  enemy,  — the  more 
dangerous,  that  he  was  an  enemy  in  disguise.  Had 
he  but  consulted  his  own  honor  and  his  good  name, 
Guatemozin’s  head  should  have  been  the  last  on 

19  “ Y le  hacian  aquella  mesma  Ciudad  a Caballo,  si  cavalgaba,  i 
reverencia,  i ceremonias,  que  a sino  a pie  como  el  iba.”  Cronica, 
Moteccuma.  i creo  que  por  eso  le  cap.  170. 
llevaba  siempre  consigo  por  la 

VOL.  III.  37 


290  SUBSEQUENT  CAREER  OF  CORTES.  [Book  VII 

which  he  should  have  suffered  an  injury  to  fall. 
“ He  should  have  cherished  him,”  to  borrow  the 
homely  simile  of  his  encomiast,  Gomara,  “ like  gold 
in  a napkin,  as  the  best  trophy  of  his  victories.” 20 

Whatever  may  have  been  the  real  motives  of  Ins 
conduct  in  this  affair,  it  seems  to  have  left  the  mind 
of  Cortes  but  ill  at  ease.  For  a long  time  he  was 
moody  and  irritable,  and  found  it  difficult  to  sleep  at 
night.  On  one  occasion,  as  he  was  pacing  an  upper 
chamber  of  a teocalli  in  which  he  was  quartered,  he 
missed  his  footing  in  the  dark,  and  was  precipitated 
from  a height  of  some  twelve  feet  to  the  ground, 
which  occasioned  him  a severe  contusion  on  the 
head,  — a thing  too  palpable  to  be  concealed,  though 
he  endeavoured,  says  the  gossiping  Diaz,  to  hide  the 
knowledge  of  it,  as  well  as  he  could,  from  the 
soldiers.21 

It  was  not  long  after  the  sad  scene  of  Guate- 
mozin’s  execution,  that  the  wearied  troops  entered 
the  head  town  of  the  great  province  of  Aculan  ; a 
thriving  community  of  traders,  who  carried  on  a prof- 
itable traffic  with  the  furthest  quarters  of  Central 
America.  Cortes  notices  in  general  terms  the  ex- 
cellence and  beauty  of  the  buildings,  and  the  hos- 
pitable reception  which  he  experienced  from  the 
inhabitants. 

After  renewing  their  strength  in  these  comfortable 

20  “ I Cortes  debiera  guardarlo  21  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  ubi 
vivo,  como  Oro  en  paiio,  que  era  supra, 
el  triumpho,  i gloria  de  sus  Victo- 
rias.” Crdnica,  cap.  170. 


Ch.  III.]  DONA  MARINA.  291 

quarters,  the  Spaniards  left  the  capital  of  Aculan,  the 
name  of  which  is  to  be  found  on  no  map,  and  held 
on  their  toilsome  way  in  the  direction  of  what  is 
now  called  the  Lake  of  Peten.  It  was  then  the 
property  of  an  emigrant  tribe  of  the  hardy  Maya 
family,  and  their  capital  stood  on  an  island  in  the 
lake,  “ with  its  houses  and  lofty  teocallis  glistening 
in  the  sun,”  says  Bernal  Diaz,  “ so  that  it  might  be 
seen  for  the  distance  of  two  leagues.”22  These  edi- 
fices, built  by  one  of  the  races  of  Yucatan,  displayed, 
doubtless,  the  same  peculiarities  of  construction  as 
the  remains  still  to  be  seen  in  that  remarkable  pen- 
insula. But,  whatever  may  have  been  their  archi- 
tectural merits,  they  are  disposed  of  in  a brief  sen- 
tence by  the  Conquerors. 

The  inhabitants  of  the  island  showed  a friendly 
spirit,  and  a docility  unlike  the  warlike  temper  of 
their  countrymen  of  Yucatan.  They  willingly  lis- 
tened to  the  Spanish  missionaries  who  accompanied 
the  expedition,  as  they  expounded  the  Christian 
doctrines  through  the  intervention  of  Marina.  The 
Indian  interpreter  was  present  throughout  this  long 
march,  the  last  in  which  she  remained  at  the  side  of 
Cortes.  As  this,  too,  is  the  last  occasion  on  which 
she  will  appear  in  these  pages,  I will  mention,  before 
parting  with  her,  an  interesting  circumstance  that 
occurred  when  the  army  was  traversing  the  province 
of  Coatzacualco.  This,  it  may  be  remembered,  was 
the  native  country  of  Marina,  where  her  infamous 


22  Ibid.,  cap.  178. 


292  SUBSEQUENT  CAREER  OF  CORTES.  [Book  VII 

mother  sold  her,  when  a child,  to  some  foreign 
traders,  in  order  'to  secure  her  inheritance  to  a 
younger  brother.  Cortes  halted  for  some  days  at 
this  place,  to  hold  a conference  with  the  surrounding 
caciques,  on  matters  of  government  and  religion. 
Among  those  summoned  to  this  meeting  was  Mari- 
na’s mother,  who  came,  attended  by  her  son.  No 
sooner  did  they  make  their  appearance,  than  all  were 
struck  with  the  great  resemblance  of  the  cacique  to 
her  daughter.  The  two  parties  recognised  each 
other,  though  they  had  not  met  since  their  separa- 
tion. The  mother,  greatly  terrified,  fancied  that 
she  had  been  decoyed  into  a snare,  in  order  to  pun- 
ish her  inhuman  conduct.  But  Marina  instantly  ran 
up  to  her,  and  endeavoured  to  allay  her  fears,  assur- 
ing her  that  she  should  receive  no  harm,  and,  ad- 
dressing the  by-standers,  said,  “ that  she  was  sure 
her  mother  knew  not  what  she  did,  when  she  sold 
her  to  the  traders,  and  that  she  forgave  her.”  Then 
tenderly  embracing  her  unnatural  parent,  she  gave 
her  such  jewels  and  other  little  ornaments  as  she 
wore  about  her  own  person,  to  win  back,  as  it  would 
seem,  her  lost  affection.  Marina  added,  that  “ she 
felt  much  happier  than  before,  now  that  she  had 
been  instructed  in  the  Christian  faith,  and  given  up 
the  bloody  worship  of  the  Aztecs.”23 

In  the  course  of  the  expedition  to  Honduras, 
Cortes  gave  Marina  away  to  a Castilian  knight, 

23  Diaz,  who  was  present,  at-  todo  esto  que  digo,se  )o  oi  muy 
tests  the  truth  of  this  account  by  certificadamente  y se  lo  juro, 
the  most  solemn  adjuration.  “Y  amen.”  Ibid.,  cap.  37. 


Cu.  III.] 


DONA  MARINA. 


293 


Don  Juan  Xamarillo,  to  whom  she  was  wedded  as 
his  lawful  wife.  She  had  estates  assigned  to  her  in 
her  native  province,  where  she  probably  passed  the 
remainder  of  her  days.  From  this  time,  the  name 
of  Marina  disappears  from  the  page  of  history.  But 
it  has  been  always  held  in  grateful  remembrance 
by  the  Spaniards,  for  the  important  aid  which  she 
gave  them  in  effecting  the  Conquest,  and  by  the 
natives,  for  the  kindness  and  sympathy  which  she 
showed  them  in  their  misfortunes.  Many  an  Indian 
ballad  commemorates  the  gentle  virtues  of  Malinche, 
— her  Aztec  epithet.  Even  now  her  spirit,  if  report 
be  true,  watches  over  the  capital  which  she  helped 
to  win  ; and  the  peasant  is  occasionally  startled  by 
the  apparition  of  an  Indian  princess,  dimly  seen 
through  the  evening  shadows,  as  it  flits  among  the 
groves  and  grottos  of  the  royal  Hill  of  Chapol- 
tepec.24 

By  the  Conqueror,  Marina  left  one  son,  Don 
Martin  Cortes.  He  rose  to  high  consideration,  and 
was  made  a comendador  of  the  order  of  St.  Jago. 
He  was  subsequently  suspected  of  treasonable  de- 
signs against  the  government ; and  neither  his  pa- 
rents’ extraordinary  services,  nor  his  own  deserts, 
could  protect  him  from  a cruel  persecution ; and  in 
1568,  the  son  of  Hernando  Cortes  was  shamefully 
subjected  to  the  torture  in  the  very  capital  which 
his  father  had  acquired  for  the  Castilian  Crown ! 

24  Life  in  Mexico,  let.  8.  to  have  been  favored  with  a sight 

The  fair  author  does  not  pretend  of  the  apparition. 


294  SUBSEQUENT  CAREER  OF  CORTES.  [Book  VII 

The  inhabitants  of  the  isles  of  Peten  — to  return 
from  our  digression  — listened  attentively  to  the 
preaching  of  the  Franciscan  friars,  and  consented 
to  the  instant  demolition  of  their  idols,  and  the 
erection  of  the  Cross  upon  their  ruins.25  A singular 
circumstance  showed  the  value  of  these  hurried  con- 
versions. Cortes,  on  his  departure,  left  among  this 
friendly  people  one  of  his  horses,  who  had  been  dis- 
abled by  an  injury  in  the  foot.  The  Indians  felt  a 
reverence  for  the  animal,  as  in  some  way  connected 
with  the  mysterious  power  of  the  white  men.  When 
their  visiters  had  gone,  they  offered  flowers  to  the 
horse,  and,  as  it  is  said,  prepared  for  him  many  sa- 
vory messes  of  poultry,  such  as  they  would  have 
administered  to  their  own  sick.  Under  this  extraor- 
dinary diet  the  poor  animal  pined  away  and  died. 
The  affrighted  Indians  raised  his  effigy  in  stone,  and, 
placing  it  in  one  of  their  teocallis,  did  homage  to  it, 
as  to  a deity.  In  1618,  when  two  Franciscan  friars 
came  to  preach  the  Gospel  in  these  regions,  then 
scarcely  better  known  to  the  Spaniards  than  before 
the  time  of  Cortes,  one  of  the  most  remarkable  ob- 
jects which  they  found  was  this  statue  of  a horse, 
receiving  the  homage  of  the  Indian  worshippers,  as 
the  god  of  thunder  and  lightning ! 26 

23  Yillagutierre  says,  that  the  since  Cortes  expressly  asserts,  that 
Iztacs,  by  which  name  the  inhab-  the  images  were  broken  and  burnt 
itants  of  these  islands  were  called,  in  his  presence.  Carta  Quinta, 
did  not  destroy  their  idols  while  the  MS. 

Spaniards  remained  there.  (His-  96  The  fact  is  recorded  by  Vil- 
toria  de  la  Conquista  de  la  Provin-  lagutierre,  Conquista  de  el  Itza, 
cia  de  el  Itza,  (Madrid,  1701,)  pp.  pp.  100-102,  and  Cojullado,  Hist. 
49,  50.)  The  historian  is  wrong,  de  Yucathan,  lib.  1,  caj . 1G. 


Ch.  III.] 


ARRIVAL  AT  HONDURAS. 


295 


It  would  be  wearisome  to  recount  all  the  per- 
ils and  hardships  endured  by  the  Spaniards  in  the 
remainder  of  their  journey.  It  would  be  repeat- 
ing only  the  incidents  of  the  preceding  narrative  ; 
the  same  obstacles  in  their  path,  the  same  extremi- 
ties of  famine  and  fatigue,  — hardships  more  wear- 
ing on  the  spirits  than  encounters  with  an  enemy, 
which,  if  more  hazardous,  are  also  more  exciting. 
It  is  easier  to  contend  with  man  than  with  Nature. 
Yet  I must  not  omit  to  mention  the  passage  of  the 
Sierra  de  los  Pedernales,  “ the  Mountain  of  Flints,” 
which,  though  only  twenty-four  miles  in  extent,  con- 
sumed no  less  than  twelve  days  in  crossing  it ! The 
sharp  stones  cut  the  horses’  feet  to  pieces,  while 
many  were  lost  down  the  precipices  and  ravines ; so 
that,  when  they  had  reached  the  opposite  side,  sixty- 
eight  of  these  valuable  animals  had  perished,  and 
the  remainder  were,  for  the  most  part,  in  an  unser- 
viceable condition!27 

The  rainy  season  had  now  set  in,  and  torrents  of 
water,  falling  day  and  night,  drenched  the  adven- 
turers to  the  skin,  and  added  greatly  to  their  dis- 
tresses. The  rivers,  swollen  beyond  their  usual 
volume,  poured  along  with  a terrible  impetuosity 


27  “ Y querer  dezir  la  aspereza  al  cabo  de  el,  en  que  murieron 
y fragosidad  de  este  Puerto  y sier-  sesenta  y ocho  cavallos  despenados 
ras,  ni  quien  lo  dixese  lo  sabria  y desxaretados,  y todos  los  demas 
significar,  ni  quien  lo  oyese  podria  vinieron  heridos  y tan  lastimados 
entender,  sino  que  sepa  V.  M.  que  que  no  pensamos  aprovecharnos  de 
en  ocho  leguas  que  duro  hasta  este  ninguno.”  Carta  Quinta  de  Cor- 
puerto  estuvimos  en  las  andar  doze  tes,  MS. 
dias,  digo  los  postreros  en  Uegar 


296 


SUBSEQUENT  CAREER  OF  CORTES.  [Book  VII. 


that  defied  the  construction  of  bridges ; and  it  was 
with  the  greatest  difficulty,  that,  by  laying  trunks  of 
trees  from  one  huge  rock  to  another,  with  which 
these  streams  were  studded,  they  effected  a perilous 
passage  to  the  opposite  banks.23 

At  length  the  shattered  train  drew  near  the  Golfo 
Dolce,  at  the  head  of  the  Bay  of  Honduras.  Their 
route  could  not  have  been  far  from  the  site  of  Co- 
pan,  the  celebrated  city  whose  architectural  ruins 
have  furnished  such  noble  illustrations  for  the  pencil 
of  Catherwood.  But  the  Spaniards  passed  on  in 
silence.  Nor,  indeed,  can  we  wonder,  that,  at  this 
stage  of  the  enterprise,  they  should  have  passed  on 
without  heeding  the  vicinity  of  a city  in  the  wil- 
derness, though  it  were  as  glorious  as  the  capital 
of  Zenobia  ; for  they  were  arrived  almost  within 
view  of  the  Spanish  settlements,  the  object  of  their 
long  and  wearisome  pilgrimage. 

The  place  which  they  were  now  approaching  was 
Naco,  or  San  Gil  de  Buena  Vista,  a Spanish  settle- 
ment on  the  Golfo  Dolce.  Cortes  advanced  cau- 
tiously, prepared  to  fall  on  the  town  by  surprise. 
He  had  held  on  his  way  with  the  undeviating  step 
of  the  North  American  Indian,  Mho,  traversing  mo- 
rass and  mountain  and  the  most  intricate  forests, 
guided  by  the  instinct  of  revenge,  presses  straight 
towards  the  mark,  and,  when  he  has  reached  it, 

28  “If  any  unhappy  wretch  had  perished.  There  were  upwards  of 
become  giddy  in  this  transit,”  says  twenty  of  these  frightful  passes.” 
Cortes,  “he  must  inevitably  have  Carta  Quinta,  MS. 
been  precipitated  into  the  gulf  and 


Ch.  III.] 


ARRIVAL  AT  HONDURAS. 


297 


springs  at  once  on  his  unsuspecting  victim.  Before 
Cortes  made  his  assault,  his  scouts  fortunately  fell  in 
with  some  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  place,  from 
whom  they  received  tidings  of  the  death  of  Olid, 
and  of  the  reestablishment  of  his  own  authority. 
Cortes,  therefore,  entered  the  place  like  a friend, 
and  was  cordially  welcomed  by  his  countrymen,  great- 
ly astonished,  says  Diaz,  “ by  the  presence  among 
them  of  the  general  so  renowned  throughout  these 
countries.” 29 

The  colony  was  at  this  time  sorely  suffering  from 
famine  ; and  to  such  extremity  was  it  soon  reduced, 
that  the  troops  would  probably  have  found  a grave 
in  the  very  spot  to  which  they  had  looked  forward 
as  the  goal  of  their  labors,  but  for  the  seasonable 
arrival  of  a vessel  with  supplies  from  Cuba.  With 
a perseverance  which  nothing  could  daunt,  Cortes 
made  an  examination  of  the  surrounding  country, 
and  occupied  a month  more  in  exploring  dismal 
swamps,  steaming  with  unwholesome  exhalations, 
and  infected  with  bilious  fevers,  and  with  swarms 
of  venomous  insects  which  left  peace  neither  by  day 
nor  night.  At  length  he  embarked  with  a part  of 
his  forces  on  board  of  two  brigantines,  and,  after 
touching  at  one  or  two  ports  in  the  Bay,  anchored 
off  Truxillo,  the  principal  Spanish  settlement  on  that 
coast.  The  surf  was  too  high  for  him  easily  to  effect 

29  “ Espantaronse  en  gran  ma-  en  Castilla,  no  sabia  que  se  hazer 
nera,  y como  supieron  que  era  de  placer.”  Hist,  de  la  Conquis- 
Cortes  q tan  nombrado  era  en  to-  ta,  cap.  179. 
das  estas  partes  de  las  Indias,  y 

VOL.  III.  38 


298  SUBSEQUENT  CAREER  OF  CORTES.  [Book  VII. 

a landing ; but  the  inhabitants,  overjoyed  at  his  ar- 
rival, rushed  into  the  shallow  water  and  eagerly  bore 
back  the  general  in  their  arms  to  the  shore.30 

After  he  had  restored  the  strength  and  spirits  of 
his  men,  the  indefatigable  commander  prepared  for 
a new  expedition,  the  object  of  which  was  to  ex- 
plore and  to  reduce  the  extensive  province  of  Nica- 
ragua. One  may  well  feel  astonished  at  the  adven- 
turous spirit  of  the  man,  who,  unsubdued  by  the 
terrible  sufferings  of  his  recent  march,  should  so 
soon  be  prepared  for  another  enterprise  equally  ap- 
palling. It  is  difficult,  in  this  age  of  sober  sense, 
to  conceive  the  character  of  a Castilian  cavalier  of 
the  sixteenth  century,  a true  counterpart  of  which  it 
would  not  have  been  easy  to  find  in  any  other  na- 
tion, even  at  that  time,  — or  anywhere,  indeed,  save 
in  those  tales  of  chivalry,  which,  however  wild  and 
extravagant  they  may  seem,  were  much  more  true 
to  character  than  to  situation.  The  mere  excite- 
ment of  exploring  the  strange  and  the  unknown 
was  a sufficient  compensation  to  the  Spanish  adven- 
turer for  all  his  toils  and  trials.  It  seems  to  have 
been  ordered  by  Providence,  that  such  a race  of 
men  should  exist  contemporaneously  with  the  dis- 
covery of  the  New  World,  that  those  regions  should 
be  brought  to  light  which  were  beset  with  dangers 
and  difficulties  so  appalling  as  might  have  tended  to 
overawe  and  to  discourage  the  ordinary  spirit  of 

30  Ibid.,  cap.  179  et  seq. — cap.  3,  4.—  Carta  Quinta  de 
Herrera,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  3,  lib.  8,  Cortes,  MS. 


CH.  III.]  ARRIVAL  AT  HONDURAS  299 

adventure.  Yet  Cortes,  though  filled  with  this  spir- 
it, proposed  nobler  ends  to  himself  than  those  of  the 
mere  vulgar  adventurer.  In  the  expedition  to  Ni- 
caragua, he  designed,  as  he  had  done  in  that  to  Hon- 
duras, to  ascertain  the  resources  of  the  country  in 
general,  and,  above  all,  the  existence  of  any  means 
of  communication  between  the  great  oceans  on  its 
borders.  If  none  such  existed,  it  would  at  least 
establish  this  fact,  the  knowledge  of  which,  to  bor- 
row his  own  language,  wras  scarcely  less  important. 

The  general  proposed  to  himself  the  further  ob- 
ject of  enlarging  the  colonial  empire  of  Castile. 
The  conquest  of  Mexico  wras  but  the  commence- 
ment of  a series  of  conquests.  To  the  warrior  who 
had  achieved  this  nothing  seemed  impracticable  ; 
and  scarcely  wrnuld  any  thing  have  been  so,  had  he 
been  properly  sustained.  It  is  no  great  stretch  of 
imagination,  to  see  the  Conqueror  of  Mexico  ad- 
vancing along  the  provinces  of  the  vast  Isthmus,  — 
Nicaragua,  Costa  Rica,  and  Darien,  until  he  had 
planted  his  victorious  banner  on  the  shores  of  the 
Gulf  of  Panama ; and,  while  it  was  there  fanned 
by  the  breezes  from  the  golden  South,  the  land  of 
the  Incas,  to  see  him  gathering  such  intelligence  of 
this  land  as  wmuld  stimulate  him  to  carry  his  arms 
still  further,  and  to  anticipate,  it  might  be,  the  splen- 
did career  of  Pizarro ! 

But  from  these  dreams  of  ambition  Cortes  was 
suddenly  aroused  by  such  tidings  as  convinced  him, 
that  his  absence  from  Mexico  was  already  too  far 
prolonged,  and  that  he  must  return  without  delay,  if 
he  would  save  the  capital  or  the  country. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Disturbances  in  Mexico.  — Return  of  Cortes. — Distrust  of  the 
Court. — Cortes  returns  to  Spain.  — Death  of  Sandoval. — 
Brilliant  Reception  of  Cortes.  — Honors  conferred  on  him. 

1526—1530. 

The  intelligence  alluded  to  in  the  preceding 
Chapter  was  conveyed  in  a letter  to  Cortes  from  the 
licentiate  Zuazo,  one  of  the  functionaries  to  whom 
the  general  had  committed  the  administration  of  the 
country  during  his  absence.  It  contained  full  par- 
ticulars of  the  tumultuous  proceedings  in  the  capital. 
No  sooner  had  Cortes  quitted  it,  than  dissensions 
broke  out  among  the  different  members  of  the  pro- 
visional government.  The  misrule  increased  as  his 
absence  was  prolonged.  At  length  tidings  were  re- 
ceived, that  Cortes  with  his  whole  army  had  perished 
in  the  morasses  of  Chiapa.  The  members  of  the 
government  showed  no  reluctance  to  credit  this  sto- 
ry. They  now  openly  paraded  their  own  authority ; 
proclaimed  the  general’s  death  ; caused  funeral  cere- 
monies to  be  performed  in  his  honor ; took  posses- 
sion of  his  property  wherever  they  could  meet  with 
it,  piously  devoting  a small  part  of  the  proceeds  to 
purchasing  masses  for  his  soul,  while  the  remainder 
was  appropriated  to  pay  off  what  was  called  his 


H.  IV.] 


DISTURBANCES  IN  MEXICO. 


301 


debt  to  the  state.  They  seized,  in  like  manner,  the 
property  of  other  individuals  engaged  in  the  expe- 
dition. From  these  outrages  they  proceeded  to 
others  against  the  Spanish  residents  in  the  city,  until 
the  Franciscan  missionaries  left  the  capital  in  dis- 
gust, while  the  Indian  population  were  so  sorely 
oppressed,  that  great  apprehensions  were  entertained 
of  a general  rising.  Zuazo,  who  communicated 
these  tidings,  implored  Cortes  to  quicken  his  return. 
He  was  a temperate  man,  and  the  opposition  which 
he  had  made  to  the  tyrannical  measures  of  his  com- 
rades had  been  rewarded  with  exile.1 

The  general,  greatly  alarmed  by  this  account,  saw 
that  no  alternative  was  left  but  to  abandon  all  fur- 
ther schemes  of  conquest,  and  to  return  at  once,  if 
he  would  secure  the  preservation  of  the  empire 
which  he  had  won.  He  accordingly  made  the  ne- 
cessary arrangements  for  settling  the  administration 
of  the  colonies  at  Honduras,  and  embarked  with  a 
small  number  of  followers  for  Mexico. 

He  had  not  been  long  at  sea,  when  he  encoun- 
tered such  a terrible  tempest  as  seriously  damaged  his 
vessel,  and  compelled  him  to  return  to  port  and  refit. 
A second  attempt  proved  equally  unsuccessful  ; and 
Cortes,  feeling  that  his  good  star  had  deserted  him, 
saw,  in  this  repeated  disaster,  an  intimation  from 
Heaven  that  he  was  not  to  return.2  He  contented 
himself,  therefore,  with  sending  a trusty  messenger  to 

1 Carta  Quinta  de  Cortes,  MS.  Tesorero  Strada,  MS.,  Mdxico, 
— Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Con-  152G. 

quista,  cap.  185.  — Relacion  del  2 Carta  Quinta  de  Cortes,  MS. 


302  SUBSEQUENT  CAREER  OF  CORTES.  [Book  VII. 

advise  his  friends  of  his  personal  safety  in  Honduras. 
He  then  instituted  processions  and  public  prayers  to 
ascertain  the  will  of  Heaven,  and  to  deprecate  its 
anger.  His  health  now  showed  the  effects  of  his 
recent  sufferings,  and  declined  under  a wasting  fe- 
ver. His  spirits  sank  with  it,  and  he  fell  into  a state 
of  gloomy  despondency.  Bernal  Diaz,  speaking  of 
him  at  this  time,  says,  that  nothing  could  be  more 
wan  and  emaciated  than  his  person,  and  that  so 
strongly  was  he  possessed  with  the  idea  of  his  ap- 
proaching end,  that  he  procured  a Franciscan  habit, 
— for  it  was  common  to  be  laid  out  in  the  habit  of 
some  one  or  other  of  the  monastic  orders,  — in 
which  to  be  carried  to  the  grave.3 

From  this  deplorable  apathy  Cortes  was  roused 
by  fresh  advices  urging  his  presence  in  Mexico,  and 
by  the  judicious  efforts  of  his  good  friend  Sandoval, 
who  had  lately  returned,  himself,  from  an  excursion 
into  the  interior.  By  his  persuasion,  the  general 
again  consented  to  try  his  fortunes  on  the  seas. 
He  embarked  on  board  of  a brigantine,  with  a few 
followers,  and  bade  adieu  to  the  disastrous  shores  of 
Honduras,  April  25,  1526.  He  had  nearly  made  the 
coast  of  New  Spain,  when  a heavy  gale  threw  him 
off  his  course,  and  drove  him  to  the  island  of  Cuba. 
After  staying  there  some  time  to  recruit  his  exhausted 
strength,  he  again  put  to  sea  on  the  16th  of  May,  and 
in  eight  days  landed  near  San  Juan  de  Ulua,  whence 
he  proceeded  about  five  leagues  on  foot  to  Medellin. 


3 Hist  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  184,etseq.  — Carta  Quinta  de  Cortes,  MS. 


Ch.  IV.] 


RETURN  OF  CORTES. 


303 


Cortes  was  so  much  changed  by  disease,  that  his 
person  was  not  easily  recognised.  But  no  sooner 
was  it  known,  that  the  general  had  returned,  than 
crowds  of  people,  white  men  and  natives,  thronged 
from  all  the  neighbouring  country  to  welcome  him. 
The  tidings  spread  far  and  wide  on  the  wings 
of  the  wind,  and  his  progress  to  the  capital  was 
a triumphal  procession.  The  inhabitants  came  from 
the  distance  of  eighty  leagues  to  have  a sight  of 
him  ; and  they  congratulated  one  another  on  the 
presence  of  the  only  man  who  could  rescue  the 
country  from  its  state  of  anarchy.  It  was  a resur- 
rection of  the  dead,  — so  industriously  had  the  re- 
ports of  his  death  been  circulated,  and  so  generally 
believed.4 

At  all  the  great  towns  where  he  halted  he  was 
sumptuously  entertained.  Triumphal  arches  were 
thrown  across  the  road,  and  the  streets  were  strewed 
with  flowers  as  he  passed.  After  a night’s  repose 
at  Tezcuco,  he  made  his  entrance  in  great  state 
into  the  capital.  The  municipality  came  out  to 
welcome  him,  and  a brilliant  cavalcade  of  armed 
citizens  formed  his  escort ; while  the  lake  was  cov- 
ered with  barges  of  the  Indians,  all  fancifully  deco- 
rated with  their  gala  dresses,  as  on  the  day  of  his 
first  arrival  among  them.  The  streets  echoed  to 
music,  and  dancing,  and  sounds  of  jubilee,  as  the 

4 Carta  Quinta  de  Cortes,  MS.  Cortes  al  Emperador,  MS.,  Me'xi 
— Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Con-  co,  Sept.  11,  1526. 
quista,  cap.  189,  190 Carta  de 


304  SUBSEQUENT  CAREER  OF  CORTES.  [Book  VIE 

procession  held  on  its  way  to  the  great  convent  of 
St.  Francis,  where  thanksgivings  were  offered  up 
for  the  safe  return  of  the  general,  who  then  pro- 
ceeded to  take  up  his  quarters  once  more  in  his  own 
princely  residence.5  — It  was  in  June,  1526,  when 
Cortes  reentered  Mexico ; nearly  two  years  had 
elapsed  since  he  had  left  it,  on  his  difficult  march 
to  Honduras,  — a march  which  led  to  no  important 
results,  but  which  consumed  nearly  as  much  time, 
and  was  attended  with  sufferings  quite  as  severe, 
as  the  conquest  of  Mexico  itself.6 

Cortes  did  not  abuse  his  present  advantage.  He, 
indeed,  instituted  proceedings  against  his  enemies ; 
but  he  followed  them  up  so  languidly,  as  to  incur 
the  imputation  of  weakness.  It  is  the  only  instance 
in  which  he  has  been  accused  of  weakness  ; and, 
since  it  was  shown  in  the  prosecution  of  his  own 


5 Carta  de  Ocafio,  MS.,  Agosto, 
31,  1526. — Carta  Quinta  de  Cor- 
tes, MS. 

6 “ What  Cortes  suffered,”  says 
Dr.  Robertson,  “on  this  march, 
a distance,  according  to  Goma- 
ra,  of  3000  miles,” — (the  dis- 
tance must  be  greatly  exagger- 
ated,)— “from  famine,  from  the 
hostility  of  the  natives,  from  the 
climate,  and  from  hardships  of  ev- 
ery species,  has  nothing  in  history 
parallel  to  it,  but  what  occurs  in 
the  adventures  of  the  other  discov- 
erers and  conquerors  of  the  New 
World.  Cortes  was  employed  in 
this  dreadful  service  above  two 


years  ; and,  though  it  was  not  dis- 
tinguished by  any  splendid  event, 
he  exhibited,  during  the  course  of 
it,  greater  personal  courage,  more 
fortitude  of  mind,  more  persever- 
ance and  patience,  than  in  any  oth- 
er period  or  scene  in  his  life.” 
(Hist,  of  America,  Note  96.)  The 
historian’s  remarks  are  just ; as 
the  passages,  which  I have  bor- 
rowed from  the  extraordinary  rec- 
ord of  the  Conqueror,  may  show. 
Those,  who  are  desirous  of  seeing 
something  of  the  narrative  told  in 
his  own  way,  will  find  a few  pages 
of  it  translated  in  the  Appendix , 
Part  2,  No.  14. 


Ch.  IV.] 


DISTRUST  OF  THE  COURT. 


305 


injuries,  it  may  be  thought  to  reflect  no  discredit 
on  his  character.' 

He  was  not  permitted  long  to  enjoy  the  sweets 
of  triumph.  In  the  month  of  July,  he  received  ad- 
vices of  the  arrival  of  a juez  de  resideiicia  on  the 
coast,  sent  by  the  court  of  Madrid  to  supersede  him 
temporarily  in  the  government.  The  Crown  of 
Castile,  as  its  colonial  empire  extended,  became  less 
and  less  capable  of  watching  over  its  administration. 
It  was  therefore  obliged  to  place  vast  powers  in  the 
hands  of  its  viceroys  ; and,  as  suspicion  naturally 
accompanies  weakness,  it  was  ever  prompt  to  listen 
to  accusations  against  these  powerful  vassals.  In 
such  cases  the  government  adopted  the  expedient  of 
sending  out  a commissioner,  or  juez  de  residencia, 
with  authority  to  investigate  the  conduct  of  the  ac- 
cused, to  suspend  him  in  the  mean  while  from  his 
office,  and,  after  a judicial  examination,  to  reinstate 
him  in  it,  or  to  remove  him  altogether,  according  to 
the  issue  of  the  trial.  The  enemies  of  Cortes  had 
been,  for  a long  time,  busy  in  undermining  his  influ- 
ence at  court,  and  in  infusing  suspicions  of  his  loy- 
alty in  the  bosom  of  the  emperor.  Since  his  ele- 
vation to  the  government  of  the  country,  they  had 
redoubled  their  mischievous  activity,  and  they  as- 
sailed his  character  with  the  foulest  imputations. 
They  charged  him  with  appropriating  to  his  own 

7 “ Y esto  yo  lo  oi  dezir  a los  descuido  raucho  Cortes  en  ello,  y 
del  Real  Consejo  de  Indias,  estan-  se  lo  tuvieron  a floxedad.”  Ber- 
do  presente  el  seiior  Obispo  Fray  nal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista, 
Bartolome  de  las  Casas,  que  se  cap.  190. 

VOL.  III.  39 


306  SUBSEQUENT  CAREER  OF  CORTES.  [Book  VII. 

use  the  gold  which  belonged  to  the  Crown,  and 
especially  with  secreting  the  treasures  of  Montezu- 
ma. He  was  said  to  have  made  false  reports  of  the 
provinces  he  had  conquered,  that  he  might  defraud 
the  exchequer  of  its  lawful  revenues.  He  had  dis- 
tributed the  principal  offices  among  his  own  crea- 
tures ; and  had  acquired  an  unbounded  influence, 
not  only  over  the  Spaniards,  but  the  natives,  who 
were  all  ready  to  do  his  bidding.  He  had  expended 
large  sums  in  fortifying  both  the  capital  and  his  own 
palace  ; and  it  was  evident,  from  the  magnitude  of 
his  schemes  and  his  preparations,  that  he  designed 
to  shake  off  his  allegiance,  and  to  establish  an  in- 
dependent sovereignty  in  New  Spain.8 

The  government,  greatly  alarmed  by  these  formi- 
dable charges,  the  probability  of  which  they  could 
not  estimate,  appointed  a commissioner  with  full 
powers  to  investigate  the  matter.  The  person  se- 
lected for  this  delicate  office  was  Luis  Ponce  de 
Leon,  a man  of  high  family,  young  for  such  a post, 
but  of  a mature  judgment,  and  distinguished  for 
his  moderation  and  equity.  The  nomination  of  such 
a minister  gave  assurance,  that  the  Crown  meant  to 
do  justly  by  Cortes. 

The  emperor  wrote  at  the  same  time  with  his 
own  hand  to  the  general,  advising  him  of  this  step, 
and  assuring  him,  that  it  was  taken,  not  from  distrust 
of  his  integrity,  but  to  afford  him  the  opportunity 

8 Memorial  de  Luis  Cardenas,  MS.  — Herrera,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec 
MS.  — Carta  de  Diego  de  Ocana,  3,  lib.  8,  cap.  14,  15. 


Ch.  IV.] 


DISTRUST  OF  THE  COURT. 


307 


of  placing  that  integrity  in  a clear  light  before  the 
world.9 

Ponce  de  Leon  reached  Mexico  in  July,  1526. 
He  was  received  with  all  respect  by  Cortes  and 
the  municipality  of  the  capital ; and  the  two  par- 
ties interchanged  those  courtesies  with  each  other, 
which  gave  augury  that  the  future  proceedings 
would  be  conducted  in  a spirit  of  harmony.  Un- 
fortunately, this  fair  beginning  was  blasted  by  the 
death  of  the  commissioner  in  a few  weeks  after 
his  arrival,  a circumstance  which  did  not  fail  to 
afford  another  item  in  the  loathsome  mass  of  ac- 
cusation heaped  upon  Cortes.  The  commissioner 
fell  the  victim  of  a malignant  fever,  which  carried 
off  a number  of  those  who  had  come  over  in  the 
vessel  with  him.10 

On  his  death-bed,  Ponce  de  Leon  delegated  his 
authority  to  an  infirm  old  man,  who  survived  but  a 
fewr  months,  and  transmitted  the  reins  of  govern- 
ment to  a person  named  Estrada  or  Strada,  the  royal 
treasurer,  one  of  the  officers  sent  from  Spain  to  take 
charge  of  the  finances,  and  who  was  personally  hos- 
tile to  Cortes.  The  Spanish  residents  would  have 
persuaded  Cortes  to  assert  for  himself  at  least  an 
equal  share  of  the  authority,  to  which  they  consid- 
ered Estrada  as  having  no  sufficient  title.  But  the 
general,  with  singular  moderation,  declined  a compe- 
tition in  this  matter,  and  determined  to  abide  a more 

9 Carta  del  Emperador,  MS.,  quista,  cap.  192. — Carta  de  Cor- 

Toledo,  Nov.  4,  1525.  tes  al  Emp.,  MS.,  Mexico,  Set. 

10  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Con-  11,  1526 


303  SUBSEQUENT  CAREER  OF  CORTES.  [Book  VII. 

decided  expression  of  his  sovereign’s  will.  To  his 
mortification,  the  nomination  of  Estrada  was  con- 
firmed, and  this  dignitary  soon  contrived  to  inflict 
on  his  rival  all  those  annoyances  by  which  a little 
mind,  in  possession  of  unexpected  power,  endeav- 
ours to  make  his  superiority  felt  over  a great  one. 
The  recommendations  of  Cortes  were  disregarded ; 
his  friends  mortified  and  insulted  ; his  attendants 
outraged  by  injuries.  One  of  the  domestics  of  his 
friend  Sandoval,  for  some  slight  offence,  tvas  sen- 
tenced to  lose  his  hand  ; and,  when  the  general  re- 
monstrated against  these  acts  of  violence,  he  was 
peremptorily  commanded  to  leave  the  city ! The 
Spaniards,  indignant  at  this  outrage,  would  have 
taken  up  arms  in  his  defence  ; but  Cortes  would 
allow  no  resistance,  and,  simply  remarking,  “ that 
it  was  well,  that  those,  who,  at  the  price  of  their 
blood,  had  won  the  capital,  should  not  be  allowed 
a footing  in  it,”  withdrew  to  his  favorite  villa  of 
Cojohuacan,  a few  miles  distant,  to  wait  there  the 
result  of  these  strange  proceedings.11 

The  suspicions  of  the  Court  of  Madrid,  mean- 
while, fanned  by  the  breath  of  calumny,  had  reached 
the  most  preposterous  height.  One  might  have  sup 
posed,  that  it  fancied  the  general  was  organizing 
a revolt  throughout  the  colonies,  and  meditated  no- 
thing less  than  ‘an  invasion  of  the  mother  country. 
Intelligence  having  been  received,  that  a vessel  might 


11  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Cortes  al  Emp.,  MS.,  Set.  11 
Conquista,  cap.  194.  — Carta  de  1526. 


Ch.  IV.] 


DISTRUST  OF  THE  COURT. 


309 


speedily  be  expected  from  New  Spain,  orders  were 
sent  to  the  different  ports  of  the  kingdom,  and  even 
to  Portugal,  to  sequestrate  the  cargo,  under  the  ex- 
pectation that  it  contained  remittances  to  the  gen- 
eral’s family  which  belonged  to  the  Crown ; while 
his  letters,  affording  the  most  luminous  account  of 
all  his  proceedings  and  discoveries,  were  forbidden 
to  be  printed.  Fortunately,  however,  three  letters, 
constituting  the  most  important  part  of  the  Con- 
queror’s correspondence,  had  been  given  to  the  pub- 
lic, some  years  previous,  by  the  indefatigable  press 
of  Seville. 

The  Court,  moreover,  made  aware  of  the  incom- 
petency of  the  treasurer,  Estrada,  to  the  present 
delicate  conjuncture,  now  intrusted  the  whole  affair 
of  the  inquiry  to  a commission  dignified  with  the 
title  of  the  Royal  Audience  of  New  Spain.  This 
body  was  clothed  with  full  powers  to  examine  into 
the  charges  against  Cortes,  with  instructions  to  send 
him  back,  as  a preliminary  measure,  to  Castile,  — 
peacefully  if  they  could,  but  forcibly  if  necessary. 
Still  afraid  that  its  belligerent  vassal  might  defy 
the  authority  of  this  tribunal,  the  government  re- 
sorted to  artifice  to  effect  his  return.  The  presi- 
dent of  the  Indian  Council  was  commanded  to  write 
to  him,  urging  his  presence  in  Spain  to  vindicate 
himself  from  the  charges  of  his  enemies,  and  offer- 
ing his  personal  cooperation  in  his  defence.  The 
emperor  further  wrote  a letter  to  the  Audience,  con- 
taining his  commands  for  Cortes  to  return,  as  the 
government  wished  to  consult  him  on  matters  re- 


310  SUBSEQUENT  CAREER  OF  CORTES.  [Book  VII. 

lating  to  the  Indies,  and  to  bestow  on  him  a recom- 
pense suited  to  his  high  deserts.  This  letter  was 
intended  to  be  shown  to  Cortes.12 

But  it  was  superfluous  to  put  in  motion  all  this 
complicated  machinery  to  effect  a measure  on  which 
Cortes  was  himself  resolved.  Proudly  conscious  of 
his  own  unswerving  loyalty,  and  of  the  benefits  he 
had  rendered  to  his  country,  he  felt  deeply  sensible 
to  this  unworthy  requital  of  them,  especially  on  the 
very  theatre  of  his  achievements.  He  determined 
to  abide  no  longer  where  he  was  exposed  to  such 
indignities;  but  to  proceed  at  once  to  Spain,  present 
himself  before  his  sovereign,  boldly  assert  his  inno- 
cence, and  claim  redress  for  his  wrongs,  and  a just 
reward  for  his  services.  In  the  close  of  his  let- 
ter to  the  emperor,  detailing  the  painful  expedition 
to  Honduras,  after  enlarging  on  the  magnificent 
schemes  he  had  entertained  of  discovery  in  the 
South  Sea,  and  vindicating  himself  from  the  charge 
of  a too  lavish  expenditure,  he  concludes  with  the 
lofty,  yet  touching,  declaration,  “ that  he  trusts  his 
Majesty  will  in  time  acknowledge  his  deserts ; but, 
if  that  unhappily  shall  not  be,  the  world  at  least 
will  be  assured  of  his  loyalty,  and  he  himself  shall 
have  the  conviction  of  having  done  his  duty ; and 
no  better  inheritance  than  this  shall  he  ask  for  his 
children.”  13 

19  Herrera,  Hist.  General,  dec.  a Dios  de  los  guiar  corao  el  se 
4,  lib.  2,  cap.  1 ; and  lib.  3,  cap.  8.  sirva,  que  yo  aunque  V.  M.  mas 

13  “ Todas  estas  entradas  estan  me  mande  desfavorecer  no  tengo 
ahora  para  partir  casi  a una,  plega  de  dejar  de  servir,  que  no  es  po- 


Ch.  IV/| 


CORTES  RETURNS  TO  SPAIN. 


311 


No  sooner  was  the  intention  of  Cortes  made 
known,  than  it  excited  a general  sensation  through 
the  country.  Even  Estrada  relented ; he  felt  that 
he  had  gone  too  far,  and  that  it  was  not  his  policy 
to  drive  his  noble  enemy  to  take  refuge  in  his  own 
land.  Negotiations  were  opened,  and  an  attempt  at  a 
reconciliation  was  made,  through  the  bishop  of  Tlas- 
cala.  Cortes  received  these  overtures  in  a courteous 
spirit,  but  his  resolution  was  unshaken.  Having 
made  the  necessary  arrangements,  therefore,  in  Mex- 
ico, he  left  the  Valley,  and  proceeded  at  once  to  the 
coast.  Had  he  entertained  the  criminal  ambition 
imputed  to  him  by  his  enemies,  he  might  have  been 
sorely  tempted  by  the  repeated  offers  of  support, 
which  were  made  to  him,  whether  in  good  or  in  bad 
faith,  on  the  journey,  if  he  would  but  reassume  the 
government,  and  assert  his  independence  of  Castile. 
But  these  disloyal  advances  he  rejected  with  the 
scorn  they  merited.14 

On  his  arrival  at  Villa  Rica,  he  received  the  pain- 
ful tidings  of  the  death  of  his  father,  Don  Martin 
Cortes,  whom  he  had  hoped  so  soon  to  embrace, 
after  his  long  and  eventful  absence.  Having  cele- 
brated his  obsequies  with  every  mark  of  filial  re- 
spect, he  made  preparations  for  his  speedy  departure. 
Two  of  the  best  vessels  in  the  port  were  got  ready 

sible,  que  por  tiempo  Y.  M.  no  co-  lealdad,  con  que  los  hago,  y no 
nosca  mis  servicios,  y ya  que  esto  quiero  otro  mayorasgo  sino  este.” 
no  sea,  yo  me  satisfago  con  hazer  Carta  Quinta,  MS. 
lo  que  debo,  y con  saber  que  a to-  14  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Con- 
do el  mundo  tengo  satisfecho,  y quista,  cap.  194.  — Carta  de  Oca 
lesson  notorios  mis.  servicios  y ua,  MS.,  Agosto  31,  152G. 


312 


SUBSEQUENT  CAREER  OF  CORTES.  [Book  VII 


and  provided  with  every  thing  requisite  for  a long 
voyage.  He  was  attended  by  his  friend,  the  faithful 
Sandoval,  by  Tapia,  and  some  other  cavaliers,  most 
attached  to  his  person.  He  also  took  with  him  sev- 
eral Aztec  and  Tlascalan  chiefs,  and  among  them  a 
son  of  Montezuma,  and  another  of  Maxixca,  the 
friendly  old  Tlascalan  lord,  both  of  whom  were  de- 
sirous to  accompany  the  general  to  Castile.  He 
carried  home  a large  collection  of  plants  and  min- 
erals, as  specimens  of  the  natural  resources  of  the 
country ; several  wild  animals  and  birds  of  gaudy 
plumage ; various  fabrics  of  delicate  workmanship, 
especially  the  gorgeous  feather-work ; and  a number 
of  jugglers,  dancers,  and  buffoons,  who  greatly  as- 
tonished the  Europeans  by  the  marvellous  facility 
of  their  performances,  and  were  thought  a suitable 
present  for  his  Holiness,  the  Pope.15  Lastly,  Cortes 
displayed  his  magnificence  in  a rich  treasure  of  jew- 
els, among  which  were  emeralds  of  extraordinary 
size  and  lustre,  gold  to  the  amount  of  two  hundred 
thousand  pesos  de  oro , and  fifteen  hundred  marks  of 
silver.  “ In  fine,”  says  Herrera,  “ he  came  in  all 
the  state  of  a great  lord.”  16 


The  Pope,  who  was  of  the 
joyous  Medici  family,  Clement  VII., 
and  the  cardinals,  were  greatly  de- 
lighted with  the  feats  of  the  In- 
dian jugglers,  according  to  Diaz ; 

d his  Holiness,  who,  it  may  be 
added,  received  at  the  same  time 
from  Cortes  a substantial  donative 
of  gold  and  jewels,  publicly  testi- 
fied, by  prayers  and  solemn  proces- 


sions, his  great  sense  of  the  ser- 
vices rendered  to  Christianity  by 
the  Conquerors  of  Mexico,  and 
generously  requited  them  by  bulls, 
granting  plenary  absolution  from 
their  sins.  Hist,  de  la  Conquista, 
cap.  195. 

16  “Yen  fin  venia  como  gran 
Senor.”  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  4,  lib. 
3,  cap.  8. 


Ce.  IV.] 


CORTES  RETURNS  TO  SPAIN. 


313 


After  a brief  and  prosperous  voyage,  Cortes  came 
in  sight  once  more  of  his  native  shores,  and,  crossing 
the  bar  of  Saltes,  entered  the  little  port  of  Palos  in 
May,  1528, — the  same  spot  where  Columbus  had 
landed  five  and  thirty  years  before,  on  his  return 
from  the  discovery  of  the  Western  World.  Cortes 
was  not  greeted  with  the  enthusiasm  and  public  re- 
joicings which  welcomed  the  great  navigator ; and, 
indeed,  the  inhabitants  were  not  prepared  for  his 
arrival.  From  Palos  he  soon  proceeded  to  the  con- 
vent of  La  Rabida,  the  same  place  also,  within  the 
hospitable  walls  of  which  Columbus  had  found  a 
shelter.  An  interesting  circumstance  is  mentioned 
by  historians,  connected  with  his  short  stay  at  Palos. 
Francisco  Pizarro,  the  Concpieror  of  Peru,  had  ar- 
rived there,  having  come  to  Spain  to  solicit  aid  for 
his  great  enterprise.17  He  was  then  in  the  com- 
mencement of  his  brilliant  career,  as  Cortes  might 
be  said  to  be  at  the  close  of  his.  He  was  an  old 
acquaintance,  and  a kinsman,  as  is  affirmed,  of  the 
general,  whose  mother  was  a Pizarro.18  The  meet- 
ing of  these  two  extraordinary  men,  the  Conquerors 
of  the  North  and  of  the  South,  in  the  New  World, 
as  they  set  foot,  after  their  eventful  absence,  on  the 
shores  of  their  native  land,  and  that,  too,  on  the  spot 
consecrated  by  the  presence  of  Columbus,  has  some- 
thing in  it  striking  to  the  imagination.  It  has  ac- 

17  Herrera,  Hist.  Gen.,  dec.  4,  18  Pizarro  y Orellana,  Varones 

lib.  4,  cap.  1.  — Cavo,  Los  Tres  Ilustres,  p.  121. 

Siglos  de  Mex.,  tom.  I.  p.  78. 

VOL.  III.  40 


314  SUBSEQUENT  CAREER  OF  CORTES.  [BooK  VII. 

cordingly  attracted  the  attention  of  one  of  the  most 
illustrious  of  living  poets,  who,  in  a brief,  but  beau- 
tiful sketch,  has  depicted  the  scene  in  the  genuine 
coloring  of  the  age.19 

While  reposing,  from  the  fatigues  of  his  voyage,  at 
La  Rabida,  an  event  occurred  which  afflicted  Cortes 
deeply,  and  which  threw  a dark  cloud  over  his  re- 
turn. This  was  the  death  of  Gonzalo  de  Sandoval, 
his  trusty  friend,  and  so  long  the  companion  of  his 
fortunes.  He  was  taken  ill  in  a wretched  inn  at 
Palos,  soon  after  landing ; and  his  malady  gained 
ground  so  rapidly,  that  it  was  evident  Jiis  constitu- 
tion, impaired,  probably,  by  the  extraordinary  fatigues 
he  had  of  late  years  undergone,  would  be  unable  to 
resist  it.  Cortes  was  instantly  sent  for,  and  arrived  in 
time  to  administer  the  last  consolations  of  friendship 
to  the  dying  cavalier.  Sandoval  met  his  approach- 
ing end  with  composure,  and,  having  given  the  at- 
tention, which  the  short  interval  allowed,  to  the  set- 
tlement of  both  his  temporal  and  spiritual  concerns, 
he  breathed  his  last  in  the  arms  of  his  commander. 

Sandoval  died  at  the  premature  age  of  thirty- 
one.20  He  was  in  many  respects  the  most  eminent 
of  the  great  captains  formed  under  the  eye  of 
Cortes.  He  was  of  good  family,  and  a native  of 
Medellin,  also  the  birth-place  of  the  general,  for 
whom  he  had  the  warmest  personal  regard.  Cortes 

19  See  the  conclusion  of  Rog-  when  he  first  came  to  New  Spain 

ers’  Voyage  of  Columbus.  in  1519. — Hist,  de  la  Conquista 

20  Bernal  Diaz  says,  that  San-  cap.  205. 
doval  was  twenty-two  years  old, 


Ch.  IV.] 


DEATH  OF  SANDOVAL. 


315 


soon  discerned  his  uncommon  qualities,  and  proved 
it  by  uniformly  selecting  the  young  officer  for  the 
most  difficult  commissions.  His  conduct  on  these 
occasions  fully  justified  the  preference.  He  was  a 
decided  favorite  with  the  soldiers ; for,  though  strict 
in  enforcing  discipline,  he  was  careful  of  their  com- 
forts and  little  mindful  of  his  own.  He  had  nothing 
of  the  avarice  so  common  in  the  Castilian  cavalier  ; 
and  seemed  to  have  no  other  ambition  than  that  of 
faithfully  discharging  the  duties  of  his  profession.  He 
was  a plain  man,  affecting  neither  the  showy  man- 
ners nor  the  bravery  in  costume  which  distinguished 
Alvarado,  the  Aztec  Tonatiuh.  The  expression  of 
his  countenance  was  open  and  manly ; his  chestnut 
hair  curled  close  to  his  head  ; his  frame  was  strong 
and  sinewy.  He  had  a lisp  in  his  utterance,  which 
made  his  voice  somewhat  indistinct.  Indeed,  he 
was  no  speaker;  but,  if  slow  of  speech,  he  was 
prompt  and  energetic  in  action.  He  had  precisely 
the  qualities  which  fitted  him  for  the  perilous  enter- 
prise in  which  he  was  embarked.  He  had  accom- 
plished his  task ; and,  after  having  escaped  death, 
which  lay  waiting  for  him  in  every  step  of  his  path, 
had  come  home,  as  it  would  seem,  to  his  native 
land,  only  to  meet  it  there. 

His  obsequies  were  performed  with  all  solemnity 
by  the  Franciscan  friars  of  La  Rabida,  and  his  re- 
mains were  followed  to  their  final  resting-place  by 
the  comrades  who  had  so  often  stood  by  his  side  in 
battle.  They  were  laid  in  the  cemetery  of  the  con- 
vent, which,  shrouded  in  its  forest  of  pines,  stood, 


316  SUBSEQUENT  CAREER  OF  CORTES.  [Book  VII. 

and  may  yet  stand,  on  the  bold  eminence  that  over- 
looks the  waste  of  waters  so  lately  traversed  by  the 
adventurous  soldier.21 

It  was  not  long  after  this  melancholy  event,  that 
Cortes  and  his  suite  began  their  journey  into  the 
interior.  The  general  stayed  a few  days  at  the  cas- 
tle of  the  duke  of  Medina  Sidonia,  the  most  power- 
ful of  the  Andalusian  lords,  who  hospitably  enter- 
tained him,  and,  at  his  departure,  presented  him 
with  several  noble  Arabian  horses.  Cortes  first  di- 
rected his  steps  towards  Guadaloupe,  where  he  pass- 
ed nine  days,  offering  up  prayers  and  causing  masses 
to  be  performed  at  Our  Lady’s  shrine  for  the  soul 
of  his  departed  friend. 

Before  his  departure  from  La  Rabida,  he  had  writ- 
ten to  the  Court,  informing  it  of  his  arrival  in  the 
country.  Great  was  the  sensation  caused  there  by 
the  intelligence  ; the  greater,  that  the  late  reports  of 
his  treasonable  practices  had  made  it  wholly  unex- 
pected. His  arrival  produced  an  immediate  change 
of  feeling.  All  cause  of  jealousy  was  now  removed  ; 
and,  as  the  clouds,  which  had  so  long  settled  over  the 
royal  mind,  were  dispelled,  the  emperor  seemed  only 
anxious  to  show  his  sense  of  the  distinguished  ser- 
vices of  his  so  dreaded  vassal.  Orders  were  sent  to 
different  places  on  the  route  to  provide  him  with  suit- 
able accommodations,  and  preparations  were  made 
to  give  him  a brilliant  reception  in  the  capital. 

Meanwhile  Cortes  had  formed  the  acquaintance 


21  Ibid.,  cap.  195. 


Zh.  IV.]  BRILLIANT  RECEPTION  OF  CORTES.  317 

at  Guadaloupe  of  several  persons  of  distinction,  and 
among  them  of  the  family  of  the  comendador  of 
Leon,  a nobleman  of  the  highest  consideration  at 
court.  The  general’s  conversation,  enriched  with 
the  stores  of  a life  of  adventure,  and  his  manners, 
in  which  the  authority  of  habitual  command  was 
tempered  by  the  frank  and  careless  freedom  of  the 
soldier,  made  a most  favorable  impression  on  his 
new  friends ; and  their  letters  to  the  court,  where 
he  was  yet  unknown,  heightened  the  interest  already 
felt  in  this  remarkable  man.  The  tidings  of  his  ar- 
rival had  by  this  time  spread  far  and  wide,  through- 
out the  country;  and,  as  he  resumed  his  journey,  the 
roads  presented  a spectacle  such  as  had  not  been 
seen  since  the  return  of  Columbus.  Cortes  did  not 
usually  affect  an  ostentation  of  dress,  though  he 
loved  to  display  the  pomp  of  a great  lord  in  the 
number  and  magnificence  of  his  retainers.  His  train 
was  now  swelled  by  the  Indian  chieftains,  who,  by 
the  splendors  of  their  barbaric  finery,  gave  addition- 
al brilliancy,  as  well  as  novelty,  to  the  pageant. 
But  his  own  person  was  the  object  of  general  curi- 
osity. The  houses  and  the  streets  of  the  great 
towns  and  villages  were  thronged  with  spectators, 
eager  to  look  on  the  hero,  who,  with  his  single  arm, 
as  it  were,  had  won  an  empire  for  Castile,  and  who, 
to  borrow  the  language  of  an  old  historian,  “ came 
in  the  pomp  and  glory,  not  so  much  of  a great  vas- 
sal, as  of  an  independent  monarch.”22 


22  “ Vino  de  las  Indias  despues  de  la  conquista  de  Mexico,  con  tanto 


313  SUBSEQUENT  CAREER  OF  CORTES.  [Book  VII. 

As  he  approached  Toledo,  then  the  rival  of  Ma- 
drid, the  press  of  the  multitude  increased,  till  he  was 
met  by  the  duke  de  Bejar,  the  count  de  Aguilar, 
and  others  of  his  steady  friends,  who,  at  the  head 
of  a large  body  of  the  principal  nobility  and  cavaliers 
of  the  city,  came  out  to  receive  him,  and  attended 
him  to  the  quarters  prepared  for  his  residence.  It 
was  a proud  moment  for  Cortes  ; and  distrusting,  as 
he  well  might,  his  reception  by  his  countrymen,  it 
afforded  him  a greater  satisfaction  than  the  brilliant 
entrance,  which,  a few  years  previous,  he  had  made 
into  the  capital  of  Mexico. 

The  following  day  he  was  admitted  to  an  au- 
dience by  the  emperor,  and  Cortes,  gracefully  kneel- 
ing to  kiss  the  hand  of  his  sovereign,  presented  to 
him  a memorial  which  succinctly  recounted  his  ser- 
vices and  the  requital  he  had  received  for  them. 
The  emperor  graciously  raised  him,  and  put  many 
questions  to  him  respecting  the  countries  he  had 
conquered.  Charles  was  pleased  with  the  general’s 
answers,  and  his  intelligent  mind  took  great  satis- 
faction in  inspecting  the  curious  specimens  of  Indian 
ingenuity  which  his  vassal  had  brought  with  him 
from  New  Spain.  In  subsequent  conversations  the 
emperor  repeatedly  consulted  Cortes  on  the  best 
mode  of  administering  the  government  of  the  colo- 
nies ; and  by  his  advice  introduced  some  important 

acompanamiento  y magestad,  que  rador.”  Lanuza,  Historias  Eccle- 
mas  parecia  de  Principe,  6 sefior  siasticas  y Seculares  de  Aragon, 
poderosissimo,  que  de  Capitan  y (Zaragoza,  1622,)  lib.  3,  cap.  14. 
vasallo  de  algun  Rey  6 Empe- 


Ch.  IV  ] HONORS  CONFERRED  ON  HIM.  319 

regulations,  especially  for  ameliorating  the  condition 
of  the  natives,  and  for  encouraging  domestic  in- 
dustry. 

The  monarch  took  frequent  opportunity  to  show 
the  confidence  which  he  now  reposed  in  Cortes.  On 
all  public  occasions  he  appeared  with  him  by  his 
side ; and  once,  when  the  general  lay  ill  of  a fever, 
Charles  paid  him  a visit  in  person,  and  remained 
some  time  in  the  apartment  of  the  invalid.  This 
was  an  extraordinary  mark  of  condescension  in  the 
haughty  court  of  Castile ; and  it  is  dwelt  upon  with 
becoming  emphasis  by  the  historians  of  the  time, 
who  seem  to  regard  it  as  an  ample  compensation  for 
all  the  sufferings  and  services  of  Cortes.23 

The  latter  had  now  fairly  triumphed  over  opposi- 
tion. The  courtiers,  with  that  ready  instinct  which 
belongs  to  the  tribe,  imitated  the  example  of  their 
master ; and  even  envy  was  silent,  amidst  the  gen- 
eral homage  that  was  paid  to  the  man  who  had  so 
lately  been  a mark  for  the  most  envenomed  calumny. 
Cortes,  without  a title,  without  a name  but  what  he 
had  created  for  himself,  was  at  once,  as  it  were, 
raised  to  a level  with  the  proudest  nobles  in  the 
land. 

He  was  so  still  more  effectually  by  the  substantial 
honors  which  were  accorded  to  him  by  his  sovereign 
in  the  course  of  the  following  year.  By  an  instru- 
ment, dated  July  6th,  1529,  the  emperor  raised 


23  Gomara,  Cronica,  cap.  183.  lib.  4,  cap.  1. — Bernal  Diaz,  Hist. 
— Herrera,  Hist.  Gen  , dec.  4,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  195. 


320 


SUBSEQUENT  CAREER  OF  CORTES.  [Book  VII. 


him  to  the  dignity  of  the  Marquess  of  the  Valley 
of  Oaxaca;24  and  the  title  of  “marquess,”  when 
used  without  the  name  of  the  individual,  has  been 
always  appropriated  in  the  colonies,  in  an  especial 
manner,  to  Cortes,  as  the  title  of  “ admiral  ” was  to 
Columbus.25 

Two  other  instruments,  dated  in  the  same  month 
of  July,  assigned  to  Cortes  a vast  tract  of  land  in 
the  rich  province  of  Oaxaca,  together  with  large 
estates  in  the  city  of  Mexico,  and  other  places  in 
the  Valley.26  The  princely  domain  thus  granted 
comprehended  more  than  twenty  large  towns  and 
villages,  and  twenty-three  thousand  vassals.  The 
language  in  which  the  gift  was  made  greatly  en- 
hanced its  value.  The  preamble  of  the  instrument, 
after  enlarging  on  the  “ good  services  rendered  by 
Cortes  in  the  Conquest,  and  the  great  benefits  result- 
ing therefrom,  both  in  respect  to  the  increase  of  the 
Castilian  empire,  and  the  advancement  of  the  Holy 
Catholic  Faith,”  acknowledges  “ the  sufferings  he 
had  undergone  in  accomplishing  this  glorious  work, 
and  the  fidelity  and  obedience,  with  which,  as  a 


24  Titulo  de  Marques,  MS.,  Bar- 
celona, 6 de  Julio,  1529. 

25  Humboldt,  Essai  Politique, 
tom.  II.  p.  30,  note. 

According  to  Lanuza,  he  was 
offered  by  the  emperor  the  Order 
of  St.  Jago,  but  declined  it,  because 
no  encomienda  was  attached  to  it. 
(Hist,  de  Aragon,  tom.  I.  lib.  3, 
cap.  14.)  But  Caro  de  Torres, 
in  his  History  of  the  Military  Or- 


ders of  Castile,  enumerates  Cortes 
among  the  members  of  the  Com- 
postellan  fraternity.  Hist,  de  las 
Ord.  Militates,  (Madrid,  1629,) 
fol.  103,  et  seq. 

26  Merced  de  Tierras  Immedia- 
tas  a Mexico,  MS.,  Barcelona,  23 
de  Julio,  1529.  — Merced  de  los 
Vasallos,  MS.,  Barcelona,  6 dc 
Julio,  1529. 


Ch.  IV.] 


HONORS  CONFERRED  ON  HIM. 


32] 


good  and  trusty  vassal,  he  had  ever  served  the 
Crown  ”27  It  declares,  in  conclusion,  that  it  grants 
this  lecompense  of  his  deserts,  because  it  is  “ the 
duty  of  princes  to  honor  and  reward  those  who 
serve  them  well  and  loyally,  in  order  that  the  memo- 
ry of  their  great  deeds  should  be  perpetuated,  and 
others  be  incited  by  their  example  to  the  perform- 
ance of  the  like  illustrious  exploits.”  The  unequiv- 
ocal testimony  thus  borne  by  his  sovereign  to  his  un- 
wavering loyalty  was  most  gratifying  to  Cortes  ; — 
how  gratifying,  every  generous  soul,  who  has  been 
the  subject  of  suspicion  undeserved,  will  readily 
estimate.  The  language  of  the  general  in  after 
time  shows  how  deeply  he  was  touched  by  it.23 

Yet  there  was  one  degree  in  the  scale,  above 
which  the  royal  gratitude  would  not  rise.  Neithei 
the  solicitations  of  Cortes,  nor  those  of  the  duke  de 
Bejar,  and  his  other  powerful  friends,  could  prevail 
on  the  emperor  to  reinstate  him  in  the  government 


27  “E  nos  habemos  recibido  y 
tenemos  de  vos  por  bien  servido  en 
ello,  y acatando  los  grandes  prove- 
chos  que  de  vuestros  servicios  han 
redundado,  ansi  para  el  servicio 
de  Nuestro  Senor  y aumento  de 
su  santa  fe  catolica,  y en  las  dichas 
tierras  que  estaban  sin  conocimi- 
ento  ni  fe  se  han  plantado,  como 
el  acrecentamiento  que  dello  ha 
redundado  a nuestra  corona  real 
destos  reynos,  y los  trabajos  que 
en  ello  habeis  pasado,  y la  fidelidad 
y obediencia  con  que  sierapre  nos 
habeis  servido  como  bueno  e fiel 
servidor  y vasallo  nuestro,  de  que 
VOL.  III.  41 


somos  ciertos  y confiados.”  Mer- 
ced de  los  Vasallos,  MS. 

28  “The  benignant  reception 
which  I experienced,  on  my  return, 
from  your  Majesty,”  says  Cortes, 
“your  kind  expressions  and  gen- 
erous treatment,  make  me  not  only 
forget  all  my  toils  and  sufferings, 
but  even  cause  me  regret  that  I 
have  not  been  called  to  endure 
more  in  your  service.”  (Carta  de 
Cortes  al  Lie.  Nunez,  MS.,  1535.) 
This  memorial,  addressed  to  his 
agent  in  Castile,  was  designed  for 
the  emperor. 


322  SUBSEQUENT  CAREER  OF  CORTES.  [Book  VIE 

oi  Mexico.  The  country,  reduced  to  tranquillity, 
had  no  longer  need  of  his  commanding  genius  to 
control  it ; and  Charles  did  not  care  to  place  again 
his  formidable  vassal  in  a situation  which  might 
revive  the  dormant  spark  of  jealousy  and  distrust. 
It  was  the  policy  of  the  Crown  to  employ  one  class 
of  its  subjects  to  effect  its  conquests,  and  another 
class  to  rule  over  them.  For  the  latter  it  selected 
men  in  whom  the  fire  of  ambition  was  tempered 
by  a cooler  judgment  naturally,  or  by  the  sober  in- 
fluence of  age.  Even  Columbus,  notwithstanding 
the  terms  of  his  original  “ capitulation  ” with  the 
Crown,  had  not  been  permitted  to  preside  over  the 
colonies ; and  still  less  likely  would  it  be  to  concede 
this  power  to  one  possessed  of  the  aspiring  temper 
of  Cortes. 

But,  although  the  emperor  refused  to  commit  the 
civil  government  of  the  colony  into  his  hands,  he 
reinstated  him  in  his  military  command.  By  a royal 
ordinance,  dated  also  in  July,  1529,  the  marquess 
of  the  Valley  was  named  Captain- General  of  New 
Spain,  and  of  the  coasts  of  the  South  Sea.  He 
was  empowered  to  make  discoveries  in  the  Southern 
Ocean,  with  the  right  to  rule  over  such  lands  as  he 
should  colonize,29  and  by  a subsequent  grant  he  was 
to  become  proprietor  of  one  twelfth  of  all  his  dis- 
coveries.30 The  government  had  no  design  to  relin- 


29  Titulo  de  Capitan  General  de  hizo  con  el  Emperador  Don  H. 

la  Nueva  Espana  y Costa  del  Sur,  Cortes,  MS.,  Madrid,  27  de  Oct. 
MS.,  Barcelona,  6 de  Julio,  1529.  1529. 

30  Asiento  y Capitulacion  que 


Ch.  IV.] 


HONORS  CONFERRED  ON  HIM. 


323 


quish  the  services  of  so  able  a commander.  But 
it  warily  endeavoured  to  withdraw  him  from  the 
scene  of  his  former  triumphs,  and  to  throw  open  a 
new  career  of  ambition,  that  might  stimulate  him 
still  further  to  enlarge  the  dominions  of  the  Crown. 

Thus  gilded  by  the  sunshine  of  royal  favor,  “ ri- 
valling,” to  borrow  the  homely  comparison  of  an  old 
chronicler,  “ Alexander  in  the  fame  of  his  exploits, 
and  Crassus  in  that  of  his  riches,” 31  with  brilliant 
manners,  and  a person,  which,  although  it  showed 
the  effects  of  hard  service,  had  not  yet  lost  all  the 
attractions  of  youth,  Cortes  might  now  be  regarded 
as  offering  an  enviable  alliance  for  the  best  houses 
in  Castile.  It  was  not  long  before  he  paid  his  ad- 
dresses, which  were  favorably  received,  to  a member 
of  that  noble  house,  which  had  so  steadily  supported 
him  in  the  dark  hour  of  his  fortunes.  The  lady’s 
name  was  Dona  Juana  de  Zuniga,  daughter  of  the 
second  count  de  Aguilar,  and  niece  of  the  duke  de 
Bejar.32  She  was  much  younger  than  himself,  beau- 
tiful, and,  as  events  showed,  not  without  spirit. 
One  of  his  presents  to  his  youthful  bride  excited  the 
admiration  and  envy  of  the  fairer  part  of  the  court. 
This  was  five  emeralds,  of  wonderful  size  and  bril- 

31  “ Que,  segun  se  dezia,  exce-  morables  de  Espafia,  (Alcala  de 
dia  en  las  hazanas  a Alexandra  Henares,  1539,)  fol.  24. 

Magno,  y en  las  riquezas  a Cras-  39  Dona  Juana  was  of  the  house 
so.”  (Lanuza,  Hist,  de  Aragon,  of  Arellano,  and  of  the  royal  lin- 
lib.  3,  cap.  14.)  The  rents  of  the  eage  of  Navarre.  Her  father  was 
marquess  of  the  Valley,  according  not  a very  wealthy  noble.  L.  Ma- 
to L.  Marineo  Siculo,  who  lived  at  rineo  Siculo,  Cosas  Mem.,  fol.  24, 
the  court  at  this  time,  were  about  25. 

60,000  ducats  a year.  Cosas  Me- 


324  SUBSEQUENT  CAREER  OF  CORTES.  [Book  VII. 

liancy.  These  jewels  had  been  cut  by  the  Aztecs 
into  the  shapes  of  flowers,  fishes,  and  into  other 
fanciful  forms,  with  an  exquisite  style  of  workman- 
ship which  enhanced  their  original  value.33  They 
were,  not  improbably,  part  of  the  treasure  of  the 
unfortunate  Montezuma,  and,  being  easily  portable, 
may  have  escaped  the  general  wreck  of  the  noche 
triste.  The  Queen  of  Charles  the  Fifth,  it  is  said, 
— it  may  be  the  idle  gossip  of  a court,  — had  in- 
timated a willingness  to  become  proprietor  of  some 
of  these  magnificent  bawbles ; and  the  preference 
which  Cortes  gave  to  his  fair  bride  caused  some  feel- 
ings of  estrangement  in  the  royal  bosom,  which  had 
an  unfavorable  influence  on  the  future  fortunes  of 
the  Marquess. 

Late  in  the  summer  of  1529,  Charles  the  Fifth 
left  his  Spanish  dominions  for  Italy.  Cortes  accom- 
panied him  on  his  way,  probably  to  the  place  of  em- 
barkation ; and  in  the  capital  of  Aragon  we  find 
him,  according  to  the  national  historian,  exciting  the 


33  One  of  these  precious  stones 
was  as  valuable  as  Shylock’s  tur- 
quoise. Some  Genoese  merchants 
in  Seville  offered  Cortes,  according 
to  Gomara,  40,000  ducats  for  it. 
The  same  author  gives  a more  par- 
ticular account  of  the  jewels,  which 
may  interest  some  readers.  It 
shows  the  ingenuity  of  the  artist, 
who,  without  steel,  could  so  nicely 
cut  so  hard  a material.  One  eme- 
rald was  in  the  form  of  a rose  ; the 
second  in  that  of  a horn  ; a third, 
like  a fish,  with  eyes  of  gold  ; the 


fourth  was  like  a little  bell,  with  a 
fine  pearl  for  the  tongue,  and  on 
the  rim  was  this  inscription,  in 
Spanish,  Blessed  is  he  who  created 
thee.  The  fifth,  which  was  the 
most  valuable,  was  a small  cup 
with  a foot  of  gold,  and  with  four 
little  chains,  of  the  same  metal, 
attached  to  a large  pearl  as  a 
button.  The  edge  of  the  cup  was 
of  gold,  on  which  was  engraven 
this  Latin  sentence,  Inter  natos 
mulierum  non  surrexit  major.  Go- 
mara, Cronica,  cap.  184. 


Cu.  IV.] 


HONORS  CONFERRED  ON  HIM. 


325 


same  general  interest  and  admiration  among  the 
people  as  he  had  done  in  Castile.  On  his  return, 
there  seemed  no  occasion  for  him  to  protract  his  stay 
longer  in  the  country.  He  was  weary  of  the  life  of 
idle  luxury  which  he  had  been  leading  for  the  last 
year,  and  which  was  so  foreign  to  his  active  habits 
and  the  stirring  scenes  to  which  he  had  been  ac- 
customed. He  determined,  therefore,  to  return  to 
Mexico,  where  his  extensive  property  required  his 
presence,  and  where  a new  field  was  now  opened 
to  him  for  honorable  enterprise. 


CHAPTER  V. 

Cortes  revisits  Mexico. — Retires  to  his  Estates.  — His  Voya- 
ages  of  Discovery. — Final  Return  to  Castile.  — Cold  Recep- 
tion.— Death  of  Cortes.  — His  Character. 

1530—  1547. 

Early  in  the  spring  of  1530,  Cortes  embarked 
for  New  Spain.  He  was  accompanied  by  the  mar- 
chioness, his  wife,  together  with  his  aged  mother, 
who  had  the  good  fortune  to  live  to  see  her  son’s 
elevation,  and  by  a magnificent  retinue  of  pages  and 
attendants,  such  as  belonged  to  the  household  of  a 
powerful  noble.  How  different  from  the  forlorn  con- 
dition, in  which,  twenty-six  years  before,  he  had 
been  cast  loose,  as  a wild  adventurer,  to  seek  his 
bread  upon  the  waters ! 

The  first  point  of  his  destination  was  Hispaniola, 
where  he  was  to  remain  until  he  received  tidings  of 
the  organization  of  the  new  government  that  was  to 
take  charge  of  Mexico.1  In  the  preceding  Chapter 
it  was  stated,  that  the  administration  of  the  country 
had  been  intrusted  to  a body  called  the  Royal  Audi- 
ence ; one  of  whose  first  duties  it  was  to  investigate 
the  charges  brought  against  Cortes.  Nunez  de  Guz- 


1 Carta  de  Cortes  al  Emperador,  MS.,  Tezcuco,  10  de  Oct.,  1530. 


Ch.  V.] 


CORTES  REVISITS  MEXICO. 


327 


man,  his  avowed  enemy,  was  placed  at  the  head  of 
this  board ; and  the  investigation  was  conducted 
with  all  the  rancor  of  personal  hostility.  A remark- 
able document  still  exists,  called  the  Pesquisa  Se- 
crcta , or  “ Secret  Inquiry,”  which  contains  a record 
of  the  proceedings  against  Cortes.  It  was  prepared 
by  the  secretary  of  the  Audience,  and  signed  by  the 
several  members.  The  document  is  very  long,  em- 
bracing nearly  a hundred  folio  pages.  The  name 
and  the  testimony  of  every  witness  are  given,  and 
the  whole  forms  a mass  of  loathsome  details  such  as 
might  better  suit  a prosecution  in  a petty  municipal 
court  than  that  of  a great  officer  of  the  Crown. 

The  charges  are  eight  in  number ; involving, 
among  other  crimes,  that  of  a deliberate  design  to 
cast  off  his  allegiance  to  the  Crown ; that  of  the 
murder  of  two  of  the  commissioners  who  had  been 
sent  out  to  supersede  him  ; of  the  murder  of  his  own 
wife,  Catalina  Xuarez ; 2 of  extortion,  and  of  licen- 


2 Dona  Catalina’s  death  hap- 
pened so  opportunely  for  the  ris- 
ing fortunes  of  Cortes,  that  this 
charge  of  murder  by  her  husband 
has  found  more  credit  with  the 
vulgar  than  the  other  accusations 
brought  against  him.  Cortes,  from 
whatever  reason,  perhaps  from  the 
conviction  that  the  charge  was  too 
monstrous  to  obtain  credit,  never 
condescended  to  vindicate  his  inno- 
cence. But,  in  addition  to  the  ar- 
guments mentioned  in  the  text  for 
discrediting  the  accusation  gener- 
ally, we  should  consider,  that  this 


particular  charge  attracted  so  little 
attention  in  Castile,  where  he  had 
abundance  of  enemies,  that  he 
found  no  difficulty,  on  his  return 
there,  seven  years  afterwards,  in 
forming  an  alliance  with  one  of  the 
noblest  houses  in  the  kingdom  ; 
that  no  writer  of  that  day,  (except 
Bernal  Diaz,  who  treats  it  as  a base 
calumny,)  not  even  Las  Casas,  the 
stern  accuser  of  the  Conquerors, 
intimates  a suspicion  of  his  guilt; 
and  that,  lastly,  no  allusion  what- 
ever is  made  to  it  in  the  suit,  insti- 
tuted, some  years  after  her  death, 


328  SUBSEQUENT  CAREER  OF  CORTES.  [Book  VII 

tious  practices,  — of  offences,  in  short,  which,  from 
their  private  nature,  would  seem  to  have  little  to  do 
with  his  conduct  as  a public  man.  The  testimony 
is  vague  and  often  contradictory ; the  witnesses  are 
for  the  most  part  obscure  individuals,  and  the  few 
persons  of  consideration  among  them  appear  to  have 
been  taken  from  the  ranks  of  his  decided  enemies. 
When  it  is  considered,  that  the  inquiry  was  conduct- 
ed in  the  absence  of  Cortes,  before  a court,  the  mem- 
bers of  which  were  personally  unfriendly  to  him,  and 
that  he  was  furnished  with  no  specification  of  the 
charges,  and  had  no  opportunity,  consequently,  of 
disproving  them,  it  is  impossible,  at  this  distance  of 
time,  to  attach  any  importance  to  this  paper  as  a 
legal  document.  When  it  is  added,  that  no  action 
was  taken  on  it  by  the  government,  to  whom  it  was 
sent,  we  may  be  disposed  to  regard  it  simply  as  a 
monument  of  the  malice  of  his  enemies.  It  has 
been  drawn  by  the  curious  antiquary  from  the  ob- 
scurity to  which  it  had  been  so  long  consigned  in  the 
Indian  archives  at  Seville ; but  it  can  be  of  no  fur- 


by  the  relatives  of  Dona  Catalina, 
for  the  recovery  of  property  from 
Cortes,  pretended  to  have  been  de- 
rived through  her  marriage  with 
him,  — a suit  conducted  with  acri- 
mony, and  protracted  for  several 
years.  I have  not  seen  the  docu- 
ments connected  with  this  suit, 
which  are  still  preserved  in  the  ar- 
chives of  the  house  of  Cortes,  but 
the  fact  has  been  communicated 
to  me  by  a distinguished  Mexican, 


who  has  carefully  examined  them, 
and  I cannot  but  regard  it  as  of  it- 
self conclusive,  that  the  family,  at 
least,  of  Dona  Catalina,  did  not  at- 
tach credit  to  the  accusation. 

Yet  so  much  credit  has  been  giv- 
en to  this  in  Mexico,  where  the 
memory  of  the  old  Spaniards  is  not 
held  in  especial  favor,  at  the  pres- 
ent day,  that  it  has  formed  the  sub- 
ject of  an  elaborate  discussion  in 
the  public  periodicals  of  that  city. 


Ch.  V.] 


CORTES  REVISITS  MEXICO. 


329 


ther  use  to  the  historian,  than  to  show,  that  a great 
name  in  the  sixteenth  century  exposed  its  possessor  to 
calumnies  as  malignant  as  it  has  at  any  time  since.3 

The  high-handed  measures  of  the  Audience,  and 
the  oppressive  conduct  of  Guzman,  especially  to- 
wards the  Indians,  excited  general  indignation  in 
the  colony,  and  led  to  serious  apprehensions  of  an 
insurrection.  It  became  necessary  to  supersede  an 
administration  so  reckless  and  unprincipled.  But 
Cortes  was  detained  two  months  at  the  island,  by 
the  slow  movements  of  the  Castilian  court,  before 
tidings  reached  him  of  the  appointment  of  a new 
Audience  for  the  government  of  the  country.  The 
person  selected  to  preside  over  it  was  the  bishop  of 
St.  Domingo,  a prelate  whose  acknowledged  wisdom 
and  virtue  gave  favorable  augury  for  the  conduct 
of  his  administration.  After  this,  Cortes  resumed 
his  voyage,  and  landed  at  Villa  Rica  on  the  13th  of 
luly,  1530. 


3 This  remarkable  paper,  form- 
ing part  of  the  valuable  collection 
of  Don  Vargas  Pon$e,  is  without 
date.  It  was  doubtless  prepared 
in  1529,  during  the  visit  of  Cortes 
to  Castile.  The  following  Title  is 
prefixed  to  it. 

“ Pesquisa  secreta. 

Relacion  de  los  cargos  que  re- 
Bultan  de  la  pesquisa  secreta  con- 
tra Don  Hernando  Cortes,  de  los 
quales  no  se  le  dio  copia  ni  trasla- 
do  a la  parte  del  dicho  Don  Her- 
nando, asi  por  ser  los  dichos  car- 
gos de  la  calidad  que  son,  como  por 
VOL.  III.  40 


estar  la  persona  del  dicho  Don  Her- 
nando ausente  como  esta.  Los 
quales  yo  Gregorio  de  Saldana, 
escribano  de  S.  M.  y escribano  de 
la  dicha  Residencia,  saque  de  la  di- 
cha  pesquisa  secreta  por  mandado 
de  los  Senores,  Presidente  y Oido- 
res  de  la  Audiencia  y Chancilleria 
Real  que  por  mandado  de  S.  M.  en 
esta  Nueva  Espana  reside.  Los 
quales  dichos  Senores,  Presidente 
y Oidores,  envian  a S.  M.  para  que 
los  mande  ver,  y vistos  mande  pro- 
veer lo  que  a su  servicio  conven- 
ga.”  MS. 


330 


SUBSEQUENT  CAREER  OF  CORTES.  [Book  VII. 


After  remaining  for  a time  in  the  neighbourhood, 
where  he  received  some  petty  annoyances  from  the 
Audience,  he  proceeded  to  Tlascala,  and  publicly 
proclaimed  his  powers  as  Captain-General  of  New 
Spain  and  the  South  Sea.  An  edict,  issued  by  the 
empress  during  her  husband’s  absence,  had  interdict- 
ed Cortes  from  approaching  within  ten  leagues  of  the 
Mexican  capital,  while  the  present  authorities  were 
there.4  The  empress  was  afraid  of  a collision  be- 
tween the  parties.  Cortes,  however,  took  up  his  resi- 
dence on  the  opposite  side  of  the  lake,  at  Tezcuco. 

No  sooner  was  his  arrival  there  known  in  the 
metropolis,  than  multitudes,  both  of  Spaniards  and 
natives,  crossed  the  lake  to  pay  their  respects  to  their 
old  commander,  to  offer  him  their  services,  and  to 
complain  of  their  manifold  grievances.  It  seemed 
as  if  the  whole  population  of  the  capital  was  pouring 
into  the  neighbouring  city,  where  the  marquess  main- 
tained the  state  of  an  independent  potentate.  The 
members  of  the  Audience,  indignant  at  the  mortify- 
ing contrast  which  their  own  diminished  court  pre- 
sented, imposed  heavy  penalties  on  such  of  the  na- 
tives as  should  be  found  in  Tezcuco ; and,  affecting 
to  consider  themselves  in  danger,  made  preparations 
for  the  defence  of  the  city.  But  these  belligerent 
movements  were  terminated  by  the  arrival  of  the 
new  Audience ; though  Guzman  had  the  address  to 
maintain  his  hold  on  a northern  province,  where  he 
earned  a reputation  for  cruelty  and  extortion,  unri- 
valled even  in  the  annals  of  the  New  World. 


4 MS.,  Tordelaguna,  22  de  Marzo,  1530. 


Ch.  V.] 


RETIRES  TO  HIS  ESTATES. 


331 


Every  thing  seemed  now  to  assure  a tranquil  resi- 
dence to  Cortes.  The  new  magistrates  treated  him 
with  marked  respect,  and  took  his  advice  on  the 
most  important  measures  of  government.  Unhap- 
pily this  state  of  things  did  not  long  continue  ; and 
a misunderstanding  arose  between  the  parties,  in 
respect  to  the  enumeration  of  the  vassals  assigned 
by  the  Crown  to  Cortes,  which  the  marquess  thought 
was  made  on  principles  prejudicial  to  his  interests, 
and  repugnant  to  the  intentions  of  the  grant.5 *  He 
was  still  further  displeased  by  finding  that  the  Audi- 
ence were  intrusted,  by  their  commission,  with  a con- 
current jurisdiction  with  himself  in  military  affairs.5 
This  led,  occasionally,  to  an  interference,  which  the 
proud  spirit  of  Cortes,  so  long  accustomed  to  inde- 
pendent rule,  could  ill  brook.  After  submitting  to  it 
for  a time,  he  left  the  capital  in  disgust,  no  more  to 
return  there,  and  took  up  his  residence  in  his  city  of 
Cuernavaca. 

It  was  the  place  won  by  his  own  sword  from  the 
Aztecs,  previous  to  the  siege  of  Mexico.  It  stood  on 
the  southern  slope  of  the  Cordilleras,  and  overlooked 
a wide  expanse  of  country,  the  fairest  and  most  flour- 
ishing portion  of  his  own  domain.  He  had  erected 
a stately  palace  on  the  spot,  and  henceforth  made 
this  city  his  favorite  residence.7  It  was  well  situated 

5 The  principal  grievance  al-  embodied  by  Cortes  in  a memorial 
leged  was,  that  slaves,  many  of  to  the  emperor.  It  is  a clear  and 
them  held  temporarily  by  their  business-like  paper.  Carta  de  Cor- 

masters,  according  to  the  old  Az-  tes  a Nunez,  MS. 
tec  usage,  were  comprehended  in  0 Ibid.,  MS. 
the  census.  The  complaint  forms  7 The  palace  has  crumbled  into 

part  of  a catalogue  of  grievances  ruins,  and  the  spot  is  now  only  re 


332  SUBSEQUENT  CAREER  OF  CORTES.  [Book  VII. 

tor  superintending  his  vast  estates,  and  he  now  de- 
voted himself  to  bring  them  into  proper  cultivation. 
He  introduced  the  sugar-cane  from  Cuba,  and  it 
grew  luxuriantly  in  the  rich  soil  of  the  neighbouring 
lowlands.  He  imported  large  numbers  of  merino 
sheep  and  other  cattle,  which  found  abundant  pas- 
tures in  the  country  around  Tehuantepec.  His  lands 
were  thickly  sprinkled  with  groves  of  mulberry-trees, 
which  furnished  nourishment  for  the  silk-worm.  He 
encouraged  the  cultivation  of  hemp  and  flax,  and,  by 
his  judicious  and  enterprising  husbandry,  showed  the 
capacity  of  the  soil  for  the  culture  of  valuable  pro- 
ducts before  unknown  in  the  land ; and  he  turned 
these  products  to  the  best  account,  by  the  erection 
of  sugar-mills,  and  other  works  for  the  manufacture 
of  the  raw  material.  He  thus  laid  the  foundation 
of  an  opulence  for  his  family,  as  substantial,  if  not 
as  speedy,  as  that  derived  from  the  mines.  Yet  this 
latter  source  of  wealth  was  not  neglected  by  him  ; 
and  he  drew  gold  from  the  region  of  Tehuantepec, 
and  silver  from  that  of  Zacatecas.  The  amount 
derived  from  these  mines  was  not  so  abundant  as  at 


markable  for  its  natural  beauty 
and  its  historic  associations.  “ It 
was  the  capital,”  says  Madame  de 
Calderon,  “of  the  Tlahuica  na- 
tion, and,  after  the  Conquest,  Cor- 
tes built  here  a splendid  palace,  a 
church,  and  a convent  for  Francis- 
cans, believing  that  he  had  laid 
the  foundation  of  a great  city. 

It  is,  however,  a place 

of  little  importance  , though  so  fa- 


vored by  nature ; and  the  Conquer- 
or's palace  is  a half-ruined  bar- 
rack, though  a most  picturesque 
object,  standing  on  a hill,  behind 
which  starts  up  the  great  white 
volcano.  There  are  some  good 
houses,  and  the  remains  of  the 
church  which  Cortes  built,  cel- 
ebrated for  its  bold  arch.”  Life 
in  Mexico,  vol.  II.  let.  31. 


Ch.  V.] 


HIS  VOYAGES  OF  DISCOVERY. 


333 


a later  day.  But  the  expense  of  working  them,  on 
the  other  hand,  was  much  less  in  the  earlier  stages 
of  the  operation,  when  the  metal  lay  so  much  nearer 
the  surface.3 

But  this  tranquil  way  of  life  did  not  long  content 
his  restless  and  adventurous  spirit ; and  it  sought  a 
vent  by  availing  itself  of  his  new  charter  of  discov- 
ery to  explore  the  mysteries  of  the  great  Southern 
Ocean.  In  1527,  two  years  before  his  return  to 
Spain,  he  had  sent  a little  squadron  to  the  Moluccas. 
The  expedition  was  attended  with  some  important 
consequences  ; but,  as  they  do  not  relate  to  Cortes, 
an  account  of  it  will  find  a more  suitable  place  in 
the  maritime  annals  of  Spain,  where  it  has  been 
given  by  the  able  hand  which  has  done  so  much  for 
the  country  in  this  department.8 9 

Cortes  was  preparing  to  send  another  squadron 
of  four  vessels  in  the  same  direction,  when  his  plans 
were  interrupted  by  his  visit  to  Spain;  and  his  unfin- 
ished little  navy,  owing  to  the  malice  of  the  Royal 
Audience,  who  drew  off  the  hands  employed  in 
building  it,  went  to  pieces  on  the  stocks.  Two 
other  squadrons  were  now  fitted  out  by  Cortes,  in 
the  years  1532  and  1533,  and  sent  on  a voyage  of 

8 These  particulars,  respecting  rial  rights  possessed  at  this  day  by 
the  agricultural  economy  of  Cortes,  the  Conqueror’s  descendant,  the 
1 have  derived,  in  part,  from  a very  duke  of  Monteleone. 
able  argument,  prepared,  in  Janu-  9 Navarrete,  Coleccion  de  los 
ary,  1828,  for  the  Mexican  Cham-  Viages  y Descubrimientos,  (Mad- 

ber  of  Deputies,  by  Don  Lucas  rid,  1837,)  tom.  V.,  Viages  al  Ma- 
Alaman,  in  defence  of  the  territo-  luco. 


334  SUBSEQUENT  CAREER  OF  CORTES.  [Book  VII. 

discovery  to  the  North-west.10  They  were  unfortu- 
nate, though,  in  the  latter  expedition,  the  Californian 
peninsula  was  reached,  and  a landing  effected  on  its 
southern  extremity  at  Santa  Cruz,  probably  the 
modern  port  of  La  Paz.  One  of  the  vessels,  thrown 
on  the  coast  of  New  Galicia,  was  seized  by  Guzman, 
the  old  enemy  of  Cortes,  who  ruled  over  that  terri- 
tory, the  crew  were  plundered,  and  the  ship  was  de- 
tained as  a lawful  prize.  Cortes,  indignant  at  the 
outrage,  demanded  justice  from  the  Royal  Audi- 
ence ; and,  as  that  body  was  too  feeble  to  enforce  its 
own  decrees  in  his  favor,  he  took  redress  into  his 
own  hands.11 

He  made  a rapid  but  difficult  march  on  Chiametla, 
the  scene  of  Guzman’s  spoliation  ; and,  as  the  latter 
did  not  care  to  face  his  incensed  antagonist,  Cortes 
recovered  his  vessel,  though  not  the  cargo.  He  was 
then  joined  by  the  little  squadron  which  he  had  fitted 
out  from  his  own  port  of  Tehuantepec,  — a port, 
which,  in  the  sixteenth  century,  promised  to  hold 
the  place  since  occupied  by  that  of  Acapulco.12 
The  vessels  were  provided  with  every  thing  requisite 
for  planting  a colony  in  the  newly  discovered  region, 
and  transported  four  hundred  Spaniards  and  three 
hundred  negro  slaves , which  Cortes  had  assembled 
for  that  purpose.  With  this  intention  he  crossed 

10  Instruccion  que  dio  Marques  12  The  river  Huasacualco  fur- 

del  Valle  a Juan  de  Avellaneda,  nished  great  facilities  for  trans- 
&c.,  MS.  porting,  across  the  isthmus,  from 

11  Provision  sobre  los  Descu-  Vera  Cruz,  materials  to  build  ves- 

brimientos  del  Sur,  MS.,  Setiem-  sels  on  the  Pacific.  Humboldt, 
bre,  1534.  Essai  Politique,  tom.  IV.  p.  50. 


Ch.  V.]  HIS  VOYAGES  OF  DISCOVERY.  335 

the  Gulf,  the  Adriatic  — to  which  an  old  writer 
compares  it  — of  the  Western  World. 

Our  limits  will  not  allow  us  to  go  into  the  details 
of  this  disastrous  expedition,  which  was  attended 
with  no  important  results  either  to  its  projector  or  to 
science.  It  may  suffice  to  say,  that,  in  the  prosecu- 
tion of  it,  Cortes  and  his  followers  were  driven  to 
the  last  extremity  by  famine  ; that  he  again  crossed 
the  Gulf,  was  tossed  about  by  terrible  tempests, 
without  a pilot  to  guide  him,  was  thrown  upon  the 
rocks,  where  his  shattered  vessel  nearly  went  to 
pieces,  and,  after  a succession  of  dangers  and  disas- 
ters as  formidable  as  any  which  he  had  ever  encoun- 
tered on  land,  succeeded,  by  means  of  his  indomita- 
ble energy,  in  bringing  his  crazy  bark  safe  into  the 
same  port  of  Santa  Cruz  from  which  he  had  started. 

While  these  occurrences  were  passing,  the  new 
Royal  Audience,  after  a faithful  discharge  of  its 
commission,  had  been  superseded  by  the  arrival  of 
a Viceroy,  the  first  ever  sent  to  New  Spain.  Cortes, 
though  invested  with  similar  powers,  had  the  title 
only  of  Governor.  This  was  the  commencement  of 
the  system,  afterwards  pursued  by  the  Crown,  of  in- 
trusting the  colonial  administration  to  some  individu- 
al, whose  high  rank  and  personal  consideration  might 
make  him  the  fitting  representative  of  majesty.  The 
jealousy  of  the  Court  did  not  allow  the  subject 
clothed  with  such  ample  authority  to  remain  long 
enough  in  the  same  station  to  form  dangerous 
schemes  of  ambition,  but  at  the  expiration  of  a 
few  years  he  was  usually  recalled,  or  transferred  to 


336  SUBSEQUENT  CAREER  OF  CORTES.  [Book  VII. 

some  other  province  of  the  vast  colonial  empire. 
The  person  now  sent  to  Mexico  was  Don  Antonio 
<ie  Mendoza,  a man  of  moderation  and  practical 
good  sense,  and  one  of  that  illustrious  family  who 
in  the  preceding  reign  furnished  so  many  distinguish- 
ed ornaments  to  the  Church,  to  the  camp,  and  to 
letters. 

The  long  absence  of  Cortes  had  caused  the  deep- 
est anxiety  in  the  mind  of  his  wife,  the  marchioness 
of  the  Valley.  She  wrote  to  the  viceroy  immediate- 
ly on  his  arrival,  beseeching  him  to  ascertain,  if  pos- 
sible, the  fate  of  her  husband,  and,  if  he  could  be 
found,  to  urge  his  return.  The  viceroy,  in  conse- 
quence, despatched  two  ships  in  search  of  Cortes, 
but  whether  they  reached  him  before  his  departure 
from  Santa  Cruz  is  doubtful.  It  is  certain,  that  he 
returned  safe,  after  his  long  absence,  to  Acapulco, 
and  was  soon  followed  by  the  survivors  of  his 
wretched  colonv. 

J 

Undismayed  by  these  repeated  reverses,  Cortes, 
still  bent  on  some  discovery  worthy  of  his  reputa- 
tion, fitted  out  three  more  vessels,  and  placed  them 
under  the  command  of  an  officer  named  Ulloa.  This 
expedition,  which  took  its  departure  in  July,  1539, 
was  attended  with  more  important  results.  Ulloa 
penetrated  to  the  head  of  the  Gulf;  then,  returning 
and  winding  round  the  coast  of  the  peninsula,  doub- 
led its  southern  point,  and  ascended  as  high  as  the 
twenty-eight  or  twenty-ninth  degree  of  north  lat- 
itude on  its  western  borders.  After  this,  sending 
home  one  of  the  squadron,  the  bold  navigator  held 


Ch.  V.] 


HIS  VOYAGES  OF  DISCOVERY. 


337 


on  his  course  to  the  north,  but  was  never  more 
heard  of.13 

Thus  ended  the  maritime  enterprises  of  Cortes ; 
sufficiently  disastrous  in  a pecuniary  view,  since  they 
cost  him  three  hundred  thousand  Castellanos  of  gold, 
without  the  return  of  a ducat.14  He  was  even  obliged 
to  borrow  money,  and  to  pawn  his  wife’s  jewels, 
to  procure  funds  for  the  last  enterprise  ; 15  thus  incur- 
ring a debt,  which,  increased  by  the  great  charges 
of  his  princely  establishment,  hung  about  him  dur- 
ing the  remainder  of  his  life.  But,  though  disastrous 
in  an  economical  view,  his  generous  efforts  added 
important  contributions  to  science.  In  the  course 
of  these  expeditions,  and  those  undertaken  by  Cortes 
previous  to  his  visit  to  Spain,  the  Pacific  had  been 
coasted  from  the  Bay  of  Panama  to  the  Rio  Colo- 
rado. The  great  peninsula  of  California  had  been 
circumnavigated  as  far  as  to  the  isle  of  Cedros,  or 
Cerros,  into  which  the  name  has  since  been  corrupt- 
ed. This  vast  tract,  which  had  been  supposed  to 


13  Instruccion  del  Marques  del 
Valle,  MS. 

The  most  particular  and  authen- 
tic account  of  Ulloa’s  cruise  will  be 
found  in  Ramusio.  (Tom. III.  pp. 
340-354.)  It  is  by  one  of  the  of- 
ficers of  the  squadron.  — My  lim- 
its will  not  allow  me  to  give  the 
details  of  the  voyages  made  by 
Cortes,  which,  although  not  with- 
out interest,  were  attended  with 
no  permanent  consequences.  A 
good  summary  of  his  expeditions 
in  the  Gulf  has  been  given  by 
VOL.  III.  43 


Navarrete  in  the  Introduction  to 
his  Relacion  del  Viage  hecho  por 
las  Goletas  Sutil  y Mexicana, 
(Madrid,  1802,)  pp.  vi.-Xxvi.; 
and  the  English  reader  will  find  a 
brief  account  of  them  in  Green- 
how's  valuable  Memoir  on  the 
Northwest  Coast  of  North  Amer- 
ica, (Washington,  1840,)  pp.  22  - 
27. 

14  Memorial  al  Rey  del  Marques 
del  Valle,  MS.,  25  de  Junio,  1540. 

15  Provision  sobre  los  Descubri- 
mientos  del  Sur  MS 


338 


SUBSEQUENT  CAREER  OF  CORTES.  [Book  VII. 


be  an  archipelago  of  islands,  was  now  discovered  to 
be  a part  of  the  continent ; and  its  general  outline, 
as  appears  from  the  maps  of  the  time,  was  nearly  as 
well  understood  as  at  the  present  day.16  Lastly,  the 
navigator  had  explored  the  recesses  of  the  Califor- 
nian Gulf,  or  Sea  of  Cortes , as,  in  honor  of  the  great 
discoverer,  it  is  with  more  propriety  named  by  the 
Spaniards ; and  he  had  ascertained,  that,  instead  of 
the  outlet  before  supposed  to  exist  towards  the  north, 
this  unknown  ocean  was  locked  up  within  the  arms 
of  the  mighty  continent.  These  were  results  that 
might  have  made  the  glory  and  satisfied  the  ambi- 
tion of  a common  man ; but  they  are  lost  in  the  bril- 
liant renown  of  the  former  achievements  of  Cortes. 

Notwithstanding  the  embarrassments  of  the  mar- 
quess of  the  Valley,  he  still  made  new  efforts  to 
enlarge  the  limits  of  discovery,  and  prepared  to  fit 
out  another  squadron  of  five  vessels,  which  he  pro- 
posed to  place  under  the  command  of  a natural  son, 
Don  Luis.  But  the  viceroy  Mendoza,  whose  im- 
agination had  been  inflamed  by  the  reports  of  an 
itinerant  monk  respecting  an  El  Dorado  in  the  north, 
claimed  the  right  of  discovery  in  that  direction. 
Cortes  protested  against  this,  as  an  unwarrantable 
interference  with  his  own  powers.  Other  subjects 
of  collision  arose  between  them  ; till  the  marquess, 
disgusted  with  this  perpetual  check  on  his  authority 
and  his  enterprises,  applied  for  redress  to  Castile.17 

16  See  the  map  prepared  by  Ponge  is  a petition  of  Cortes,  set- 

the  pilot  Domingo  del  Castillo,  in  ting  forth  his  grievances,  and  de- 
1541,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  328.  manding  an  investigation  of  the 

17  In  the  collection  of  Vargas  vice-king’s  conduct.  It  is  without 


Ch.  V.] 


FINAL  RETURN  TO  CASTILE. 


339 


He  finally  determined  to  go  there  to  support  his 
claims  in  person,  and  to  obtain,  if  possible,  remu- 
neration for  the  heavy  charges  he  had  incurred  by 
his  maritime  expeditions,  as  well  as  for  the  spoliation 
of  his  property  by  the  Royal  Audience,  during  his 
absence  from  the  country ; and,  lastly,  to  procure 
an  assignment,  of  his  vassals  on  principles  more  con- 
formable to  the  original  intentions  of  the  grant. 
With  these  objects  in  view,  he  bade  adieu  to  his 
family,  and,  taking  with  him  his  eldest  son  and  heir, 
Don  Martin,  then  only  eight  years  of  age,  he  em- 
barked at  Mexico  in  1540,  and,  after  a favorable 
voyage,  again  set  foot  on  the  shores  of  his  native 
land. 

The  emperor  was  absent  from  the  country.  But 
Cortes  was  honorably  received  in  the  capital,  where 
ample  accommodations  were  provided  for  him  and 
his  retinue.  When  he  attended  the  Royal  Council 
of  the  Indies,  to  urge  his  suit,  he  was  distinguished 
by  uncommon  marks  of  respect.  The  president 
went  to  the  door  of  the  hall  to  receive  him,  and  a 
seat  was  provided  for  him  among  the  members  of 
the  Council.18  But  all  evaporated  in  this  barren 
show  of  courtesy.  Justice,  proverbially  slow  in 
Spain,  did  not  mend  her  gait  for  Cortes  ; and  at  the 
expiration  of  a year,  he  found  himself  no  nearer  the 
attainment  of  his  object  than  on  the  first  week  after 
his  arrival  in  the  capital. 

date.  Peticion  contra  Don  Anto-  18  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Con- 
nie de  Mendoza  Virrey,  pediendo  quista,  cap.  200. 
residencia  contra  el,  MS. 


340  SUBSEQUENT  CAREER  OF  CORTES.  [Book  VII. 

In  the  following  year,  1541,  we  find  the  marquess 
of  the  Valley  embarked  as  a volunteer  in  the  memo- 
rable expedition  against  Algiers.  Charles  the  Fifth, 
on  his  return  to  his  dominions,  laid  siege  to  that 
strong-hold  of  the  Mediterranean  corsairs.  Cortes 
accompanied  the  forces  destined  to  meet  the  empe- 
ror, and  embarked  on  board  the  vessel  of  the  Admi- 
ral of  Castile.  But  a furious  tempest  scattered  the 
navy,  and  the  admiral’s  ship  was  driven  a wreck  up- 
on the  coast.  Cortes  and  his  son  escaped  by  swim- 
ming, but  the  former,  in  the  confusion  of  the  scene, 
lost  the  inestimable  set  of  jewels  noticed  in  the  pre- 
ceding chapter  ; “ a loss,”  says  an  old  writer,  “ that 
made  the  expedition  fall  more  heavily  on  the  mar- 
quess of  the  Valley,  than  on  any  other  man  in  the 
kingdom,  except  the  emperor.”19 

It  is  not  necessary  to  recount  the  particulars  of 
this  disastrous  siege,  in  which  Moslem  valor,  aided 
by  the  elements,  set  at  defiance  the  combined  forces 
of  the  Christians.  A council  of  war  was  called,  and 
it  was  decided  to  abandon  the  enterprise  and  return 
to  Castile.  This  determination  was  indignantly  re- 
ceived by  Cortes,  who  offered,  with  the  support  of 
the  army,  to  reduce  the  place  himself;  and  he  only 
expressed  the  regret,  that  he  had  not  a handful  of 
those  gallant  veterans  by  his  side  who  had  served 
him  in  the  conquest  of  Mexico.  But  his  offers 
were  derided,  as  those  of  a romantic  enthusiast.  He 
had  not  been  invited  to  take  part  in  the  discussions 


19  Gomara,  Cronica,  cap.  237. 


Ch.  V.] 


HIS  COLD  RECEPTION. 


341 


of  the  council  of  war.  It  was  a marked  indignity  ; 
but  the  courtiers,  weary  of  the  service,  were  too 
much  bent  on  an  immediate  return  to  Spain,  to  haz- 
ard the  opposition  of  a man,  who,  when  he  had  once 
planted  his  foot,  was  never  known  to  raise  it  again, 
till  he  had  accomplished  his  object.20 

On  arriving  in  Castile,  Cortes  lost  no  time  in  lay- 
ing his  suit  before  the  emperor.  His  applications 
were  received  by  the  monarch  with  civility,  — a cold 
civility,  which  carried  no  conviction  of  its  sincerity. 
His  position  was  materially  changed  since  his  former 
visit  to  the  country.  More  than  ten  years  had 
elapsed,  and  he  was  now  too  well  advanced  in  years 
to  give  promise  of  serviceable  enterprise  in  future. 
Indeed,  his  undertakings  of  late  had  been  singularly 
unfortunate.  Even  his  former  successes  suffered  the 
disparagement  natural  to  a man  of  declining  for- 
tunes. They  were  already  eclipsed  by  the  magnifi- 
cent achievements  in  Peru,  which  had  poured  a 
golden  tide  into  the  country,  that  formed  a striking 
contrast  to  the  streams  of  wealth,  that,  as  yet,  had 
flowed  in  but  scantily  from  the  silver  mines  of  Mex- 
ico. Cortes  had  to  learn,  that  the  gratitude  of  a 
Court  has  reference  to  the  future  much  more  than  to 
the  past.  He  stood  in  the  position  of  an  impor 
tunate  suitor,  whose  claims,  however  just,  are  too 
large  to  be  readily  allowed.  He  found,  like  Co- 
lumbus, that  it  was  possible  to  deserve  too  greatly.21 

20  Sandoval,  Hist,  de  Carlos  V. , 21  Voltaire  tells  us,  that,  one  day, 

life.  12,  cap.  25. — Ferreras,  (trad.  Cortes,  unable  to  obtain  an  audience 
d’Hermilly,)  Hist.  d’Espagne,  tom.  of  the  emperor,  pushed  through 
IX.  p.  231.  the  press  surrounding  the  royal 


342  SUBSEQUENT  CAREER  OF  CORTES.  [Bock  VII. 

( 

In  the  month  of  February,  1544,  he  addressed  a 
letter  to  the  emperor,  — it  was  the  last  he  ever 
wrote  him,  — soliciting  his  attention  to  his  suit.  He 
begins,  by  proudly  alluding  to  his  past  services  to 
the  Crown.  “ He  had  hoped,  that  the  toils  of  youth 
would  have  secured  him  repose  in  his  old  age.  For 
forty  years  he  had  passed  his  life  with  little  sleep, 
bad  food,  and  with  his  arms  constantly  by  his  side. 
He  had  freely  exposed  his  person  to  peril,  and  spent 
his  substance  in  exploring  distant  and  unknown  re- 
gions, that  he  might  spread  abroad  the  name  of  his 
sovereign,  and  bring  under  his  sceptre  many  great 
and  powerful  nations.  All  this  he  had  done,  not 
only  without  assistance  from  home,  but  in  the  face 
of  obstacles  thrown  in  his  way  by  rivals  and  by 
enemies  who  thirsted  like  leeches  for  his  blood.  He 
was  now  old,  infirm,  and  embarrassed  with  debt. 
Better  had  it  been  for  him  not  to  have  known  the 
liberal  intentions  of  the  emperor,  as  intimated  by  his 
grants  ; since  he  should  then  have  devoted  himself 
to  the  care  of  his  estates,  and  not  have  been  com- 
pelled, as  he  now  was,  to  contend  with  the  officers 
of  the  Crown,  against  whom  it  was  more  difficult  to 
defend  himself  than  to  win  the  land  from  the  ene- 
my.” He  concludes  with  beseeching  his  sovereign 

carriage,  and  mounted  the  steps  ; For  this  most  improbable  anec- 
and,  when  Charles  inquired  “ who  dote  I have  found  no  authority 
that  man  was,”  he  replied,  “ One  whatever.  It  served,  however, 
who  has  given  you  more  kingdoms  very  well  to  point  a moral,  — the 
than  you  had  towns  before.”  (Es-  main  thing  with  the  philosopher  of 
sai  sur  les  Mceurs,  chap.  147.)  Ferney. 


CH.  V.J 


DEATH  OF  CORTES. 


343 


to  “ order  the  Council  of  the  Indies,  with  the  other 
tribunals  which  had  cognizance  of  his  suits,  to  come 
to  a decision  ; since  he  was  too  old  to  wander  about 
like  a vagrant,  but  ought  rather,  during  the  brief  re- 
mainder of  his  life,  to  stay  at  home  and  settle  his 
account  with  Heaven,  occupied  with  the  concerns 
of  his  soul,  rather  than  with  his  substance.” 22 

This  appeal  to  his  sovereign,  which  has  something 
in  it  touching  from  a man  of  the  haughty  spirit  of 
Cortes,  had  not  the  effect  to  quicken  the  determina- 
tion of  his  suit.  He  still  lingered  at  the  court  from 
week  to  week,  and  from  month  to  month,  beguiled 
by  the  deceitful  hopes  of  the  litigant,  tasting  all  that 
bitterness  of  the  soul  which  arises  from  hope  de- 
ferred. After  three  years  more,  passed  in  this  un- 
profitable and  humiliating  occupation,  he  resolved  to 
leave  his  ungrateful  country  and  return  to  Mexico. 

He  had  proceeded  as  far  as  Seville,  accompan- 
ied by  his  son,  when  he  fell  ill  of  an  indigestion, 
caused,  probably,  by  irritation  and  trouble  of  mind. 
This  terminated  in  dysentery,  and  his  strength  sank 
so  rapidly  under  the  disease,  that  it  was  apparent 
his  mortal  career  was  drawing  towards  its  close. 
He  prepared  for  it  by  making  the  necessary  arrange- 
ments for  the  settlement  of  his  affairs.  He  had 
made  his  will  some  time  before ; and  he  now  exe- 
cuted it.  It  is  a very  long  document,  and  in  some 
respects  a remarkable  one. 

22  The  Letter,  dated  February  entire,  in  the  original,  in  Ajrjiendix, 
3,  1544,  Valladolid,  may  be  found  Part  2,  No.  15. 


344 


SUBSEQUENT  CAREER  OF  CORTES.  [Book  VII. 


The  bulk  of  his  property  wns  entailed  to  his  son, 
Don  Martin,  then  fifteen  years  of  age.  In  the  tes- 
tament he  fixes  his  majority  at  twenty-five ; but  at 
twenty  his  guardians  were  to  allow  him  his  full  in- 
come, to  maintain  the  state  becoming  his  rank.  In 
a paper  accompanying  the  will,  Cortes  specified  the 
names  of  the  agents  to  whom  he  had  committed  the 
management  of  his  vast  estates  scattered  over  many 
different  provinces ; and  he  requests  his  executors 
to  confirm  the  nomination,  as  these  agents  have 
been  selected  by  him  from  a knowledge  of  their 
peculiar  qualifications.  Nothing  can  better  show 
the  thorough  supervision,  which,  in  the  midst  of 
pressing  public  concerns,  he  had  given  to  the  de- 
tails of  his  widely  extended  property. 

He  makes  a liberal  provision  for  his  other  children, 
and  a generous  allowance  to  several  old  domestics 
and  retainers  in  his  household.  By  another  clause 
he  gives  away  considerable  sums  in  charity,  and  he 
applies  the  revenues  of  his  estates  in  the  city  of 
Mexico  to  establish  and  permanently  endow  three 
public  institutions,  — a hospital  in  the  capital,  which 
was  to  be  dedicated  to  Our  Lady  of  the  Conception, 
a college  in  Cojohuacan  for  the  education  of  mis- 
sionaries to  preach  the  gospel  among  the  natives, 
and  a convent,  in  the  same  place,  for  nuns.  To  the 
chapel  of  this  convent,  situated  in  his  favorite  town, 
he  orders  that  his  own  body  shall  be  transported  for 
burial,  in  whatever  quarter  of  the  world  he  may 
happen  to  die. 


Ch.  V.] 


DEATH  OF  CORTES. 


345 


After  declaring  that  he  has  taken  all  possible  care 
to  ascertain  the  amount  of  the  tributes  formerly  paid 
by  his  Indian  vassals  to  their  native  sovereigns,  he 
enjoins  on  his  heir,  that,  in  case  those  which  they 
have  hitherto  paid  shall  be  found  to  exceed  the  right 
valuation,  he  shall  restore  them  a full  equivalent. 
In  another  clause,  he  expresses  a doubt  whether  it 
is  right  to  exact  personal  service  from  the  natives ; 
and  commands  that  a strict  inquiry  shall  be  made 
into  the  nature  and  value  of  such  services  as  he  had 
received,  and  that,  in  all  cases,  a fair  compensation 
shall  be  allowed  for  them.  Lastly,  he  makes  this  re- 
markable declaration  : “ It  has  long  been  a question, 
whether  one  can  conscientiously  hold  property  in 
Indian  slaves.  Since  this  point  has  not  yet  been 
determined,  I enjoin  it  on  my  son  Martin  and  his 
heirs,  that  they  spare  no  pains  to  come  to  an  exact 
knowledge  of  the  truth ; as  a matter  which  deeply 
concerns  the  conscience  of  each  of  them,  no  less 
than  mine.”23 

Such  scruples  of  conscience,  not  to  have  been 
expected  in  Cortes,  were  still  less  likely  to  be  met 


23  “ Item.  Porque  acerca  de  los 
esclavos  naturales  de  la  dicha 
Nueva  Espana,  asi  de  guerra  como 
de  rescate,  ha  habido  y hay  muchas 
dudas  y opiniones  sobre  si  se  han 
podido  tener  con  buena  conciencia 
6 no,  y hasta  ahora  no  esta  deter- 
minado  : Mando  que  todo  aquello 
que  generalmente  se  averiguare, 
que  en  este  caso  se  debe  hacer 
para  descargo  de  las  conciencias 
VOL.  III.  44 


en  lo  que  toca  a estos  esclavos  de 
la  dicha  Nueva  Espana,  que  se 
haya  y cumpla  en  todos  los  que 
yo  tengo,  e encargo.  Y mando  a 
D.  Martin  mi  hijo  subcesor,  y a 
los  que  despues  del  subcedieren  en 
mi  Estado,  que  para  averiguar  esto 
hagan  todas  las  diligencias  que 
combengan  al  descargo  de  mi  con- 
ciencia y suyas.”  Testamento  de 
Hernan  Cortes,  MS 


346 


SUBSEQUENT  CAREER  OF  CORTES.  [Book  VII. 


with  in  the  Spaniards  of  a later  generation.  The 
state  of  opinion  in  respect  to  the  great  question  of 
slavery,  in  the  sixteenth  century,  at  the  commence- 
ment of  the  system,  bears  some  resemblance  to  that 
which  exists  in  our  time,  when  we  may  hope  it  is 
approaching  its  conclusion.  Las  Casas  and  the  Do- 
minicans of  the  former  age,  the  abolitionists  of  their 
day,  thundered  out  their  uncompromising  invectives 
against  the  system,  on  the  broad  ground  of  natural 
equity  and  the  rights  of  man.  The  great  mass  of 
proprietors  troubled  their  heads  little  about  the  ques- 
tion of  right,  but  were  satisfied  with  the  expediency 
of  the  institution.  Others  more  considerate  and 
conscientious,  while  they  admitted  the  evil,  found 
an  argument  for  its  toleration  in  the  plea  of  neces- 
sity, regarding  the  constitution  of  the  white  man 
as  unequal,  in  a sultry  climate,  to  the  labor  of  culti- 
vating the  soil.24  In  one  important  respect,  the 
condition  of  slavery,  in  the  sixteenth  century,  differed 
materially  from  its  condition  in  the  nineteenth.  In 
the  former,  the  seeds  of  the  evil,  but  lately  sown, 
might  have  been,  with  comparatively  little  difficulty, 
eradicated.  But  in  our  time  they  have  struck  their 
roots  deep  into  the  social  system,  and  cannot  be 
rudely  handled  without  shaking  the  very  foundations 
of  the  political  fabric.  It  is  easy  to  conceive,  that  a 
man,  who  admits  all  the  wretchedness  of  the  institu- 

24  This  is  the  argument  contro-  government,  in  1542,  on  the  best 
verted  by  Las  Casas  in  his  elabo-  method  of  arresting  the  destruc- 
rate  Memorial  addressed  to  the  tion  of  the  Aborigines. 


Ch.  V.] 


DEATH  Of  CORTES. 


347 


tion  and  its  wrong  to  humanity,  may  nevertheless 
hesitate  to  adopt  a remedy,  until  he  is  satisfied  that 
the  remedy  itself  is  not  worse  than  the  disease. 
That  such  a remedy  will  come  with  time,  who  can 
doubt,  that  has  confidence  in  the  ultimate  preva- 
lence of  the  right,  and  the  progressive  civilization 
of  his  species  ? 

Cortes  names,  as  his  executors,  and  as  guardians 
of  his  children,  the  duke  of  Medina  Sidonia,  the 
marquess  of  Astorga,  and  the  count  of  Aguilar.  For 
his  executors  in  Mexico,  he  appoints  his  wife,  the 
marchioness,  the  archbishop  of  Toledo,  and  two  other 
prelates.  The  will  was  executed  at  Seville,  October 
11th,  1547 .25 

Finding  himself  much  incommoded,  as  he  grew 
weaker,  by  the  presence  of  visiters,  to  which  he  was 
necessarily  exposed  at  Seville,  he  withdrew  to  the 
neighbouring  village  of  Castilleja  de  la  Cuesta,  at- 
tended by  his  son,  who  watched  over  his  dying  pa- 
rent with  filial  solicitude.  Cortes  seems  to  have 
contemplated  his  approaching  end  with  the  compos- 
ure not  always  to  be  found  in  those  who  have  faced 
death  with  indifference  on  the  field  of  battle.  At 
length,  having  devoutly  confessed  his  sins  and  re- 
ceived the  sacrament,  he  expired  on  the  2d  of  De- 
cember, 1547,  in  the  sixty-third  year  of  his  age.26 

25  This  interesting  document  is  p.  504. — Gomara,  Cronica,  cap. 
in  the  Royal  Archives  of  Seville  ; 237. 

nd  a copy  of  it  forms  part  of  the  In  his  last  letter  to  the  emperor, 
aluable  collection  of  Don  Yargas  dated  in  February,  1544,  he  speaks 
Ponce.  of  himself  as  being  “sixty  years 

26  Zuniga,  Annales  de  Sevilla,  <?*’  age.”  But  he  probably  did 


348  SUBSEQUENT  CAREER  OF  CORTES.  [Book  VII. 

The  inhabitants  of  the  neighbouring  country  were 
desirous  to  show  every  mark  of  respect  to  the  mem- 
ory of  Cortes.  His  funeral  obsequies  were  cele- 
brated with  due  solemnity  by  a long  train  of  Anda- 
lusian nobles,  and  of  the  citizens  of  Seville,  and  his 
body  was  transported  to  the  chapel  of  the  monastery, 
San  Isidro,  in  that  city,  where  it  was  laid  in  the 
family  vault  of  the  duke  of  Medina  Sidonia.27  In 
the  year  1562,  it  was  removed,  by  order  of  his  son, 
Don  Martin,  to  New  Spain,  not,  as  directed  by  his 
will,  to  Cojohuacan,  but  to  the  monastery  of  St. 
Francis,  in  Tezcuco,  where  it  was  laid  by  the  side 
of  a daughter,  and  of  his  mother,  Doha  Catalina 
Pizarro.  In  1629,  the  remains  of  Cortes  were 
again  removed ; and  on  the  death  of  Don  Pedro, 
fourth  marquess  of  the  Valley,  it  was  decided  by  the 
authorities  of  Mexico  to  transfer  them  to  the  church 
of  St.  Francis,  in  that  capital.  The  ceremonial 
was  conducted  with  the  pomp  suited  to  the  occasion. 
A military  and  religious  procession  was  formed, 
with  the  archbishop  of  Mexico  at  its  head.  He 
was  accompanied  by  the  great  dignitaries  of  church 
and  state,  the  various  associations  with  their  re- 
spective banners,  the  several  religious  fraternities, 
and  the  members  of  the  Audience.  The  coffin. 


not  mean  to  be  exact  to  a year,  four  years  old.  (Hist,  de  la  Con- 
Gomara’s  statement,  that  he  was  quista,  cap.  205.)  This  would 
born  in  the  year  1485,  (Cronica,  coincide  with  the  age  mentioned 
cap.  1,)  is  confirmed  by  Diaz,  who  in  the  text. 

tells  us,  that  Cortes  used  to  say,  27  Noticia  del  Archivero  de  la 
that,  when  he  first  came  over  to  Santa  Eclesia  de  Sevilla,  MS 
Mexico,  in  1519,  he  was  thirty- 


Ch.  V.] 


DEATH  OF  CORTES. 


349 


containing  the  relics  of  Cortes,  was  covered  with 
black  velvet,  and  supported  by  the  judges  of  the 
Royal  tribunals.  On  either  side  of  it  was  a man  in 
complete  armor,  bearing,  on  the  right,  a standard 
of  pure  white,  with  the  arms  of  Castile  embroid- 
ered in  gold,  and,  on  the  left,  a banner  of  black 
velvet,  emblazoned  in  like  manner  with  the  armorial 
ensigns  of  the  house  of  Cortes.  Behind  the  corpse 
came  the  viceroy  and  a numerous  escort  of  Spanish 
cavaliers,  and  the  rear  was  closed  by  a battalion  of 
infantry,  armed  with  pikes  and  arquebuses,  and  with 
their  banners  trailing  on  the  ground.  With  this 
funeral  pomp,  by  the  sound  of  mournful  music,  and 
the  slow  beat  of  the  muffled  drum,  the  procession 
moved  forward,  with  measured  pace,  till  it  reached 
the  capital,  when  the  gates  were  thrown  open  to 
receive  the  mortal  remains  of  the  hero,  who,  a cen- 
tury before,  had  performed  there  such  prodigies  of 
valor. 

Yet  his  bones  were  not  permitted  to  rest  here 
undisturbed;  and  in  1794  they  were  removed  to  the 
Hospital  of  Jesus  of  Nazareth.  It  was  a more  fit- 
ting place,  since  it  was  the  same  institution,  which, 
under  the  name  of  “ Our  Lady  of  the  Conception,” 
had  been  founded  and  endowed  by  Cortes,  and  which, 
with  a fate  not  too  frequent  in  similar  charities,  has 
been  administered  to  this  day  on  the  noble  principles 
of  its  foundation.  The  mouldering  relics  of  the 
warrior,  now  deposited  in  a crystal  coffin  secured 
by  bars  and  plates  of  silver,  were  laid  in  the  chapel, 
and  over  them  was  raised  a simple  monument,  dis- 


350  SUBSEQUENT  CAREER  OF  CORTES.  [Book  VII. 

playing  the  arms  of  the  family,  and  surmounted  by 
a bust  of  the  Conqueror,  executed  in  bronze  by  Tol- 
sa,  a sculptor  worthy  of  the  best  period  of  the  arts.23 

Unfortunately  for  Mexico,  the  tale  does  not  stop 
here.  In  1823,  the  patriot  mob  of  the  capital,  in 
their  zeal  to  commemorate  the  era  of  the  national 
independence,  and  their  detestation  of  the  “ old 
Spaniards,”  prepared  to  break  open  the  tomb  which 
held  the  ashes  of  Cortes,  and  to  scatter  them  to  the 
winds!  The  authorities  declined  to  interfere  on  the 
occasion ; but  the  friends  of  the  family,  as  is  com- 
monly reported,  entered  the  vault  by  night,  and, 
secretly  removing  the  relics,  prevented  the  commis- 
sion of  a sacrilege,  which  must  have  left  a stain,  not 
easy  to  be  effaced,  on  the  scutcheon  of  the  fair  city 
of  Mexico.  — Humboldt,  forty  years  ago,  remarked, 
that  “ we  may  traverse  Spanish  America  from  Bue- 
nos Ayres  to  Monterey,  and  in  no  quarter  shall  we 
meet  with  a national  monument  which  the  public 
gratitude  has  raised  to  Christopher  Columbus,  or 
Hernando  Cortes.”29  It  was  reserved  for  our  own 
age  to  conceive  the  design  of  violating  the  repose  of 
the  dead,  and  insulting  their  remains!  Yet  the  men 
who  meditated  this  outrage  were  not  the  descendants 
of  Montezuma,  avenging  the  wrongs  of  their  fath- 
ers, and  vindicating  their  own  rightful  inheritance. 
They  were  the  descendants  of  the  old  Conquerors, 

38  The  full  particulars  of  the  a copy  of  the  original  document, 
ceremony  described  in  the  text  may  existing  in  the  Archive?  of  the 
be  found  in  Appendix,  Part  2,  No.  Hospital  of  Jesus,  in  Mexico. 

10,  translated  into  English,  from  29  Essai  Politique, tom.  II.  p.  00 


Ch.  V.] 


DEATH  OF  CORTES. 


351 


and  their  countrymen,  depending  on  the  right  of 
conquest  for  their  ultimate  title  to  the  soil. 

Cortes  had  no  children  by  his  first  marriage.  By 
his  second  he  left  four;  a son,  Don  Martin,  — the 
heir  of  his  honors,  and  of  persecutions  even  more 
severe  than  those  of  his  father,30  — and  three  daugh- 
ters, who  formed  splendid  alliances.  He  left,  also, 
several  natural  children,  whom  he  particularly  men- 
tions in  his  testament  and  honorably  provides  for. 
Two  of  these,  Don  Martin,  the  son  of  Marina,  and 
Don  Luis  Cortes,  attained  considerable  distinction, 
and  were  created  comcndadores  of  the  Order  of  St. 
Jago. 

The  male  line  of  the  marquesses  of  the  Valley 
became  extinct  in  the  fourth  generation.  The  title 
and  estates  descended  to  a female,  and  by  her 
marriage  were  united  with  those  of  the  house  of 
Terranova,  descendants  of  the  “ Great  Captain,” 
Gonsalvo  de  Cordova.  By  a subsequent  marriage 
they  were  carried  into  the  family  of  the  duke  of 


30  Don  Martin  Cortes,  second 
marquess  of  the  Valley,  was  ac- 
cused, like  his  father,  of  an  at- 
tempt to  establish  an  independent 
sovereignty  in  New  Spain.  His 
natural  brothers,  Don  Martin  and 
Don  Luis,  were  involved  in  the 
same  accusation  with  himself,  and 
the  former  — as  I have  elsewhere 
remarked  — was  in  consequence 
subjected  to  the  torture.  Several 
others  of  his  friends,  on  charge 
of  abetting  his  treasonable  designs, 


suffered  death.  The  marquess 
was  obliged  to  remove . with  his 
family  to  Spain,  where  the  inves- 
tigation was  conducted  ; and  his 
large  estates  in  Mexico  were  se- 
questered until  the  termination  of 
the  process,  a period  of  seven 
years,  from  1567  to  1574,  when  he 
was  declared  innocent.  But  his 
property  suffered  irreparable  in- 
jury, under  the  wretched  adminis- 
tration of  the  royal  officers,  during 
the  term  of  sequestration. 


352 


SUBSEQUENT  CAREER  OF  CORTES.  [Book  VII 


Monteleone,  a Neapolitan  noble.  The  present  pro- 
prietor of  these  princely  honors  and  of  vast  domains, 
both  in  the  Old  and  the  New  World,  dwells  in  Sicily, 
and  boasts  a descent — such  as  few  princes  can  boast 
— from  two  of  the  most  illustrious  commanders  of 
the  sixteenth  century,  the  “ Great  Captain,”  and 
the  Conqueror  of  Mexico. 

The  personal  history  of  Cortes  has  been  so  mi- 
nutely detailed  in  the  preceding  narrative,  that  it 
will  be  only  necessary  to  touch  on  the  more  promi- 
nent features  of  his  character.  Indeed,  the  history 
of  the  Conquest,  as  I have  already  had  occasion  to 
remark,  is  necessarily  that  of  Cortes,  who  is,  if  I 
may  so  say,  not  merely  the  soul,  but  the  body,  of  the 
enterprise,  present  everywhere  in  person,  in  the  thick 
of  the  fight,  or  in  the  building  of  the  works,  with 
his  sword  or  with  his  musket,  sometimes  leading  his 
soldiers,  and  sometimes  directing  his  little  navy. 
The  negotiations,  intrigues,  correspondence,  are  all 
conducted  by  him ; and,  like  Caesar,  he  wrote  his 
own  Commentaries  in  the  heat  of  the  stirring  scenes 
which  form  the  subject  of  them.  His  character  is 
marked  with  the  most  opposite  traits,  embracing 
qualities  apparently  the  most  incompatible.  He  was 
avaricious,  yet  liberal ; bold  to  desperation,  yet  cau- 
tious and  calculating  in  his  plans ; magnanimous, 
yet  very  cunning ; courteous  and  affable  in  his  de- 
portment, yet  inexorably  stern ; lax  in  his  notions 
of  morality,  yet  (not  uncommon)  a sad  bigot.  The 
great  feature  in  his  character  was  constancy  of  pur- 


HIS  CHARACTER. 


353 


Ch.  V.] 

•\ 

pose ; a constancy  not  to  be  daunted  by  danger,  nor 
baffled  by  disappointment,  nor  wearied  out  by  im- 
pediments and  delays. 

He  was  a knight-errant,  in  the  literal  sense  of  the 
word.  Of  all  the  band  of  adventurous  cavaliers, 
whom  Spain,  in  the  sixteenth  century,  sent  forth 
on  the  career  of  discovery  and  conquest,  there  was 
none  more  deeply  filled  with  the  spirit  of  romantic 
enterprise  than  Hernando  Cortes.  Dangers  and  diffi- 
culties, instead  of  deterring,  seemed  to  have  a charm 
in  his  eyes.  They  were  necessary  to  rouse  him  to 
a full  consciousness  of  his  powers.  He  grappled 
with  them  at  the  outset,  and,  if  I may  so  express 
myself,  seemed  to  prefer  to  take  his  enterprises  by 
the  most  difficult  side.  He  conceived,  at  the  first 
moment  of  his  landing  in  Mexico,  the  design  of  its 
conquest.  When  he  saw  the  strength  of  its  civil- 
ization, he  was  not  turned  from  his  purpose.  When 
he  was  assailed  by  the  superior  force  of  Narvaez,  he 
still  persisted  in  it ; and,  when  he  was  driven  in  ruin 
from  the  capital,  he  still  cherished  his  original  idea. 
How  successfully  he  carried  it  into  execution,  we 
have  seen.  After  the  few  years  of  repose  which 
succeeded  the  Conquest,  his  adventurous  spirit  im- 
pelled him  to  that  dreary  march  across  the  marshes 
of  Chiapa  ; and,  after  another  interval,  to  seek  his 
fortunes  on  the  stormy  Californian  Gulf.  When  he 
found  that  no  other  continent  remained  for  him  to 
conquer,  he  made  serious  proposals  to  the  emperor 
to  equip  a fleet  at  his  own  expense,  with  which  he 

VOL.  HI.  45 


354  SUBSEQUENT  CAREER  OF  CORTES.  [Booh  VII. 

would  sail  to  the  Moluccas,  and  subdue  the  Spice- 
Islands  for  the  Crown  of  Castile ! 31 

This  spirit  of  knight-errantry  might  lead  us  to 
undervalue  his  talents  as  a general,  and  to  regard 
him  merely  in  the  light  of  a lucky  adventurer.  But 
this  would  be  doing  him  injustice ; for  Cortes  was 
certainly  a great  general,  if  that  man  be  one,  who 
performs  great  achievements  with  the  resources 
which  his  own  genius  has  created.  There  is  prob- 
ably no  instance  in  history,  where  so  vast  an  enter- 
prise has  been  achieved  by  means  apparently  so 
inadequate.  He  may  be  truly  said  to  have  effected 
the  Conquest  by  his  own  resources.  If  he  was  in- 
debted for  his  success  to  the  cooperation  of  the 
Indian  tribes,  it  was  the  force  of  his  genius  that 
obtained  command  of  such  materials.  He  arrested 
the  arm  that  was  lifted  to  smite  him,  and  made  it 
do  battle  in  his  behalf.  He  beat  the  Tlascalans, 
and  made  them  his  stanch  allies.  He  beat  the 
soldiers  of  Narvaez,  and  doubled  his  effective  force 
by  it.  When  his  own  men  deserted  him,  he  did 
not  desert  himself.  He  drew  them  back  by  de- 
grees, and  compelled  them  to  act  by  his  will,  till 
they  were  all  as  one  man.  He  brought  together 

31  “ Yo  me  ofresco  a descubrir  y los  naturales  de  aquellas  Islas 
por  aqui  toda  la  espe<;eria,  y otras  le  reconoscan  y sirvan  como  a su 
Islas  si  huviere  cerca  de  Moluco,  Rey  y senor  natural,  porque  yo 
6 Melaca,  y la  China,  y aun  de  me  ofresco  con  el  dicho  addita- 
dar  tal  drden  que  V.  M.  no  aiga  mento  de  embiar  a ellas  tal  arma- 
la  espeqeria  por  via  de  rescate,  da,  6 ir  yo  con  mi  persona  por 
como  la  ha  el  Rey  de  Portugal,  manera  que  la  sojusge  y pueble 
sino  que  la  tenga  por  cosa  propria,  Carta  Quinta  de  Cortes,  MS. 


Ch.  -V.] 


HIS  CHARACTER. 


355 


the  most  miscellaneous  collection  of  mercenaries  who 
ever  fought  under  one  standard ; adventurers  from 
Cuba  and  the  Isles,  craving  for  gold  ; hidalgos,  who 
came  from  the  old  country  to  win  laurels  ; broken- 
down  cavaliers,  who  hoped  to  mend  their  fortunes  in 
the  New  World  ; vagabonds  flying  from  justice  ; the 
grasping  followers  of  Narvaez,  and  his  own  reckless 
veterans,  — men  with  hardly  a common  tie,  and 
burning  with  the  spirit  of  jealousy  and  faction  ; wild 
tribes  of  the  natives  from  all  parts  of  the  country, 
who  had  been  sworn  enemies  from  their  cradles,  and 
who  had  met  only  to  cut  one  another’s  throats,  and 
to  procure  victims  for  sacrifice ; men,  in  short,  differ- 
ing in  race,  in  language,  and  in  interests,  with 
scarcely  any  thing  in  common  among  them.  Yet  this 
motley  congregation  was  assembled  in  one  camp, 
compelled  to  bend  to  the  will  of  one  man,  to  consort 
together  in  harmony,  to  breathe,  as  it  were,  one 
spirit,  and  to  move  on  a common  principle  of  action ! 
It  is  in  this  wonderful  power  over  the  discordant 
masses  thus  gathered  under  his  banner,  that  we  re- 
cognise the  genius  of  the  great  commander,  no  less 
than  in  the  skill  of  his  military  operations. 

His  power  over  the  minds  of  his  soldiers  was  a 
natural  result  of  their  confidence  in  his  abilities. 
But  it  is  also  to  be  attributed  to  his  popular  man- 
ners, — that  happy  union  of  authority  and  com- 
panionship, which  fitted  him  for  the  command  of 
a band  of  roving  adventurers.  It  would  not  have 
done  for  him  to  have  fenced  himself  round  with  the 
stately  reserve  of  a commander  of  regular  forces 


356 


SUBSEQUENT  CAREER  OF  CORTES.  [Book  VII. 


He  was  embarked  with  his  men  in  a common  ad- 
venture, and  nearly  on  terms  of  equality,  since 
he  held  his  commission  by  no  legal  warrant.  But, 
while  he  indulged  this  freedom  and  familiarity  with 
his  soldiers,  he  never  allowed  it  to  interfere  with 
their  strict  obedience,  nor  to  impair  the  severity 
of  discipline.  When  he  had  risen  to  higher  con- 
sideration, although  he  affected  more  state,  he  still 
admitted  his  veterans  to  the  same  intimacy.  “ He 
preferred,”  says  Diaz,  “ to  be  called  ‘ Cortes  ’ by  us, 
to  being  called  by  any  title  ; and  with  good  reason,” 
continues  the  enthusiastic  old  cavalier,  “ for  the 
name  of  Cortes  is  as  famous  in  our  day  as  was  that 
of  Crnsar  among  the  Romans,  or  of  Hannibal  among 
the  Carthaginians.”32  He  showed  the  same  kind 
regard  towards  his  ancient  comrades  in  the  very  last 
act  of  his  life.  For  he  appropriated  a sum  by  his 


39  The  comparison  to  Hannibal 
is  better  founded  than  the  old  sol- 
dier probably  imagined.  Livy’s 
description  of  the  Carthaginian 
warrior  has  a marvellous  applica- 
tion to  Cortes,  — better,  perhaps, 
than  that  of  the  imaginary  per- 
sonage quoted  a few  lines  below 
in  the  text.  “ Plurimum  audaciae 
ad  pericula  capessenda,  plurimum 
consilii  inter  ipsa  pericula  erat : 
nullo  labore  aut  corpus  fatigari, 
aut  animus  vinci  poterat.  Caloris 
ac  frigoris  patientia  par : cibi  po- 
tionisque  desiderio  naturali,  non 
voluptate,  modus  finitus : vigilia- 
rum  somnique  nec  die,  nec  nocte 
discriminata  tempora.  Id,  quod 


gerendis  rebus  superesset,  quieti 
datum  ; ea  neque  molli  strato,  ne- 
que  silentio  arcessita.  Multi  saepe 
militari  sagulo  opertum,  humi  ja- 
centem,  inter  custodias  stationes- 
que  militum,  conspexerunt.  Ves- 
titus  nihil  inter  aequales  excellens  ; 
arma  atque  equi  conspiciebantur. 
Equitum  peditumque  idem  longe 
primus  erat ; princeps  in  prcelium 
ibat ; ultimus  conserto  prcelio  ex- 
cedebat.”  (Hist.,  lib.  xxi.  sec.  5.) 
The  reader,  who  reflects  on  the 
fate  of  Guatemozin,  may  possibly 
think  that  the  extract  should  have 
embraced  the  “ perfidia  plus  quam 
Punica,”  in  the  succeeding  sen- 
tence. 


Ch.  V.] 


HIS  CHARACTER. 


357 


will  for  the  celebration  of  two  thousand  masses  for 
the  souls  of  those  who  had  fought  with  him  in  the 
campaigns  of  Mexico.33 

His  character  has  been  unconsciously  traced  by 
the  hand  of  a master. 

“ And  oft  the  chieftain  deigned  to  aid 
And  mingle  in  the  mirth  they  made  ; 

For,  though,  with  men  of  high  degree, 

The  proudest  of  the  proud  was  he, 

Yet,  trained  in  camps,  he  knew  the  art 
To  win  the  soldiers’  hardy  heart. 

They  love  a captain  to  obey, 

Boisterous  as  March,  yet  fresh  as  May  ; 

With  open  hand,  and  brow  as  free, 

Lover  of  wine,  and  minstrelsy  ; 

Ever  the  first  to  scale  a tower, 

As  venturous  in  a lady’s  bower  ; — 

Such  buxom  chief  shall  lead  his  host 
From  India’s  fires  to  Zembla’s  frost.” 

Cortes,  without  much  violence,  might  have  sat  for 
this  portrait  of  Marmion. 

Cortes  was  not  a vulgar  conqueror.  He  did  not 
conquer  from  the  mere  ambition  of  conquest.  If  he 
destroyed  the  ancient  capital  of  the  Aztecs,  it  was 
to  build  up  a more  magnificent  capital  on  its  ruins. 
If  he  desolated  the  land,  and  broke  up  its  existing 
institutions,  he  employed  the  short  period  of  his  ad- 
ministration in  digesting  schemes  for  introducing 
there  a more  improved  culture  and  a higher  civiliza- 
tion. In  all  his  expeditions  he  was  careful  to  study 
the  resources  of  the  country,  its  social  organization, 
and  its  physical  capacities.  He  enjoined  it  on  his 


33  Testamento  de  Hernan  Cortes,  MS. 


358  SUBSEQUENT  CAREER  OF  CORTES.  [Book  VIE 

captains  to  attend  particularly  to  these  objects.  II 
lie  was  greedy  of  gold,  like  most  of  the  Spanish 
cavaliers  in  the  New  World,  it  was  not  to  hoard  it, 
nor  merely  to  lavish  it  in  the  support  of  a princely 
establishment,  but  to  secure  funds  for  prosecuting 
his  glorious  discoveries.  Witness  his  costly  expe- 
ditions to  the  Gulf  of  California.  His  enterprises 
were  not  undertaken  solely  for  mercenary  objects  ; 
as  is  shown  by  the  various  expeditions  he  set  on  foot 
for  the  discovery  of  a communication  between  the 
Atlantic  and  the  Pacific.  In  his  schemes  of  ambi- 
tion he  showed  a respect  for  the  interests  of  science, 
to  be  referred  partly  to  the  natural  superiority  of  his 
mind,  but  partly,  no  doubt,  to  the  influence  of  early 
education.  It  is,  indeed,  hardly  possible,  that  a per- 
son of  his  wayward  and  mercurial  temper  should 
have  improved  his  advantages  at  the  University,  but 
he  brought  away  from  it  a tincture  of  scholarship, 
seldom  found  among  the  cavaliers  of  the  period,  and 
which  had  its  influence  in  enlarging  his  otvn  concep- 
tions. His  celebrated  Letters  are  written  with  a 
simple  elegance,  that,  as  I have  already  had  occasion 
to  remark,  have  caused  them  to  be  compared  to  the 
military  narrative  of  Caesar.  It  will  not  be  easy  to 
find  in  the  chronicles  of  the  period  a more  concise, 
yet  comprehensive,  statement,  not  only  of  the  events 
of  his  campaigns,  but  of  the  circumstances  most 
worthy  of  notice  in  the  character  of  the  conquered 
countries. 

Cortes  was  not  cruel ; at  least,  not  cruel  as  com- 
pared with  most  of  those  who  followed  his  iron 


Ch.  V.] 


HIS  CHARACTER 


359 


trade.  The  path  of  the  conqueror  is  necessarily 
marked  with  blood.  He  was  not  too  scrupulous, 
indeed,  in  the  execution  of  his  plans.  He  swept 
away  the  obstacles  which  lay  in  his  track  ; and  his 
fame  is  darkened  by  the  commission  of  more  than 
one  act  which  his  boldest  apologists  will  find  it  hard 
to  vindicate.  But  he  was  not  wantonly  cruel.  He 
allowed  no  outrage  on  his  unresisting  foes.  This 
may  seem  small  praise,  but  it  is  an  exception  to  the 
usual  conduct  of  his  countrymen  in  their  conquests, 
and  it  is  something  to  be  in  advance  of  one’s  time. 
He  was  severe,  it  may  be  added,  in  enforcing  obe- 
dience to  his  orders  for  protecting  their  persons  and 
their  property.  With  his  licentious  crew,  it  was, 
sometimes,  not  without  hazard  that  he  was  so.  After 
the  Conquest,  he  sanctioned  the  system  of  rcparti- 
micntos ; but  so  did  Columbus.  He  endeavoured 
to  regulate  it  by  the  most  humane  laws,  and  con- 
tinued to  suggest  many  important  changes  for  ame- 
liorating the  condition  of  the  natives.  The  best 
commentary  on  his  conduct,  in  this  respect,  is  the 
deference  that  was  shown  him  by  the  Indians,  and 
the  confidence  with  which  they  appealed  to  him  for 
protection  in  all  their  subsequent  distresses. 

In  private  life  he  seems  to  have  had  the  power 
of  attaching  to  himself,  warmly,  those  who  were 
near  his  person.  The  influence  of  this  attachment 
is  shown  in  every  page  of  Bernal  Diaz,  though  his 
work  was  written  to  vindicate  the  claims  of  the 
soldiers,  in  opposition  to  those  of  the  general.  He 
seems  to  have  led  a happy  life  with  his  first  wife, 


360  SUBSEQUENT  CAREER  OF  CORTES.  [Book  VII 

in  their  humble  retirement  in  Cuba  ; and  regarded 
the  second,  to  judge  from  the  expressions  in  his  tes- 
tament, with  confidence  and  love.  Yet  he  cannot  be 
acquitted  from  the  charge  of  those  licentious  gallan- 
tries which  entered  too  generally  into  the  character 
of  the  military  adventurer  of  that  day.  He  would 
seem  also,  by  the  frequent  suits  in  which  he  was  in- 
volved, to  have  been  of  an  irritable  and  contentious 
spirit.  But  much  allowance  must  be  made  for  the 
irritability  of  a man  who  had  been  too  long  accus- 
tomed to  independent  sway,  patiently  to  endure  the 
checks  and  control  of  the  petty  spirits  who  were  in- 
capable of  comprehending  the  noble  character  of  his 
enterprises.  “ He  thought,”  says  an  eminent  writer, 
“ to  silence  his  enemies  by  the  brilliancy  of  the  new 
career  on  which  he  had  entered.  He  did  not  reflect, 
that  these  enemies  had  been  raised  by  the  very 
grandeur  and  rapidity  of  his  success.”34  He  was  re- 
warded for  his  efforts  by  the  misinterpretation  of  his 
motives  ; by  the  calumnious  charges  of  squandering 
the  public  revenues  and  of  aspiring  to  independent 
sovereignty.  But,  although  we  may  admit  the  foun- 
dation of  many  of  the  grievances  alleged  by  Cortes, 
yet,  when  we  consider  the  querulous  tone  of  his  cor- 
respondence and  the  frequency  of  his  litigation,  we 
may  feel  a natural  suspicion  that  his  proud  spirit  was 
too  sensitive  to  petty  slights,  and  too  jealous  of  ima- 
ginary wrongs. 

One  trait  more  remains  to  be  noticed  in  the  char- 


34  Humboldt,  Essai  Politique,  tom.  II.  p.  267. 


Ch  V.] 


HIS  CHARACTER. 


361 


acter  of  this  remarkable  man  ; that  is,  his  bigot- 
ry, the  failing  of  the  age,  — for,  surely,  it  should 
be  termed  only  a failing.35  When  we  see  the  hand, 
red  with  the  blood  of  the  wretched  native,  raised  to 
invoke  the  blessing  of  Heaven  on  the  cause  which 
it  maintains,  we  experience  something  like  a sen- 
sation of  disgust  at  the  act,  and  a doubt  of  its  sin- 
cerity. But  this  is  unjust.  We  should  throw  our- 
selves back  (it  cannot  be  too  often  repeated)  into 
the  age  ; the  age  of  the  Crusades.  For  every  Span- 
ish cavalier,  however  sordid  and  selfish  might  be  his 
private  motives,  felt  himself  to  be  the  soldier  of  the 
Cross.  Many  of  them  would  have  died  in  defence 
of  it.  Whoever  has  read  the  correspondence  of 
Cortes,  or,  still  more,  has  attended  to  the  circum- 
stances of  his  career,  will  hardly  doubt  that  he 
would  have  been  among  the  first  to  lay  down  his 
life  for  the  Faith.  He  more  than  once  perilled  life, 
and  fortune,  and  the  success  of  his  whole  enterprise, 
by  the  premature  and  most  impolitic  manner  in 
which  he  would  have  forced  conversion  on  the  na- 
tives.36 To  the  more  rational  spirit  of  the  present 


35  An  extraord,  tary  anecdote  is 
related  by  Cavo,  of  this  bigotry 
(shall  we  call  it  policy  1)  of  Cortes. 
“ In  Mexico,”  says  the  historian, 
“ it  is  commonly  reported,  that, 
after  the  Conquest,  he  commanded, 
that  on  Sundays  and  holidays  all 
should  attend,  under  pain  of  a ce,- 
tain  number  of  stripes,  to  the  ex- 
pounding of  the  Scriptures.  The 
general  was  himself  guilty  of  an 

VOL.  III.  46 


omission,  on  one  occasion,  and, 
after  having  listened  to  the  admo- 
nition of  the  priest,  submitted,  with 
edifying  humility,  to  be  chastised 
by  him,  to  the  unspeakable  amaze- 
ment of  the  Indians  ! ” Hist,  de 
los  Tres  Siglos,  tom.  I.  p.  151. 

36  “ A1  Key  infinitas  ticrras, 

Y a Dios  injinitas  almas,” 

says  Lope  de  Vega,  commemorat- 


362  SUBSEQUENT  CAREER  OF  CORTES.  [Book  VII. 

day,  enlightened  by  a purer  Christianity,  it  may 
seem  difficult  to  reconcile  gross  deviations  from  mor- 
als with  such  devotion  to  the  cause  of  religion.  But 
the  religion  taught  in  that  day  was  one  of  form  and 
elaborate  ceremony.  In  the  punctilious  attention  to 
discipline,  the  spirit  of  Christianity  was  permitted  to 
evaporate.  The  mind,  occupied  with  forms,  thinks 
little  of  substance.  In  a worship  that  is  addressed 
too  exclusively  to  the  senses,  it  is  often  the  case, 
that  morality  becomes  divorced  from  religion,  and  the 
measure  of  righteousness  is  determined  by  the  creed 
rather  than  by  the  conduct. 

In  the  earlier  part  of  the  History,  I have  given  a 
description  of  the  person  of  Cortes.37  It  may  be 
well  to  close  this  review  of  his  character  by  the 
account  of  his  manners  and  personal  habits  left  us  by 
Bernal  Diaz,  the  old  chronicler,  who  has  accompanied 
us  through  the  whole  course  of  our  narrative,  and 
who  may  now  fitly  furnish  the  conclusion  of  it.  No 
man  knew  his  commander  better  ; and,  if  the  avowed 
object  of  his  work  might  naturally  lead  to  a dispar- 
agement of  Cortes,  this  is  more  than  counterbal- 
anced by  the  warmth  of  his  personal  attachment, 
and  by  that  esprit  de  corps  which  leads  him  to  take 
a pride  in  the  renown  of  his  general. 

“ In  his  whole  appearance  and  presence,”  says 
Diaz,  “ in  his  discourse,  his  table,  his  dress,  in  every - 

ing  in  this  couplet  the  double  glo-  by  every  devout  Spaniard  of  the 

ry  of  Cortes.  It  is  the  light  in  sixteenth  century. 

which  the  Conquest  was  viewed  37  Ante,  Vol.  I.  p.  258. 


Ch.  V.] 


HIS  CHARACTER. 


363 


thing,  in  short,  he  had  the  air  of  a great  lord.  His 
clothes  were  in  the  fashion  of  the  time ; he  set  little 
value  on  silk,  damask,  or  velvet,  but  dressed  plainly 
and  exceedingly  neat ; 33  nor  did  he  wear  massy  chains 
of  gold,  but  simply  a fine  one,  of  exquisite  workman- 
ship, from  which  was  suspended  a jewel  having  the 
figure  of  our  Lady  the  Virgin  and  her  precious  Son, 
with  a Latin  motto  cut  upon  it.  On  his  finger  he 
wore  a splendid  diamond  ring ; and  from  his  cap, 
which,  according  to  the  fashion  of  that  day,  was  of 
velvet,  hung  a medal,  the  device  of  which  I do  not 
remember.  He  was  magnificently  attended,  as  be- 
came a man  of  his  rank,  with  chamberlains  and 
major-domos  and  many  pages  ; and  the  service  of  his 
table  was  splendid,  with  a quantity  of  both  gold  and 
silver  plate.  At  noon  he  dined  heartily,  drinking 
about  a pint  of  wine  mixed  with  water.  He  supped 
well,  though  he  was  not  dainty  in  regard  to  his  food, 
caring  little  for  the  delicacies  of  the  table,  unless, 
indeed,  on  such  occasions  as  made  attention  to  these 
matters  of  some  consequence.39 

“ He  was  acquainted  with  Latin,  and,  as  I have 
understood,  was  made  Bachelor  of  Laws  ; and,  when 
he  conversed  with  learned  men  who  addressed  him 
in  Latin,  he  answered  them  in  the  same  language. 
He  was  also  something  of  a poet ; his  conversation 
was  agreeable,  and  he  had  a pleasant  elocution.  In 


38  So  Gomara : “Vestia  mas  templado  en  el  beber,  teniendo 

pulido  que  rico.  Era  hombre  lim-  abundancia.  Sufria  mucho  la  ham- 
pisimo.”  Cronica,  cap.  238.  bre  con  necesidad.”  Ibid.,  ubi 

39  “Eue  mui  gran  comedor,  i supra. 


364  SUBSEQUENT  CAREER  OF  CORTES.  [Book  VII. 

his  attendance  on  the  services  of  the  Church  he 
was  most  punctual,  devout  in  his  manner,  and  char- 
itable to  the  poor.40 

“ When  he  swore,  he  used  to  say,  ‘ On  my  con- 
science’; and  when  he  was  vexed  with  any  one, 
‘ Evil  betide  you.’  With  his  men  he  was  very  pa- 
tient ; and  they  were  sometimes  impertinent  and 
even  insolent.  When  very  angry,  the  veins  in  his 
throat  and  forehead  would  swell,  but  he  uttered  no 
reproaches  against  either  officer  or  soldier. 

“ He  was  fond  of  cards  and  dice,  and,  when  he 
played,  was  always  in  good  humor,  indulging  freely 
in  jests  and  repartees.  He  was  affable  with  his 
followers,  especially  with  those  who  came  over  with 
him  from  Cuba.  In  his  campaigns  he  paid  strict 
attention  to  discipline,  frequently  going  the  rounds 
himself  during  the  night,  and  seeing  that  the  senti- 
nels did  their  duty.  He  entered  the  quarters  of  his 
soldiers  without  ceremony,  and  chided  those  whom 
he  found  without  their  arms  and  accoutrements, 
saying,  ‘ It  was  a bad  sheep  that  could  not  carry 
its  own  wool.’  On  the  expedition  to  Honduras  he 
acquired  the  habit  of  sleeping  after  his  meals,  feel- 
ing unwell  if  he  omitted  it ; and,  however  sultry 
or  stormy  the  weather,  he  caused  a carpet  or  his 
cloak  to  be  thrown  under  a tree,  and  slept  soundly 
for  some  time.  He  was  frank  and  exceedingly  lib 

40  He  dispensed  a thousand  du-  “ Grandisimo  limosnero  ; daba  ca- 
cats  every  year  in  his  ordinary  da  un  afio  mil  ducados  de  limosna 
charities,  according  to  Gomara.  ordinaria.”  Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 


Ch.  Y.] 


HIS  CHARACTER. 


365 


eral  in  his  disposition,  until  the  last  few  years  of  his 
life,  when  he  was  accused  of  parsimony.  But  we 
should  consider,  that  his  funds  were  employed  on 
great  and  costly  enterprises ; and  that  none  of  these, 
after  the  Conquest,  neither  his  expedition  to  Hon- 
duras, nor  his  voyages  to  California,  were  crowned 
with  success.  It  was  perhaps  intended  that  he 
should  receive  his  recompense  in  a better  world ; 
and  I fully  believe  it ; for  he  was  a good  cavalier, 
most  true  in  his  devotions  to  the  Virgin,  to  the 
Apostle  St.  Peter,  and  to  all  the  other  Saints.”41 
Such  is  the  portrait,  which  has  been  left  to  us 
by  the  faithful  hand  most  competent  to  trace  it,  of 
Hernando  Cortes,  the  Conqueror  of  Mexico. 


41  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  203. 


\ 


, / ■ 


APPENDIX. 

PART  I. 


ORIGIN  OF  THE  MEXICAN  CIVILIZATION 


I 


/ 


( 


J 


PRELIMINARY  NOTICE. 


The  following  Essay  was  originally  designed  to  close  the 
Introductory  Book,  to  which  it  properly  belongs.  It  was 
written  three  years  since,  at  the  same  time  with  that  part  of 
die  work.  I know  of  no  work  of  importance,  having  refer- 
ence to  the  general  subject  of  discussion,  which  has  appeared 
since  that  period,  except  Mr.  Bradford’s  valuable  treatise  on 
American  Antiquities.  But,  in  respect  to  that  part  of  the 
discussion  which  treats  of  American  Architecture,  a most  im- 
portant contribution  has  been  made  by  Mr.  Stephens’s  two 
works,  containing  the  account  of  his  visits  to  Central  America 
and  Yucatan,  and  especially  by  the  last  of  these  publications. 
Indeed,  the  ground,  before  so  imperfectly  known,  has  now 
been  so  diligently  explored,  that  we  have  all  the  light,  which 
we  can  reasonably  expect,  to  aid  us  in  making  up  our  opin- 
ion in  regard  to  the  mysterious  monuments  of  Yucatan.  It 
only  remains,  that  the  exquisite  illustrations  of  Mr.  Cather- 
wood  should  be  published  on  a larger  scale,  like  the  great 
works  on  the  subject  in  France  and  England,  in  order  to 
exhibit  to  the  eye  a more  adequate  representation  of  these 
magnificent  ruins,  than  can  be  given  in  die  limited  compass 
of  an  octavo  page. 

But,  notwithstanding  the  importance  of  Mr.  Stephens’s 
researches,  I have  not  availed  myself  of  them  to  make  any 

VOL.  III.  47 


370 


PRELIMINARY  NOTICE. 


additions  to  the  original  draft  of  this  Essay,  nor  have  I 
rested  my  conclusions  in  any  instance  on  his  authority. 
These  conclusions  had  been  formed  from  a careful  study  of 
the  narratives  of  Dupaix  and  Waldeck,  together  with  that 
of  their  splendid  illustrations  of  the  remains  of  Palenque  and 
Uxmal,  two  of  the  principal  places  explored  by  Mr.  Ste- 
phens ; and  the  additional  facts,  collected  by  him  from  the 
vast  field  which  he  has  surveyed,  so  far  from  shaking  my 
previous  deductions,  have  only  served  to  confirm  them. 
The  only  object  of  my  own  speculations  on  these  remains 
was,  to  ascertain  their  probable  origin,  or  rather  to  see  what 
light,  if  any,  they  could  throw  on  the  origin  of  Aztec  Civil- 
ization. The  reader,  on  comparing  my  reflections  with 
those  of  Mr.  Stephens  in  the  closing  chapters  of  his  two 
works,  will  see  that  I have  arrived  at  inferences,  as  to  the 
origin  and  probable  antiquity  of  these  structures,  precisely 
the  same  as  his.  Conclusions,  formed  under  such  different 
circumstances,  serve  to  corroborate  each  other  ; and,  although 
the  reader  will  find  here  some  things  which  would  have  been 
different,  had  I been  guided  by  the  light  now  thrown  on  the 
path,  yet  I prefer  not  to  disturb  the  foundations  on  which 
the  argument  stands,  nor  to  impair  its  value,  — if  it  has  any, 
• as  a distinct  and  independent  testimony. 


APPENDIX,  PART  I. 


ORIGIN  OF  THE  MEXICAN  CIVILIZATION. —ANALOGIES 
WITH  THE  OLD  WORLD. 

When  the  Europeans  first  touched  the  shores  of 
America,  it  was  as  if  they  had  alighted  on  another 
planet,  — every  thing  there  was  so  different  from 
what  they  had  before  seen.  They  were  introduced 
to  new  varieties  of  plants,  and  to  unknown  races  of 
animals ; while  man,  the  lord  of  all,  was  equally 
strange,  in  complexion,  language,  and  institutions.1 
It  was  what  they  emphatically  styled  it,  a New 
World.  Taught  by  their  faith  to  derive  all  created 
beings  from  one  source,  they  felt  a natural  perplexity 
as  to  the  manner  in  which  these  distant  and  insu- 
lated regions  could  have  obtained  their  inhabitants. 
The  same  curiosity  was  felt  by  their  countrymen  at 


1 The  names  of  many  animals  a single  anim. ' they  were  ac 
in  the  New  World,  indeed,  have  quainted  with;  not  one  of  the 
been  frequently  borrowed  from  the  quadrupeds  of  Europe,  Asia,  or 
Old;  but  the  species  are  very  dif-  Africa.”  Lawrence,  Lectures  on 
ferent.  “When  the  Spaniards  Physiology , Zoology,  and  the  Nat- 
landed  in  America,”  says  an  etni-  ural  History  of  Man,  (London 
ncnt  naturalist,  “ they  did  not  find  1819.)  p.  250. 


372 


APPENDIX. 


[ Part  I. 


home,  and  the  European  scholars  bewildered  their 
brains  with  speculations  on  the  best  way  of  solving 
this  interesting  problem. 

In  accounting  for  the  presence  of  animals  there, 
some  imagined  that  the  two  hemispheres  might  once 
have  been  joined  in  the  extreme  North,  so  as  to  have 
afforded  an  easy  communication.2  Others,  embar- 
rassed by  the  difficulty  of  transporting  inhabitants 
of  the  tropics  across  the  Arctic  regions,  revived  the 
old  story  of  Plato’s  Atlantis,  that  huge  island,  now 
submerged,  which  might  have  stretched  from  the 
shores  of  Africa  to  the  eastern  borders  of  the  new 
continent ; while  they  saw  vestiges  of  a similar  con- 
vulsion of  nature  in  the  green  islands  sprinkled  over 
the  Pacific,  once  the  mountain  summits  of  a vast 
continent,  now  buried  beneath  the  waters.3  Some, 
distrusting  the  existence  of  revolutions,  of  which 
no  record  was  preserved,  supposed  that  animals 
might  have  found  their  way  across  the  ocean  by  va- 
rious means  ; the  birds  of  stronger  wing  by  flight 
over  the  narrowest  spaces ; while  the  tamer  kinds 
of  quadrupeds  might  easily  have  been  transported 
by  men  in  boats,  and  even  the  more  ferocious,  as 
tigers,  bears,  and  the  like,  have  been  brought  over 
in  the  same  manner,  when  young,  “ for  amusement 
and  the  pleasure  of  the  chase  ” ! 4 Others,  again, 

2 Acosta,  lib.  x,  cap.  16.  Italian  philosopher  nothing  doubts. 

3 Count  Carli  shows  much  in-  Lettres  Americ.,  tom.  II.  let.  36 
genuity  and  learning  in  support  of  -39. 

the  famous  Egyptian  tradition,  re-  4 Garcia,  Origen  de  los  Indios 
corded  by  Plato,  in  his  “ Timseus,”  de  el  Nuevo  Mundo.  (Madrid 
— of  the  good  faith  of  which  the  I7P-9,')  cap.  4. 


Part  I.]  ORIGIN  OF  MEXICAN  CIVILIZATION. 


373 


maintained  the  equally  probable  opinion,  that  angels, 
who  had,  doubtless,  taken  charge  of  them  in  the 
ark,  had  also  superintended  their  distribution  after- 
wards over  the  different  parts  of  the  globe.5  Such 
were  the  extremities  to  which  even  thinking  minds 
were  reduced,  in  their  eagerness  to  reconcile  the  lit- 
eral interpretation  of  Scripture  with  the  phenomena 
of  nature  ! The  philosophy  of  a later  day  conceives 
that  it  is  no  departure  from  this  sacred  authority  to 
follow  the  suggestions  of  science,  by  referring  the 
new  tribes  of  animals  to  a creation,  since  the  deluge, 
in  those  places  for  which  they  were  clearly  intended 
by  constitution  and  habits.6 

Man  would  not  seem  to  present  the  same  embar- 
rassments, in  the  discussion,  as  the  inferior  orders. 
He  is  fitted  by  nature  for  every  climate,  the  burning 
sun  of  the  tropics  and  the  icy  atmosphere  of  the 
North.  He  wanders  indifferently  over  the  sands  of 
the  desert,  the  waste  of  polar  snows,  and  the  path- 
less ocean.  Neither  mountains  nor  seas  intimidate 
him,  and,  by  the  aid  of  mechanical  contrivances,  he 
accomplishes  journeys  which  birds  of  boldest  wing 
would  perish  in  attempting.  Without  ascending  to 

5 Torquemada,  Monarch.  Ind.,  his  belief,  that,  “ as  by  God’s  com- 

lib.  1,  cap.  8.  mand,  at  the  time  of  the  creation, 

6 Prichard,  Researches  into  the  the  earth  brought  forth  the  living 

Physical  History  of  Mankind,  creature  after  his  kind,  so  a sim- 
(London,  1826,)  vol.  I.  p.  81,  et  ilar  process  must  have  taken  place 
seq.  after  the  deluge,  in  islands  too  re- 

He  may  find  an  orthodox  au-  mote  to  be  reached  by  animals  from 
thority  of  respectable  antiquity,  the  continent.”  De  Civitate  Dei, 
for  a similar  hypothesis,  in  St.  ap.  Opera,  (Parisiis,  1636,)  tom. 
Augustine,  who  plainly  intimates  V.  p.  987. 


374 


APPENDIX. 


[Part  I. 


the  high  northern  latitudes,  where  the  continents 
of  Asia  and  America  approach  within  fifty  miles  of 
each  other,  it  would  be  easy  for  the  inhabitant  of 
Eastern  Tartary  or  Japan  to  steer  his  canoe  from 
islet  to  islet,  quite  across  to  the  American  shore, 
without  ever  being  on  the  ocean  more  than  two  days 
at  a time.7  The  communication  is  somewhat  more 
difficult  on  the  Atlantic  side.  But  even  there,  Ice- 
land was  occupied  by  colonies  of  Europeans  many 
hundred  years  before  the  discovery  by  Columbus ; 
and  the  transit  from  Iceland  to  America  is  com- 
paratively easy.8  Independently  of  these  channels, 
others  were  opened  in  the  southern  hemisphere,  by 
means  of  the  numerous  islands  in  the  Pacific.  The 
population  of  America  is  not  nearly  so  difficult  a 
problem,  as  that  of  these  little  spots.  But  experience 
shows  how  practicable  the  communication  may  have 
been,  even  with  such  sequestered  places.9  The  sav- 


7 Beechey,  Voyage  to  the  Pacif- 
ic and  Beering's  Strait,  (London, 
1831,)  Part  2,  Appendix.  — Hum- 
boldt, Examen  Critique  de  l'His- 
toire  de  la  Geographie  du  Nou- 
veau Continent,  (Paris,  1837,) 
tom.  II.  p.  58. 

8 Whatever  skepticism  may  have 
been  entertained  as  to  the  visit  of 
the  Northmen,  in  the  eleventh 

century,  to  the  coasts  of  the  great 
continent,  it  is  probably  set  at  rest 
in  the  minds  of  most  scholars, 
since  the  publication  of  the  orig- 
inal documents,  by  the  Royal  So- 
ciety at  Copenhagen.  (See,  in 
particular,  Antiquitates  America- 


na, (Hafuiae,  1837,)  pp.  79-200.) 
How  far  south  they  penetrated  is 
not  so  easily  settled. 

9  The  most  remarkable  exam- 
ple, probably,  of  a direct  inter- 
course between  remote  points,  is 
furnished  us  by  Captain  Cook, 
who  found  the  inhabitants  of  New 
Zealand  not  only  with  the  same  re- 
ligion, but  speaking  the  same  lan- 
guage, as  the  people  of  Otaheite, 
distant  more  than  2,000  miles. 
The  comparison  of  the  two  vocab- 
ularies establishes  the  fact.  Cook's 
Voyages,  (Dublin,  1784,)  vol.  I. 
book  1,  chap.  8. 


Part  I.]  ORIGIN  OF  MEXICAN  CIVILIZATION. 


375 


age  has  been  picked  up  in  his  canoe,  after  drifting 
hundreds  of  leagues  on  the  open  ocean,  and  sustain- 
ing life,  for  months,  by  the  rain  from  heaven,  and. 
such  fish  as  he  could  catch.10  The  instances  are  not 
very  rare  ; and  it  would  be  strange,  if  these  wander- 
ing barks  should  not  sometimes  have  been  intercept- 
ed by  the  great  continent,  which  stretches  across  the 
globe,  in  unbroken  continuity,  almost  from  pole  to 
pole.  No  doubt,  history  could  reveal  to  us  more 
than  one  example  of  men,  who,  thus  driven  upon 
the  American  shores,  have  mingled  their  blood  with 
that  of  the  primitive  races  who  occupied  them. 

The  real  difficulty  is  not,  as  with  the  animals,  to 
explain  how  man  could  have  reached  America,  but 
from  what  quarter  he  actually  has  reached  it.  In 
surveying  the  whole  extent  of  the  New  World,  it 
was  found  to  contain  two  great  families,  one  in  the 
lowest  stage  of  civilization,  composed  of  hunters, 
and  another  nearly  as  far  advanced  in  refinement 
as  the  semi-civilized  empires  of  Asia.  The  more 
polished  races  were  probably  unacquainted  with  the 


10  The  eloquent  Lyell  closes  an 
enumeration  of  some  extraordina- 
ry and  well-attested  instances  of 
this  kind  with  remarking,  “ Were 
the  whole  of  mankind  now  cut 
off,  with  the  exception  of  one 
family,  inhabiting  the  old  or  new 
continent,  or  Australia,  or  even 
some  coral  islet  of  the  Pacific,  we 
should  expect  their  descendants, 
though  they  should  never  become 
more  enlightened  than  the  South- 


Sea  Islanders  or  the  Esquimaux, 
to  spread,  in  the  course  of  ages, 
over  the  whole  earth,  diffused 
partly  by  the  tendency  of  popula- 
tion to  increase  beyond  the  means 
of  subsistence  in  a limited  dis- 
trict, and  partly  by  the  accidental 
drifting  of  canoes  by  tides  and 
currents  to  distant  shores.”  Prin- 
ciples of  Geology,  (London,  1832,) 
vol.  II.  p.  121. 


376 


APPENDIX. 


[Part  I 


existence  of  each  other,  on  the  different  continents 
of  America,  and  had  as  little  intercourse  with  the 
barbarian  tribes,  by  whom  they  were  surrounded. 
Yet  they  had  some  things  in  common  both  with 
these  last  and  with  one  another,  which  remarkably 
distinguished  them  from  the  inhabitants  of  the  Old 
World.  They  had  a common  complexion  and  phy- 
sical organization,  — at  least,  bearing  a more  uniform 
character  than  is  found  among  the  nations  of  any 
other  quarter  of  the  globe.  They  had  some  usages 
and  institutions  in  common,  and  spoke  languages 
of  similar  construction,  curiously  distinguished  from 
those  in  the  eastern  hemisphere. 

Whence  did  the  refinement  of  these  more  polished 
races  come  ? Was  it  only  a higher  development 
of  the  same  Indian  character,  which  we  see,  in  the 
more  northern  latitudes,  defying  every  attempt  at 
permanent  civilization  ? Was  it  engrafted  on  a race 
of  higher  order  in  the  scale  originally,  but  self- 
instructed,  working  its  way  upward  by  its  own  pow- 
ers ? Was  it,  in  short,  an  indigenous  civilization  ’ 
or  was  it  borrowed  in  some  degree  from  the  nations 
in  the  Eastern  World?  If  indigenous,  how  are  we 
to  explain  the  singular  coincidence  with  the  East  in 
institutions  and  opinions  ? If  Oriental,  how  shall  we 
account  for  the  great  dissimilarity  in  language,  and 
for  the  ignorance  of  some  of  the  most  simple  and  use- 
ful arts,  which,  once  known,  it  would  seem  scarcely 
possible  should  have  been  forgotten  ? This  is  the 
riddle  of  the  Sphinx,  which  no  (Edipus  has  yet  had 
the  ingenuity  to  solve.  It  is,  however,  a question 


Part  I.]  ORIGIN  OF  MEXICAN  CIVILIZATION.  377 

of  deep  interest  to  every  curious  and  intelligent  ob- 
server of  his  species.  And  it  has  accordingly  oc- 
cupied the  thoughts  of  men,  from  the  first  discovery 
of  the  country  to  the  present  time ; when  the  ex- 
traordinary monuments  brought  to  light  in  Central 
America  have  given  a new  impulse  to  inquiry,  by 
suggesting  the  probability,  — the  possibility,  rather, 
— that  surer  evidences  than  any  hitherto  known 
might  be  afforded  for  establishing  the  fact  of  a posi- 
tive communication  with  the  other  hemisphere. 

It  is  not  my  intention  to  add  many  pages  to  the 
volumes  already  written  on  this  inexhaustible  topic. 
The  subject  — as  remarked  by  a writer,  of  a philo- 
sophical mind  himself,  and  who  has  done  more  than 
any  other  for  the  solution  of  the  mystery — is  of  too 
speculative  a nature  for  history,  almost  for  philoso- 
phy.11 But  this  work  would  be  incomplete,  without 
affording  the  reader  the  means  of  judging  for  himself 
as  to  the  true  sources  of  the  peculiar  civilization 
already  described,  by  exhibiting  to  him  the  alleged 
points  of  resemblance  with  the  ancient  continent. 
In  doing  this,  I shall  confine  myself  to  my  proper 
subject,  the  Mexicans,  or  to  what,  in  some  way  or 
other,  may  have  a bearing  on  this  subject ; proposing 
to  state  only  real  points  of  resemblance,  as  they  are 
supported  by  evidence,  and  stripped,  as  far  as  possi- 
ble, of  the  illusions  with  which  they  have  been  in- 

11  “ La  question  generale  de  etre  meme  n’est  elle  pas  une  ques- 
la  premiere  origine  des  habitans  tion  philosophique.”  Humboldt, 
d’un  continent  est  au-dela  des  li-  Essai  Politique,  tom  I.  p.  349. 
mites  prescrites  a l’histoire ; peut- 

VOL.  III.  43 


378 


APPENDIX. 


[Part  I. 


vested  by  the  pious  credulity  of  one  party,  and  the 
visionary  system-building  of  another. 

An  obvious  analogy  is  found  in  cosmogonal  tradi- 
tions, and  religious  usages.  The  reader  has  already 
been  made  acquainted  with  the  Aztec  system  of  four 
great  cycles,  at  the  end  of  each  of  which  the  world 
was  destroyed,  to  be  again  regenerated.12  The  be- 
lief in  these  periodical  convulsions  of  nature,  through 
the  agency  of  some  one  or  other  of  the  elements, 
was  familiar  to  many  countries  in  the  eastern  hem- 
isphere ; and,  though  varying  in  detail,  the  general 
resemblance  of  outline  furnishes  an  argument  in  fa- 
vor of  a common  origin.13 

No  tradition  has  been  more  widely  spread  among 
nations  than  that  of  a Deluge.  Independently  of 
tradition,  indeed,  it  would  seem  to  be  naturally  sug- 
gested by  the  interior  structure  of  the  earth,  and  by 
the  elevated  places  on  which  marine  substances  are 
found  to  be  deposited.  It  was  the  received  notion, 
under  some  form  or  other,  of  the  most  civilized  peo- 
ple in  the  Old  World,  and  of  the  barbarians  of  the 
New.14  The  Aztecs  combined  with  this  some  par- 


12  Ante,  Yol.  I.  p.  61. 

13  The  fanciful  division  of  time 
into  four  or  five  cycles  or  ages 
was  found  among  the  Hindoos, 
(Asiatic  Researches,  vol.  II.  mem. 
7,)  the  Thibetians,  (Humboldt, 
Vues  des  Cordilleres,  p.  210,)  the 
Persians,  (Badly,  Traite  de  1'As- 
tronomie,  (Paris,  1787,)  tom.  I. 
discours  preliminaire,)  the  Greeks, 
(Hesiod,  'Ejya  *<*} v.  108, 


et  seq.,)  and  other  people,  doubt- 
less. The  five  ages  in  the  Gre- 
cian cosmogony  had  reference  to 
moral,  rather  than  physical,  phe- 
nomena, — a proof  of  higher  civ- 
ilization 

14  The  Chaldean  and  Hebrew 
accounts  of  the  Deluge  are  nearly 
the  same.  The  parallel  is  pursued 
in  Palfrey's  ingenious  Lectures  on 
the  Jewish  Scriptures  and  Anti- 


Part  I/|  ORIGIN  OF  MEXICAN  CIVILIZATION. 


379 


ticular  circumstances  of  a more  arbitrary  character, 
resembling  the  accounts  of  the  East.  They  believed 
that  two  persons  survived  the  deluge,  a man,  named 
Coxcox,  and  his  wife.  Their  heads  are  represented 
in  ancient  paintings,  together  with  a boat  floating 
on  the  waters,  at  the  foot  of  a mountain.  A dove 
is  also  depicted,  with  the  hieroglyphical  emblem  of 
languages  in  his  mouth,  which  he  is  distributing  to 
the  children  of  Coxcox,  who  were  born  dumb.15 
The  neighbouring  people  of  Michuacan,  inhabiting 
the  same  high  plains  of  the  Andes,  had  a still  further 
tradition,  that  the  boat,  in  which  Tezpi,  their  Noah, 
escaped,  was  filled  with  various  kinds  of  animals  and 
birds.  After  some  time,  a vulture  was  sent  out 


quities,  (Boston,  1840,)  vol.  II. 
lect.  21,  22.  Among  the  Pagan 
writers,  none  approach  so  near  to 
the  Scripture  narrative  as  Lucian, 
who,  in  his  account  of  the  Greek 
traditions,  speaks  of  the  ark,  and 
the  pairs  of  different  kinds  of  an- 
imals. (De  Dea  Syria,  sec.  12.) 
The  same  thing  is  found  in  the 
Bhagawatn  Purana,  a Hindoo 
poem  of  great  antiquity.  (Asiat- 
ic Researches,  vol.  IT.  mem.  7.) 
The  simple  tradition  of  a universal 
inundation  was  preserved  among 
most  of  the  Aborigines,  probably, 
of  the  Western  World.  See 
McCulloh,  Researches,  p.  147. 

15  This  tradition  of  the  Aztecs 
is  recorded  in  an  ancient  hiero- 
glyphical map,  first  published  in 
Gemelli  Carreri's  Giro  del  Mondo. 
(See  tom.  VI.  p.  38,  ed.  Napoli, 
1700.)  Its  authenticity,  as  well 
as  the  integrity  of  Carreri  himself, 


on  which  some  suspicions  have 
been  thrown,  (see  Robertsoivs 
America,  (London,  1796,)  vol. 
III.  note  26,)  has  been  success- 
fully vindicated  by  Boturini,  Cla- 
vigero,  and  Humboldt,  all  of  whom 
trod  in  the  steps  of  the  Italian 
traveller.  (Boturini,  Idea,  p.  54. 
— Humboldt,  Vues  des  Cordil- 
leres,  pp.  223,  224. — Clavigero, 
Stor.  del  Messico,  tom.  I.  p.  24.) 
The  map  is  a copy  from  one  in  the 
curious  collection  of  Siguenza.  It 
has  all  the  character  of  a genuine 
Aztec  picture,  with  the  appear- 
ance of  being  retouched,  especial- 
ly in  the  costumes,  by  some  later 
artist.  The  painting  of  the  four 
ages,  in  the  Vatican  codex,  No. 
3730,  represents,  also,  the  two 
figures  in  the  boat,  escaping  the 
great  cataclysm.  Antiq.  of  Mex- 
ico, vol.  I.  PI.  7. 


380 


APPENDIX. 


[ Part  I 


from  it,  but.  remained  feeding  on  the  dead  bodies  of 
the  giants,  which  had  been  left  on  the  earth,  as  the 
waters  subsided.  The  little  humming-bird,  huitzi- 
tzilin,  was  then  sent  forth,  and  returned  with  a twig 
in  its  mouth.  The  coincidence  of  both  these  ac- 
counts with  the  Hebrew  and  Chaldean  narratives 
is  obvious.  It  were  to  be  wished  that  the  authority 
for  the  Michuacan  version  were  more  satisfactory.16 

On  the  way  between  Vera  Cruz  and  the  capital, 
not  far  from  the  modern  city  of  Puebla,  stands  the 
venerable  relic,  — with  which  the  reader  has  become 
familiar  in  the  course  of  the  narrative,  — called  the 
temple  of  Cholula.  It  is,  as  he  will  remember,  a 
pyramidal  mound,  built,  or  rather  cased,  with  unburnt 
brick,  rising  to  the  height  of  nearly  one  hundred  and 
eighty  feet.  The  popular  tradition  of  the  natives  is, 
that  it  was  erected  by  a family  of  giants,  who  had 
escaped  the  great  inundation,  and  designed  to  raise 
the  building  to  the  clouds ; but  the  gods,  offended 
with  their  presumption,  sent  fires  from  heaven  on 
the  pyramid,  and  compelled  them  to  abandon  the 
attempt.17  The  partial  coincidence  of  this  legend 


16  I have  met  with  no  other 
voucher  for  this  remarkable  tradi- 
tion than  Clavigero ; (Stor.  del 
Mcssico,  dissert.  1;)  a good,  though 
certainly  not  the  best,  authority, 
when  he  gives  us  no  reason  for 
our  faith.  Humboldt,  however, 
does  not  distrust  the  tradition. 
(See  Vuesdes  Cordilleres,  p.  226.) 
He  is  not  so  skeptical  as  Vater ; 
who,  in  allusion  to  the  stories  of 
the  Flood,  remarks,  “ I have  pur- 


posely omitted  noticing  the  resem- 
blance of  religious  notions,  for  I 
do  not  see  how  it  is  possible  to 
separate  from  such  views  every 
influence  of  Christian  ideas,  if  it 
be  only  from  an  imperceptible  con- 
fusion in  the  mind  of  the  narra- 
tor.” Mithridates,  oder  allgemeine 
Sprachenkunde,  (Berlin,  1812,) 
theil  III.  abtheil  3,  p.  82,  note. 

17  This  story,  so  irreconcilable 
with  the  vulgar  Aztec  tradition, 


Part  *.]  ORIGIN  OF  MLX.C^N  > IVILIZATION.  381 

with  the  Hebrew  account  of  the  tower  of  Babel, 
received,  also,  by  other  nations  of  the  East,  cannot 
be  denied.18  But  one,  who  has  not  examined  the 
subject,  will  scarcely  credit  what  bold  hypotheses 
have  been  reared  on  this  slender  basis. 

Another  point  of  coincidence  is  found  in  the  god- 
dess Cioacoatl,  “ our  lady  and  mother  ” ; “ the  first 
goddess  who  brought  forth  ” ; “ who  bequeathed  the 


sufferings  of  childbirth  to 

which  admits  only  two  survivors 
of  the  Deluge,  was  still  lingering 
among  the  natives  of  the  place,  on 
M.  de  Humboldt’s  visit  there. 
(Vues  des  Cordilleres,  pp.  31,  32.) 
It  agrees  with  that  given  by  the 
interpreter  of  the  Vatican  Codex  ; 
(Antiq.  of  Mexico,  vol.  VI.  p. 
192,  et  seq. ;)  a writer,  — probably 
a monk  of  the  sixteenth  century, 
— in  whom  ignorance  and  dog- 
matism contend  for  mastery.  See 
a precious  specimen  of  both,  in 
his  account  of  the  Aztec  chronol- 
ogy, in  the  very  pages  above  re- 
ferred to. 

18  A tradition,  very  similar  to 
the  Hebrew  one,  existed  among 
the  Chaldeans  and  the  Hindoos. 
(Asiatic  Researches,  vol.  III. 
mem.  16.)  The  natives  of  Chia- 
pa,  also,  according  to  the  bishop 
Nunez  de  la  Vega,  had  a story, 
cited  as  genuine  by  Humboldt, 
(Vues  des  Cordilleres,  p.  148,) 
which  not  only  agrees  with  the 
Scripture  account  of  the  manner 
in  which  Babel  was  built,  but  with 
that  of  the  subsequent  dispersion, 
and  the  confusion  of  tongues.  A 


women,  as  the  tribute  of 

very  marvellous  coincidence  ! But 
who  shall  vouch  for  the  authenti- 
city of  the  tradition  1 The  bishop 
flourished  towards  the  close  of  the 
seventeenth  century.  He  drew 
his  information  from  hieroglyph- 
ical  maps,  and  an  Indian  MS., 
which  Boturini  in  vain  endeav- 
oured to  recover.  In  exploring 
these,  he  borrowed  the  aid  of  the 
natives,  who,  as  Boturini  informs 
us,  frequently  led  the  good  man 
into  errors  and  absurdities ; of 
which  he  gives  several  specimens. 
(Idea,  p.  116,  et  seq.) — Boturi- 
ni himself  has  fallen  into  an  error 
equally  great,  in  regard  to  a map 
of  this  same  Cholulan  pyramid  , 
which  Clavigero  shows,  far  from 
being  a genuine  antique,  was  the 
forgery  of  a later  day.  (Stor.  del 
Messico,  tom.  I.  p.  130,  nota.)  It 
is  impossible  to  get  a firm  footing 
in  the  quicksands  of  tradition. 
The  further  we  are  removed  from 
the  Conquest,  the  more  difficult  it 
becomes  to  decide  what  belongs  to 
the  primitive  Aztec,  and  what  to 
the  Christian  convert. 


382 


APPENDIX. 


[Part  I. 


death”;  “by  whom  sin  came  into  the  world.”  Such 
was  the  remarkable  language  applied  by  the  Aztecs 
to  this  venerated  deity.  She  was  usually  repre- 
sented with  a serpent  near  her ; and  her  name  sig- 
nified the  “ serpent-woman.”  In  all  this  we  see 
much  to  remind  us  of  the  mother  of  the  human 
family,  the  Eve  of  the  Hebrew  and  Syrian  nations.19 

But  none  of  the  deities  of  the  country  suggested 
such  astonishing  analogies  with  Scripture,  as  Quet- 
zalcoatl,  with  whom  the  reader  has  already  been 
made  acquainted.20  He  was  the  white  man,  wearing 
a long  beard,  who  came  from  the  East ; and  who, 
after  presiding  over  the  golden  age  of  Anahuac, 
disappeared  as  mysteriously  as  he  had  come,  on  the 
great  Atlantic  Ocean.  As  he  promised  to  return  at 
some  future  day,  his  reappearance  was  looked  for 
with  confidence  by  each  succeeding  generation. 
There  is  little  in  these  circumstances  to  remind  one 
of  Christianity.  But  the  curious  antiquaries  of 


19  Sahagun,  Hist,  de  Nueva  Es- 
pafia,  lib.  1,  cap.  6 ; lib.  6,  cap. 
28,  33. 

Torquemada,  not  content  with 
the  honest  record  of  his  predeces- 
sor, whose  MS.  lay  before  him, 
tells  us,  that  the  Mexican  Eve  had 
two  sons,  Cain  and  Abel.  (Mon- 
arch. Ind.,  lib.  6,  cap.  31.)  The 
ancient  interpreters  of  the  Vatican 
and  Tellerian  Codices  add  the  fur- 
ther tradition,  of  her  bringing  sin 
and  sorrow  into  the  world  by  pluck- 
ing the  forbidden  rose ; (Antiq.  of 
Mexico,  vol.  VI.,  explan,  of  PI.  7, 


20 ; ) and  V ey tia  remembers  to  have 
seen  a Toltec  or  Aztec  map,  rep- 
resenting a garden  with  a single 
tree  in  it,  round  which  was  coiled 
the  serpent  with  a human  face  ! 
(Hist.  Antig., lib.  l,cap.  1.)  After 
this  we  may  be  prepared  for  Lord 
Kingsborough’s  deliberate  convic- 
tion, that  the  “ Aztecs  had  a clear 
knowledge  of  the  Old  Testament, 
and,  most  probably,  of  the  New, 
though  somewhat  corrupted  by 
time,  and  hieroglyphics  ” ! Antiq. 
of  Mexico,  vol.  VI.  p.  409. 

20  Ante,  Vol.  I.  pp.  59,  GO. 


Part  I.]  ORIGIN  OF  MEXICAN  CIVILIZATION. 


38 3 


Mexico  found  out,  that  to  this  god  were  to  be  referred 
the  institution  of  ecclesiastical  communities,  remind- 
ing one  of  the  monastic  societies  of  the  Old  World ; 
that  of  the  rites  of  confession  and  penance  ; and  the 
knowledge  even  of  the  great  doctrines  of  the  Trin- 
ity and  the  Incarnation!21  One  party,  with  pious 
industry,  accumulated  proofs  to  establish  his  identi- 
ty with  the  Apostle  St.  Thomas;22  while  another, 
with  less  scrupulous  faith,  saw,  in  his  anticipated 
advent  to  regenerate  the  nation,  the  type,  dim- 
veiled,  of  the  Messiah  ! 23 

Yet  we  should  have  charity  for  the  missionaries 
who  first  landed  in  this  world  of  wonders ; where, 
while  man  and  nature  wore  so  strange  an  aspect, 
they  were  astonished  by  occasional  glimpses  of  rites 
and  ceremonies,  which  reminded  them  of  a purer 
faith.  In  their  amazement,  they  did  not  reflect, 
whether  these  things  were  not  the  natural  expres- 
sion of  the  religious  feeling  common  to  all  nations 
who  have  reached  even  a moderate  civilization. 
They  did  not  inquire,  whether  the  same  things  were 
not  practised  by  other  idolatrous  people.  They 
could  not  suppress  their  wonder,  as  they  beheld  the. 

21  Veytia,  Hist.  Antig.,  lib.  1,  Kingsborough’s  reading  of  the 

cap.  15.  Borgian  codex,  and  the  interpret- 

22  Ibid.,  lib.  1,  cap.  19.  — A ers  of  the  Vatican,  (Antiq.  of 
sorry  argument,  even  for  a casuist.  Mexico,  Vol.  VI.,  explan,  of  PI. 
See,  also,  the  elaborate  disserta-  3,  10,  41,)  equally  well  skilled 
tion  of  Dr.  Mier,  (apud  Sahagun,  with  his  lordship,  — and  Sir  Hudi- 
lib.  3,  Suplem.,)  which  settles  the  bras,  — in  unravelling  mysteries  : 
question  entirely  to  the  satisfaction  „ mose  primitive  tradition  reache3; 

of  his  reporter,  Bustamante.  Aa  far  as  Adam’a  first  green  breeche*.” 

23  See,  among  others.  Lord 


384 


APPENDIX. 


[Part  I. 


Cross,  the  sacred  emblem  of  their  own  faith,  raised 
as  an  object  of  worship  in  the  temples  of  Anahuac. 
They  met  with  it  in  various  places ; and  the  image 
of  a cross  may  be  seen  at  this  day,  sculptured  in 
bas-relief,  on  the  walls  of  one  of  the  buildings  of 
Palenque,  while  a figure  bearing  some  resemblance 
to  that  of  a child  is  held  up  to  it,  as  if  in  adora- 
tion.24 

Their  surprise  was  heightened,  when  they  wit- 
nessed a religious  rite  which  reminded  them  of  the 
Christian  communion.  On  these  occasions,  an  im- 
age of  the  tutelary  deity  of  the  Aztecs  was  made 
of  the  flour  of  maize,  mixed  with  blood,  and,  after 
consecration  by  the  priests,  was  distributed  among 


24  Antiquites  Mexicaines,  exped. 
3,  PI.  3G. 

The  figures  are  surrounded  by 
hieroglyphics  of  most  arbitrary 
character,  perhaps  phonetic.  (See 
also  Herrera,  Hist.  General,  dec. 
2,  lib.  3,  cap.  1. — Gomara,  Cro- 
nica  de  la  Nueva  Espaiia,  cap.  15, 
ap.  Barcia,  tom.  II.)  [Mr.  Steph- 
ens considers  that  the  celebrated 
“Cozumel  Cross,”  preserved  at 
Merida,  which  claims  the  credit  of 
being  the  same  originally  worship- 
ped by  the  natives  of  Cozumel,  is, 
after  all,  nothing  but  a cross  that 
was  erected  by  the  Spaniards  in 
one  of  their  own  temples  in  that 
island  after  the  Conquest.  This 
fact  he  regards  as  “ completely  in- 
validating the  strongest  proof  of- 
fered at  this  day,  that  the  Cross 
was  recognised  by  the  Indians  as 
a symbol  of  worship.”  (Travels 


in  Yucatan,  vol.  II.  chap.  20.) 
But,  admitting  the  truth  of  this 
statement,  that  the  Cozumel  Cross 
is  only  a Christian  relic,  which 
the  ingenious  traveller  has  made 
extremely  probable,  his  inference 
is  by  no  means  admissible.  Noth- 
ing could  be  more  natural  than 
that  the  friars  in  Merida  should 
endeavour  to  give  celebrity  to  their 
convent  by  making  it  the  posses- 
sor of  so  remarkable  a monument 
as  the  very  relic  which  proved,  in 
their  eyes,  that  Christianity  had 
been  preached  at  some  earlier  date 
among  the  natives.  But  the  real 
proof  of  the  existence  of  the  Cross, 
as  an  object  of  worship,  in  the  New 
World,  does  not  rest  on  such  spu- 
rious monuments  as  these,  but  on 
the  unequivocal  testimony  of  the 
Spanish  discoverers  themselves.] 


Part  I.]  ORIGIN  OF  MEXICAN  CIVILIZATION.  385 

the  people,  who,  as  they  ate  it,  “ showed  signs  of 
humiliation  and  sorrow,  declaring  it  was  the  flesh 
of  the  deity  ! ” 23  How  could  the  Roman  Catholic 
fail  to  recognise  the  awful  ceremony  of  the  Eu- 
charist ? 

With  the  same  feelings  they  witnessed  another 
ceremony,  that  of  the  Aztec  baptism  ; in  which,  after 
a solemn  invocation,  the  head  and  lips  of  the  infant 
were  touched  with  water,  and  a name  was  given  to 
it ; while  the  goddess  Cioacoatl,  who  presided  over 
childbirth,  was  implored,  “ that  the  sin,  which  was 
given  to  us  before  the  beginning  of  the  world,  might 
not  visit  the  child,  but  that,  cleansed  by  these  waters, 
it  might  live  and  be  born  anew!”26 


25  “Lo  recibian  con  gran  rev- 
erencia,  humiliacion,  y lagrimas, 
dieiendo  que  comian  la  carne  de 
su  Dios.”  Veytia,  Hist.  Antig., 
lib.  1,  cap.  18. — Also,  Acosta, 
lib.  5,  cap.  24. 

26  Ante,  Vol.  I.,  p.  64.  — Sa- 
hagun,  Hist,  de  Nueva  Espaiia, 
lib.  6,  cap.  37. 

That  the  reader  may  see,  for 
himself,  how  like,  yet  how  unlike, 
the  Aztec  rite  was  to  the  Christian, 
I give  the  translation  of  Sahagun’s 
account,  at  length. 

“ When  every  thing  necessary 
for  the  baptism  had  been  made 
ready,  all  the  relations  of  the  child 
were  assembled,  and  the  midwife, 
who  was  the  person  that  performed 
the  rite  of  baptism,  was  summoned. 
At  early  dawn,  they  met  together 
in  the  court-yard  of  the  house. 

VOL.  III. 


When  the  sun  had  risen,  the  mid- 
wife, taking  the  child  in  her  arms, 
called  for  a little  earthen  vessel  of 
water,  while  those  about  her 
placed  the  ornaments  which  had 
been  prepared  for  the  baptism  in 
the  midst  of  the  court.  To  per- 
form the  rite  of  baptism,  she  placed 
herself  with  her  face  towards  the 
west,  and  immediately  began  to 
go  through  certain  ceremonies. 

After  this  she  sprinkled 

water  on  the  head  of  the  infant, 
saying,  ‘ 0,  my  child  ! take  and 
receive  the  water  of  the  Lord  of 
the  world,  which  is  our  life,  and  is- 
given  for  the  increasing  and  renew- 
ing of  our  body.  It  is  to  wash 
and  to  purify.  I pray  that  these 
heavenly  drops  may  enter  into  your 
body,  and  dwell  there  ; that  they 
may  destroy  and  remove  from  you 


49 


386 


APPENDIX. 


[Part  I 


It  is  true,  these  several  rites  were  attended  with 
many  peculiarities,  very  unlike  those  in  any  Chris- 
tian church.  But  the  fathers  fastened  their  eyes  ex- 
clusively on  the  points  of  resemblance.  They  were 
not  aware,  that  the  Cross  was  the  symbol  of  worship, 
of  the  highest  antiquity,  in  Egypt  and  Syria;27  and 
that  rites,  resembling  those  of  communion23  and  bap- 


all  the  evil  and  sin  which  was  giv- 
en to  you  before  the  beginning  of 
the  world  ; since  all  of  us  are  un- 
der its  power,  being  all  the  child- 
ren of  Chalchivitlycue  ’ [the  god- 
dess of  water].  She  then  washed 
the  body  of  the  child  with  wa- 
ter, and  spoke  in  this  manner  : 
‘ Whencesoever  thou  comest,  thou 
that  art  hurtful  to  this  child  ; leave 
him  and  depart  from  him,  for  he 
now  liveth  anew,  and  is  born  anew ; 
now  is  he  purified  and  cleansed 
afresh,  and  our  mother  Chalchivit- 
lycue again  hringeth  him  into  the 
world.’  Having  thus  prayed,  the 
midwife  took  the  child  in  both 
hands,  and,  lifting  him  towards 
heaven,  said,  ‘0  Lord,  thou  seest 
here  thy  creature,  whom  thou 
hast  sent  into  this  world,  this 
place  of  sorrow,  suffering,  and  pen- 
itence. Grant  him,  0 Lord,  thy 
gifts,  and  thine  inspiration,  for  thou 
art  the  Great  God,  and  with  thee 
is  the  great  goddess.’  Torches  of 
pine  were  kept  burning  during  the 
performance  of  these  ceremonies. 
When  these  things  were  ended, 
they  gave  the  child  the  name  of 
some  one  of  his  ancestors,  in  the 
hope  that  he  might  shed  a new 


lustre  over  it.  The  name  was 
given  by  the  same  midwife,  or 
priestess,  who  baptized  him.” 

27  Among  Egyptian  symbols,  we 
meet  with  several  specimens  of  the 
Cross.  One,  according  to  Justus 
Lipsius,  signified  “ life  to  come.” 
(See  his  treatise,  De  Cruce,  (Lu- 
tetiae  Parisiorum,  1598,)  lib.  3, 
cap.  8.)  We  find  another  in  Cham- 
pollion’s  catalogue,  which  he  in- 
terprets, “ support  or  saviour.” 
(Precis,  tom.  II.,  Tableau  Gen., 
Nos.  277,  348.)  Some  curious  ex- 
amples of  the  reverence  paid  to 
this  sign  by  the  ancients  have  been 
collected  byMcCulloh,  (Research- 
es, p.  330,  et  seq.,)  and  by  Hum- 
boldt, in  his  late  work,  Geographie 
du  Nouveau  Continent,  tom.  II. 
p.  354,  et  seq. 

23  “ Ante,  Deos  homini  quod  conciliare 
Far  erat,”  [valeret 

says  Ovid.  (Fastorum,  lib.  1,  v. 
337.)  Count  Carli  has  pointed  out 
a similar  use  of  consecrated  bread, 
and  wine  or  water,  in  the  Greek 
and  Egyptian  mysteries.  (Lettres 
Americ.,  tom.  I.  let.  27.)  See, 
also,  McCulloh,  Researches,  p. 
240,  et  seq. 


Part  I.]  ORIGIN  OF  MEXICAN  CIVILIZATION. 


387 


tism,  were  practised  by  Pagan  nations,  on  whom  the 
light  of  Christianity  had  never  shone.29  In  their 
amazement,  they  not  only  magnified  what  they  saw, 
but  were  perpetually  cheated  by  the  illusions  of  their 
own  heated  imaginations.  In  this  they  were  admi- 
rably assisted  by  their  Mexican  converts,  proud  to 
establish  — and  half  believing  it  themselves  — a cor- 
respondence between  their  own  faith,  and  that  of 
their  conquerors.30 

The  ingenuity  of  the  chronicler  was  taxed  to  find 
out  analogies  between  the  Aztec  and  Scripture  his- 
tories, both  old  and  new.  The  migration  from  Az- 
tlan  to  Anahuac  was  typical  of  the  Jewish  exodus.3' 
The  places,  where  the  Mexicans  halted  on  the  march, 
were  identified  with  those  in  the  journey  of  the  Is- 
raelites ; 32  and  the  name  of  Mexico  itself  was  found 


29  Water  for  purification  and 
other  religious  rites  is  frequently- 
noticed  by  the  classical  writers. 
Thus  Euripides ; 

**’A yvo7s  viv  vn^xi 

Qtt.’ku.affu.  x\u£u  -ravra  rxvfytorcov 
x axa." 

Iphig.  in  Taur.,  vv.  1192, 1194. 

The  notes  on  this  place,  in  the 
admirable  Variorum  edition  of 
Glasgow,  1821,  contain  references 
to  several  passages  of  similar  im- 
port in  different  authors. 

30  The  difficulty  of  obtaining 
any  thing  like  a faithful  report 
from  the  natives  is  the  subject  of 
complaint  from  more  than  one  wri- 
ter, and  explains  the  great  care  ta- 
ken by  Sahagun,  to  compare  their 


narratives  with  each  other.  See 
Hist,  de  Nueva  Espafia,  Prologo. 
— Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  MS., 
Prol. — Boturini,  Idea,  p.  116. 

31  The  parallel  was  so  closely 
pressed  by  Torquemada,  that  he 
was  compelled  to  suppress  the 
chapter  containing  it,  on  the  pub- 
lication of  his  book.  See  the  Pro- 
emio  to  the  edition  of  1723,  sec.  2. 

32  “The  Devil,”  says  Herrera, 
“chose  to  imitate,  in  every  thing, 
the  departure  of  the  Israelites  from 
Egypt,  and  their  subsequent  wan- 
derings.” (Hist.  General,  dec.  3. 
lib.  3,  cap.  10.)  But  all  that  has 
been  done  by  monkish  annalist  and 
missionary,  to  establish  the  par- 
allel with  the  children  of  Israel, 
falls  far  short  of  Lord  Kingsbo- 


388 


APPENDIX. 


[Pakt  I. 


to  be  nearly  identical  with  the  Hebrew  name  for  the 
Messiah.33  The  Mexican  hieroglyphics  afforded  a 
boundless  field  for  the  display  of  this  critical  acute- 
ness. The  most  remarkable  passages  in  the  Old 
and  New  Testaments  were  read  in  their  mysterious 
characters;  and  the  eye  of  faith  could  trace  there  the 
whole  story  of  the  Passion,  the  Saviour  suspended 
from  the  cross,  and  the  Virgin  Mary  with  her  at- 
tendant angels ! 34 

The  Jewish  and  Christian  schemes  were  strangely 
mingled  together,  and  the  brains  of  the  good  fathers 
were  still  further  bewildered  by  the  mixture  of  hea- 
thenish abominations,  which  were  so  closely  inter- 
twined with  the  most  orthodox  observances.  In  their 
perplexity,  they  looked  on  the  whole  as  the  delusion 
of  the  Devil,  who  counterfeited  the  rites  of  Chris- 
tianity and  the  traditions  of  the  chosen  people,  that 
he  might  allure  his  wretched  victims  to  their  own 
destruction.35 

But,  although  it  is  not  necessarv  to  resort  to  this 

7 O v 


rough's  learned  labors,  spread  over 
nearly  two  hundred  folio  pages. 
(See  Antiq.  of  Mexico,  tom.  VI. 
pp.  282-410.)  Quatihcm  inane! 

33  The  word  rvi?:3,  from  which 
is  derived  Christ , “ the  anointed,” 
is  still  more  nearly — not  “ precise- 
ly,” as  Lord  Kingsborough  states 
(Antiq.  of  Mexico,  vol.  VI.  p.  186) 
— identical  with  that  of  Mexi,  or 
Mesi,  the  chief  who  was  said  to 
have  led  the  Aztecs  on  the  plains 
of  Anahuac. 

34  Interp.  of  Cod.  Tel. -Rem.,  et 


Vat.,  Antiq.  of  Mexico,  vol.  VI. 
— Sahagun,  Hist,  de  Nueva  Es- 
pafia,  lib.  3,  Suplem.  — Veytia, 
Hist.  Antig.,  lib.  1.  cap.  16. 

35  This  opinion  finds  favor  with 
the  best  Spanish  and  Mexican 
writers,  from  the  Conquest  down- 
wards. Solis  sees  nothing  im- 
probable in  the  fact,  “ that  the  ma- 
lignant influence,  so  frequently 
noticed  in  sacred  history,  should 
be  found  equally  in  prolane.” 
Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  lib.  2,  cap 
4. 


Part  I.]  ORIGIN  OF  MEXICAN  CIVILIZATION. 


389 


startling  supposition,  nor  even  to  call  up  an  apostle 
from  the  dead,  or  any  later  missionary,  to  explain 
the  coincidences  with  Christianity ; yet  these  coin- 
cidences must  be  allowed  to  furnish  an  argument 
in  favor  of  some  primitive  communication  with  that 
^reat  brotherhood  of  nations  on  the  old  continent, 
among  whom  similar  ideas  have  been  so  widely 
diffused.  The  probability  of  such  a communication, 
especially  with  Eastern  Asia,  is  much  strengthen- 
ed by  the  resemblance  of  sacerdotal  institutions, 
and  of  some  religious  rites,  as  those  of  marriage,36 
and  the  burial  of  the  dead  ; 37  by  the  practice  of 
human  sacrifices,  and  even  of  cannibalism,  traces  of 
which  are  discernible  in  the  Mongol  races  ; 33  and, 
lastly,  by  a conformity  of  social  usages  and  manners, 
so  striking  that  the  description  of  Montezuma’s 


36  The  bridal  ceremony  of  the 
Hindoos,  in  particular,  contains 
curious  points  of  analogy  with  the 
Mexican.  (See  Asiatic  Research- 
es, vol.  VII.  mem.  9.)  The  insti- 
tution of  a numerous  priesthood, 
with  the  practices  of  confession  and 
penance,  was  familiar  to  the  Tar- 
tar people.  (Maundeville,  Voiage, 
chap.  23.)  And  monastic  estab- 
lishments were  found  in  Thibet 
and  Japan,  from  the  earliest  ages. 
Humboldt,  Vues  des  Cordilleres, 
p.  179. 

37  “ Doubtless,”  says  the  ingen- 
ius Carli,  “ the  fashion  of  burning 
the  corpse,  collecting  the  ashes  in 
a vase,  burying  them  under  pyram- 
idal mounds,  with  the  immola- 


tion of  wives  and  servants  at  the 
funeral,  all  remind  one  of  the  cus- 
toms of  Egypt  and  Hindostan.” 
Lettres  Americ.,  tom.  II.  let.  10. 

38  Marco  Polo  notices  a civilized 
people  in  South-eastern  China, 
and  another  in  Japan,  who  drank 
the  blood  and  ate  the  flesh  of  their 
captives  ; esteeming  it  the  most 
savory  food  in  the  world,  — “la 
pit!  saporita  et  migliore,  che  si 
possa  truovar  al  mondo.”  (Viag- 
gi,  lib.  2,  cap.  75  ; lib.  3,  13,  14.) 
The  Mongols,  according  to  Sir 
John  Maundeville,  regarded  the 
ears  “ sowced  in  vynegre,”  as  a 
particular  dainty.  Voiage,  chap. 
23. 


390 


APPENDIX. 


[Part  I. 


court  may  well  pass  for  that  of  the  Grand  Khan’s,  as 
depicted  by  Maundeville  and  Marco  Polo.39  It  would 
occupy  too  much  room  to  go  into  details  in  this  mat- 
ter, without  which,  however,  the  strength  of  the  ar- 
gument cannot  be  felt,  nor  fully  established.  It  has 
been  done  by  others  ; and  an  occasional  coincidence 
has  been  adverted  to  in  the  preceding  chapters. 

It  is  true,  we  should  be  very  slow  to  infer  iden- 
tity, or  even  correspondence,  between  nations,  from 
a partial  resemblance  of  habits  and  institutions. 
Where  this  relates  to  manners,  and  is  founded  on 
caprice,  it  is  not  more  conclusive  than  when  it  flows 
from  the  spontaneous  suggestions  of  nature,  common 
to  all.  The  resemblance,  in  the  one  case,  may  be 
referred  to  accident ; in  the  other,  to  the  constitution 
of  man.  But  there  are  certain  arbitrary  peculiari- 
ties, which,  when  found  in  different  nations,  reason- 
ably suggest  the  idea  of  some  previous  communica- 
tion between  them.  Who  can  doubt  the  existence 
of  an  affinity,  or,  at  least,  intercourse,  between  tribes, 
who  had  the  same  strange  habit  of  burying  the  dead 
in  a sitting  posture,  as  was  practised,  to  some  extent, 
by  most,  if  not  all,  of  the  Aborigines,  from  Canada 
to  Patagonia  ? 40  The  habit  of  burning  the  dead, 


39  Marco  Polo,  Viaggi,  lib.  2, 
cap.  10.  — Maundeville,  Voiage, 
cap.  20,  et  alibi. 

See,  also,  a striking  parallel  be- 
tween the  Eastern  Asiatics  and 
Americans,  in  the  Supplement  to 
Ranking’s  “ Historical  Research- 
es” ; a work  embodying  many  cu- 


rious details  of  Oriental  history 
and  manners,  in  support  of  a whim- 
sical theory. 

40  Morton,  Crania  Americana, 
(Philadelphia,  1839,)  pp.  224  - 
246. 

The  industrious  author  estab- 
lishes this  singular  fact,  by  exam- 


Part  I.]  ORIGIN  OF  MEXICAN  CIVILIZATION. 


391 


familiar  to  both  Mongols  and  Aztecs,  is,  in  itself,  but 
slender  proof  of  a common  origin.  The  body  must 
be  disposed  of  in  some  way  ; and  this,  perhaps,  is  as 
natural  as  any  other.  But,  when  to  this  is  added 
the  circumstance  of  collecting  the  ashes  in  a vase, 
and  depositing  the  single  article  of  a precious  stone 
along  with  them,  the  coincidence  is  remarkable.41 
Such  minute  coincidences  are  not  unfrequent ; while 
the  accumulation  of  those  of  a more  general  char- 
acter, though  individually  of  little  account,  greatly 
strengthens  the  probability  of  a communication  with 
the  East. 

A proof  of  a higher  kind  is  found  in  the  analogies 
of  science.  We  have  seen  the  peculiar  chronological 
system  of  the  Aztecs ; their  method  of  distributing 
the  years  into  cycles,  and  of  reckoning  by  means  of 
periodical  series,  instead  of  numbers.  A similar  pro- 
cess was  used  by  the  various  Asiatic  nations  of  the 
Mongol  family,  from  India  to  Japan.  Their  cycles, 
indeed,  consisted  of  sixty,  instead  of  fifty-two  years  ; 


pies  drawn  from  a great  number 
of  nations  in  North  and  South 
America. 

41  Gomara,  Cronica  de  la  Nueva 
Esparia,  cap.  202,  ap.  Barcia,  tom. 
II. — Clavigero,  Stor.  del  Messi- 
co,  tom.  I.  pp.  94,  95. — McCulloh, 
(Researches,  p.  198,)  who  cites 
the  Asiatic  Researches. 

Dr.  McCulloh,  in  his  single  vol- 
ume, has  probably  brought  to- 
gether a larger  mass  of  materials 
for  the  illustration  of  the  aboriginal 
history  of  the  continent,  than  any 


other  writer  in  the  language,  in 
the  selection  of  his  facts,  he  has 
shown  much  sagacity,  as  well  as 
industry ; and,  if  the  formal  and 
somewhat  repulsive  character  of 
the  style  has  been  unfavorable  to 
a popular  interest,  the  work  must 
always  have  an  interest  for  those 
who  are  engaged  in  the  study  of 
the  Indian  antiquities.  His  fanci- 
ful speculations  on  the  subject  of 
Mexican  mythology  may  amuse 
those  whom  they  fail  to  convince. 


392 


APPENDIX. 


[ Part  I. 


and  for  the  terms  of  their  periodical  series,  they 
employed  the  names  of  the  elements,  and  the  signs 
of  the  zodiac,  of  which  latter  the  Mexicans,  proba- 
bly, had  no  knowledge.  But  the  principle  was  pre- 
cisely the  same.42 

A correspondence  quite  as  extraordinary  is  found 
between  the  hieroglyphics  used  by  the  Aztecs  for 
the  signs  of  the  days,  and  those  zodiacal  signs 
which  the  Eastern  Asiatics  employed  as  one  of  the 
terms  of  their  series.  The  symbols  in  the  Mongo- 
lian calendar  are  borrowed  from  animals.  Four  of 
the  twelve  are  the  same  as  the  Aztec.  Three 
others  are  as  nearly  the  same  as  the  different  species 
of  animals  in  the  two  hemispheres  would  allow. 
The  remaining  five  refer  to  no  creature  then  found 
in  Anahuac.43  The  resemblance  went  as  far  as  it 


42  Ante,  Vol.  I.  p.  Ill,  et  seq. 

43  This  will  be  better  shown  by 
enumerating  the  zodiacal  signs, 
used  as  the  names  of  the  years  by 
the  Eastern  Asiatics.  Among  the 
Mongols,  these  were,  1.  mouse,  2. 
ox,  3.  leopard,  4.  hare,  5.  croco- 
dile^. serpent,  7.  horse,  8.  sheep, 
9.  monkey,  10.  hen,  11.  dog,  12. 
hog.  The  Mantchou  Tartars,  Ja- 
panese, and  Thibetians,  have  near- 
ly the  same  terms,  substituting, 
however,  for  No.  3,  tiger;  5,  dra- 
gon ; 8,  goat.  In  the  Mexican 
signs,  for  the  names  of  the  days, 
we  also  meet  with  hare , serpent, 
monkey , dog.  Instead  of  the  “ leop- 
ard,” “crocodile,”  and  “hen,” — 
neither  of  which  animals  were 
known  in  Mexico,  at  the  time  of 


the  Conquest, — we  find  the  oce 
loll,  the  lizard,  and  the  eagle. 

The  lunar  calendar  of  the  Hin- 
doos exhibits  a correspondence 
equally  extraordinary.  Seven  of 
the  terms  agree  with  those  of  the 
Aztecs,  namely,  serpent,  cane,  ra- 
zor, path  of  the  sun,  dog's  tail, 
house.  (Humboldt,  Vues  des  Cor- 
dilleres,  p.  152.)  These  terms,  it 
will  be  observed,  are  still  more 
arbitrarily  selected,  not  being  con- 
fined to  animals;  as,  indeed,  the 
hieroglyphics  of  the  Aztec  calen- 
dar were  derived  indifferently  from 
them,  and  other  objects,  like  the 
signs  of  our  zodiac. 

These  scientific  analogies  are 
set  in  the  strongest  light  by  M. 
de  Humboldt,  and  occupy  a large, 


Part  I ] ORIGIN  OF  MEXICAN  CIVILIZATION. 


393 


could.44  The  similarity  of  these  conventional  sym- 
bols, among  the  several  nations  of  the  East,  can 
hardly  fail  to  carry  conviction  of  a common  origin 
for  the  system,  as  regards  them.  Why  should  not 
a similar  conclusion  be  applied  to  the  Aztec  calen- 
dar, which,  although  relating  to  days,  instead  of 
years,  was,  like  the  Asiatic,  equally  appropriated  to 
chronological  uses,  and  to  those  of  divination  ? 45 

I shall  pass  over  the  further  resemblance  to  the 
Persians,  shown  in  the  adjustment  of  time  by  a 
similar  system  of  intercalation  ; 46  and  to  the  Egyp- 
tians, in  the  celebration  of  the  remarkable  festival 
of  the  winter  solstice ; 47  since,  although  sufficiently 


and,  to  the  philosophical  inquirer, 
the  most  interesting,  portion  of  his 
great  work.  (Vues  des  Cordil- 
leres,  pp.  125-194.)  He  has  not 
embraced  in  his  tables,  however, 
the  Mongol  calendar,  which  af- 
fords even  a closer  approximation 
to  the  Mexican,  than  that  of  the 
other  Tartar  races.  Comp.  Rank- 
ing, Researches,  pp.  370,  371, 
note. 

44  There  is  some  inaccuracy 
in  Humboldt’s  definition  of  the 
ocelotl,  as  “ the  tiger,”  “the  ja- 
guar.” (Ibid.,  p.  159.)  It  is 
smaller  than  the  jaguar,  though 
quite  as  ferocious,  and  is  as  grace- 
ful and  beautiful  as  the  leopard, 
which  it  more  nearly  resembles. 
It  is  a native  of  New  Spain,  where 
the  tiger  is  not  known.  (See  Buf- 
fon,  Histoire  Naturelle,  (Paris, 
An.  8,)  tom.  II., vox,  Ocelotl.  The 
adoption  of  this  latter  name,  there- 

VOL.  III.  50 


fore,  in  the  Aztec  calendar,  leads 
to  an  inference  somewhat  exag- 
gerated. 

45  Both  the  Tartars  and  the 
Aztecs  indicated  the  year  by  its 
sign  ; as  the  “ year  of  the  hare,”  or 
“ rabbit,”  &c.  The  Asiatic  signs, 
likewise,  far  from  being  limited  to 
the  years  and  months,  presided, 
also,  over  days,  and  even  hours. 
(Humboldt,  Vues  des  Cordilleres, 
p.  1G5.)  The  Mexicans  had  also 
astrological  symbols  appropriated 
to  the  hours.  Gama,  Descripcion, 
Parte  2,  p.  117. 

46  Ante,  Vol.  I.,  p.  112,  note. 

47  Achilles  Tati  us  notices  a cus- 
tom of  the  Egyptians,  — who,  as 
the  sun  descended  towards  Cap- 
ricorn, put  on  mourning;  but,  as 
the  days  lengthened,  their  fears 
subsided,  they  robed  themselves 
in  white,  and,  crowned  with  flow- 
ers, gave  themselves  up  to  jubilee. 


394 


APPENDIX. 


[Part  1. 


curious,  the  coincidences  might  be  accidental,  and 
add  little  to  the  weight  of  evidence  offered  by  an 
agreement  in  combinations,  of  so  complex  and  arti- 
ficial a character,  as  those  before  stated. 

Amidst  these  intellectual  analogies,  one  would 
expect  to  meet  with  that  of  language , the  vehicle 
of  intellectual  communication,  which  usually  exhibits 
traces  of  its  origin,  even  when  the  science  and  litera- 
ture, that  are  embodied  in  it,  have  widely  diverged. 
No  inquiry,  however,  has  led  to  less  satisfactory  re- 
sults. The  languages  spread  over  the  western  con- 
tinent far  exceed  in  number  those  found  in  any  equal 
population  in  the  eastern.43  They  exhibit  the  re- 
markable anomaly  of  differing  as  widely  in  etymol- 
ogy as  they  agree  in  organization  ; and,  on  the 
other  hand,  while  they  bear  some  slight  affinity  to 
the  languages  of  the  Old  World  in  the  former  par- 
ticular, they  have  no  resemblance  to  them  whatever 
in  the  latter.49  The  Mexican  was  spoken  for  an 


like  the  Aztecs.  — This  account, 
transcribed  by  Carli's  French 
translator,  and  by  M.  de  Hum- 
boldt, is  more  fully  criticized  by 
M.  Jomard  in  the  Yues  des  Cor- 
dilleres,  p.  309,  et  seq. 

48  Jefferson,  (Notes  on  Virginia, 
(London,  1787,)  p.  164,)  confirm- 
ed by  Humboldt  (Essai  Politique, 
tom.  I.  p.  353).  Mr.  Gallatin 
comes  to  a different  conclusion. 
(Transactions  of  American  An- 
tiquarian Society,  (Cambridge, 
1836,)  vol.  II.  p.  161.)  The 
great  number  of  American  dia- 


lects and  languages  is  well  ex- 
plained by  the  unsocial  nature  of 
a hunter's  life,  requiring  the  coun- 
try to  be  parcelled  out  into  small 
and  separate  territories  for  the 
means  of  subsistence. 

43  Philologists  have,  indeed,  de- 
tected two  curious  exceptions,  in 
the  Congo  and  primitive  Basque ; 
from  which,  however,  the  Indian 
languages  differ  in  many  essential 
points.  See  Du  Ponceau's  Report, 
ap.  Transactions  of  the  Lit.  and 
Hist.  Committee  of  the  Am.  Phil. 
Society,  vol.  I. 


Part  I.] 


ORIGIN  OF  MEXICAN  CIVILIZATION. 


395 


extent  of  three  hundred  leagues.  But  within  the 
boundaries  of  New  Spain  more  than  twenty  lan- 
guages were  found ; not  simply  dialects,  but,  in 
many  instances,  radically  different.50  All  these 
idioms,  however,  with  one  exception,  conformed  to 
that  peculiar  synthetic  structure,  by  which  every 
Indian  dialect  appears  to  have  been  fashioned,  from 
the  land  of  the  Esquimaux  to  Terra  del  Fuego;51 
a system,  which,  bringing  the  greatest  number  of 
ideas  within  the  smallest  possible  compass,  con- 
denses whole  sentences  into  a single  word,52  dis- 
playing a curious  mechanism,  in  which  some  dis- 
cern the  hand  of  the  philosopher,  and  others  only 
the  spontaneous  efforts  of  the  savage.53 


50  Vater,  (Mithridates,  theil 
III.  abtheil  3,  p.  70,)  who  fixes 
on  the  Rio  Gila  and  the  Isthmus 
of  Darien,  as  the  boundaries,  with- 
in which  traces  of  the  Mexican 
language  were  to  be  discerned. 
Clavigero  estimates  the  number 
of  dialects  at  thirty-five.  I have 
used  the  more  guarded  statement 
of  M.  de  Humboldt,  who  adds, 
that  fourteen  of  these  languages 
have  been  digested  into  dictionaries 
and  grammars.  Essai  Politique, 
tom.  I.  p.  352. 

51  No  one  has  done  so  much 
towards  establishing  this  import- 
ant fact,  as  that  estimable  scholar, 
Mr.  Du  Ponceau.  And  the  frank- 
ness, with  which  he  has  admitted 
the  exception  that  disturbed  his  fa- 
vorite hypothesis,  shows  that  he  is 
far  more  wedded  to  science  than  to 
system.  See  an  interesting  account 
of  it,  in  his  prize  essay  before  the 


Institute.  Memoire  sur  le  Sys- 
teme  Grammaticale  des  Langues 
de  quelques  Nations  Indiennes  de 
l’Amerique.  (Paris,  1838.) 

52  The  Mexican  language,  in 
particular,  is  most  flexible  ; ad- 
mitting of  combinations  so  easily, 
that  the  most  simple  ideas  are 
often  buried  under  a load  of  ac- 
cessories. The  forms  of  expres- 
sion, though  picturesque,  were 
thus  made  exceedingly  cumbrous. 
A “priest,”  for  example,  was 
called,  notlazomahuizteopixcatatzin, 
meaning,  “venerable  minister  of 
God,  that  I love  as  my  father.” 
A still  more  comprehensive  word 
is  amatlacuilolitquitcatlaxtlahuitli, 
signifying,  “the  reward  given  to 
a messenger  who  bears  a hiero- 
glyphical  map  conveying  intelli- 
gence.” 

53  See,  in  particular,  for  the 
latter  view  of  the  subject,  the  ar- 


396 


APPENDIX. 


f Part  I. 


The  etymological  affinities  detected  with  the  an- 
cient continent  are  not  very  numerous,  and  they  are 
drawn  indiscriminately  from  all  the  tribes  scattered 
over  America.  On  the  whole,  more  analogies  have 
been  found  with  the  idioms  of  Asia,  than  of  any 
other  quarter.  But  their  amount  is  too  inconsidera- 
ble to  balance  the  opposite  conclusion  inferred  by  a 
total  dissimilarity  of  structure.54  A remarkable  ex- 
ception is  found  in  the  Othomi  or  Otomie  language, 
which  covers  a wider  territory  than  any  other  but  the 
Mexican,  in  New  Spain ; 55  and  which,  both  in  its 
monosyllabic  composition,  so  different  from  those 
around  it,  and  in  its  vocabulary,  shows  a very  singular 
affinity  to  the  Chinese.56  The  existence  of  this  insu- 
lated idiom,  in  the  heart  of  this  vast  continent,  offers 


guments  of  Mr.  Gallatin,  in  his 
acute  and  masterly  disquisition  on 
the  Indian  tribes;  a disquisition, 
that  throws  more  light  on  the 
intricate  topics  of  which  it  treats, 
than  whole  volumes  that  have  pre- 
ceded it.  Transactions  of  the 
American  Antiquarian  Society, 
vol.  II.,  Introd.,  sec.  6. 

54  This  comparative  anatomy  of 
the  languages  of  the  two  hemi- 
spheres, begun  by  Barton,  (Origin 
of  the  tribes  and  Nations  of  Amer- 
ica, (Philadelphia,  1797,))  has 
been  extended  by  Vater  (Mithri- 
dates,  theil  III.  abtheil  1,  p.  348, 
et  seq.).  A selection  of  the  most 
striking  analogies  may  be  found, 
also,  in  Malte  Brun,  book  75, 
table. 

55  Othomi,  from  otho,  “ station- 


ary,” and  mi,  “nothing.”  (Na- 
jera, Dissert.,  ut  infra.)  The  ety- 
mology intimates  the  condition 
of  this  rude  nation  of  warriors, 
who,  imperfectly  reduced  by  the 
Aztec  arms,  roamed  over  the  high 
lands  north  of  the  Valley  of  Mex- 
ico. 

56  See  Najera’s  Dissertatio  De 
Lingua  Othomitorum,  ap.  Trans- 
actions of  the  American  Philo- 
sophical Society,  vol.  V.  New 
Series. 

The  author,  a learned  Mexican, 
has  given  a most  satisfactory  analy- 
sis of  this  remarkable  language, 
which  stands  alone  among  the 
idioms  of  the  New  World,  as  the 
Basque  — the  solitary  wreck,  per- 
haps, of  a primitive  age  — exists 
among  those  of  the  Old. 


Part  I.]  ORIGIN  OF  MEXICAN  CIVILIZATION. 


397 


a curious  theme  for  speculation,  entirely  beyond  the 
province  of  history 

The  American  languages,  so  numerous  and  wide- 
ly diversified,  present  an  immense  field  of  inquiry, 
which,  notwithstanding  the  labors  of  several  distin- 
guished philologists,  remains  yet  to  be  explored.  It 
is  only  after  a wide  comparison  of  examples,  that 
conclusions  founded  on  analogy  can  be  trusted. 
The  difficulty  of  making  such  comparisons  increases 
with  time,  from  the  facility  which  the  peculiar  struc- 
ture of  the  Indian  languages  affords  for  new  combi- 
nations ; while  the  insensible  influence  of  contact 
with  civilized  man,  in  producing  these,  must  lead  to 
a still  further  distrust  of  our  conclusions. 

The  theory  of  an  Asiatic  origin  for  Aztec  civili- 
zation derives  stronger  confirmation  from  the  light 
of  tradition , which,  shining  steadily  from  the  far 
North-west,  pierces  through  the  dark  shadows  that 
history  and  mythology  have  alike  thrown  around  the 
antiquities  of  the  country.  Traditions  of  a Western, 
or  North-western  origin  were  found  among  the  more 
barbarous  tribes,57  and  by  the  Mexicans  were  pre- 
served both  orally  and  in  their  hieroglyphical  maps, 
where  the  different  stages  of  their  migration  are 
carefully  noted.  But  who,  at  this  day,  shall  read 
them  ? 53  They  are  admitted  to  agree,  however,  in 

57  Barton,  p.  92.  — Heckevvel-  Antiquites  Mexicaines,  part  2,  p. 
der,  chap.  1,  ap.  Transactions  of  185,  et  seq. 
the  Hist,  and  Lit.  Committee  of  58  The  recent  work  of  Mr.  De 
the  Am.  Phil.  Soc.,  vol.  I.  lafield  (Inquiry  into  the  Origin 

The  various  traditions  have  been  of  the  Antiquities  of  America 
assembled  by  M.  Warden,  in  the  (Cincinnati,  1839,))  has  an  en- 


39a 


APPENDIX. 


f Part  I. 


representing  the  populous  North  as  the  prolific  hive 
of  the  American  races.59  In  this  quarter  were  placed 
their  Aztlan,  and  their  Huehuetapallan ; the  bright 
abodes  of  their  ancestors,  whose  warlike  exploits 
rivalled  those  which  the  Teutonic  nations  have  re- 
corded of  Odin  and  the  mythic  heroes  of  Scandina- 
via. From  this  quarter  the  Toltecs,  the  Chichemecs, 
and  the  kindred  races  of  the  Nahuatlacs,  came  suc- 
cessively up  the  great  plateau  of  the  Andes,  spread- 
ing over  its  hills  and  valleys,  down  to  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico.60 


graving  of  one  of  these  maps, 
said  to  have  been  obtained  by  Mr. 
Bullock,  from  Boturini's  collec- 
tion. Two  such  are  specified  on 
page  10  of  that  antiquary’s  Cata- 
logue. This  map  has  all  the  ap- 
pearance of  a genuine  Aztec  paint- 
ing, of  the  rudest  character.  We 
may  recognise,  indeed,  the  sym- 
bols of  some  dates  and  places, 
with  others  denoting  the  aspect  of 
the  country,  whether  fertile  or 
barren,  a state  of  war -or  peace, 
&e.  But  it  is  altogether  too 
vague,  and  we  know  too  little  of 
the  allusions,  to  gather  any  knowl- 
edge from  it  of  the  course  of  the 
Aztec  migration. 

Gemelli  Carreri’s  celebrated 
chart  contains  the  names  of  many 
places  on  the  route,  interpreted, 
perhaps,  by  Siguenza  himself,  to 
w'hom  it  belonged ; (Giro  del 
Mondo,  tom  VI.  p.  56;)  and  Cla- 
vigero  has  endeavoured  to  ascer- 
tain the  various  localities  with 
some  precision.  (Stor.  del  Mes- 


sico,  tom.  I.  p.  160,  et  seq.; 
But,  as  they  are  all  wdthin  the 
boundaries  of  New  Spain,  and,  in- 
deed, south  of  the  Rio  Gila,  they 
throw  little  light,  of  course,  on 
the  vexed  question  of  the  primitive 
abodes  of  the  Aztecs. 

59  This  may  be  fairly  gathered 
from  the  agreement  of  the  tradi- 
tionary interpretations  of  the  maps 
of  the  various  people  of  Anahuac, 
according  to  Veytia ; who,  how- 
ever, admits,  that  it  is  “next  to 
impossible,”  with  the  lights  of  the 
present  day,  to  determine  the  pre- 
cise route  taken  by  the  Mexicans. 
(Hist.  Antig.,  tom.  I.  cap.  2.) 
Lorenzana  is  not  so  modest.  “ Los 
Mexicanos  por  tradicion  vinieron 
por  el  norte,”  says  he,  “ y se  sa- 
ben  ciertamente  sus  mansiones.” 
(Hist,  de  Nueva  Espana,  p.  81, 
nota.)  There  are  some  antiqua- 
ries who  see  best  in  the  dark. 

60  Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chich., 
MS.,  cap.  2,  et  seq. — Idem,  Re- 
laciones,  MS.  — Veytia,  Hist.  An- 


Part  I.]  ORIGIN  OF  MEXICAN  CIVILIZATION. 


399 


Antiquaries  have  industriously  sought  to  detect 
some  still  surviving  traces  of  these  migrations.  In 
the  north-western  districts  of  New  Spain,  at  a thou- 
sand miles’  distance  from  the  capital,  dialects  have 
been  discovered,  showing  intimate  affinity  with  the 
Mexican.61  Along  the  Rio  Gila,  remains  of  popu- 
lous towns  are  to  be  seen,  quite  worthy  of  the  Az- 
tecs in  their  style  of  architecture.62  The  country 
north  of  the  great  Rio  Colorado  has  been  imperfectly 
explored  ; but,  in  the  higher  latitudes,  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  Nootka,  tribes  still  exist,  whose  dialects, 
both  in  the  termination  and  general  sound  of  the 
words,  bear  considerable  resemblance  to  the  Mexi- 
can.63 Such  are  the  vestiges,  few,  indeed,  and  fee- 


tig.,  ubi  supra.  — Torquemada, 
Monarch.  Ind.,  tom.  I.  lib.  1. 

61  In  the  province  of  Sonora, 
especially  along  the  Californian 
Gulf.  The  Cora  language,  above 
all,  of  which  a regular  grammar 
has  been  published,  and  which  is 
spoken  in  New  Biscay,  about  30° 
north,  so  much  resembles  the 
Mexican,  that  Yater  refers  them 
both  to  a common  stock.  Mithri- 
dates,  theil  III.  abtheil  3,  p.  143. 

62  On  the  southern  bank  of  this 
river  are  ruins  of  large  dimensions, 
described  by  the  missionary  Pedro 
Font,  on  his  visit  there,  in  1775. 
( Antiq.  of  Mexico,  vol.  VI.  p.  538.) 
— At  a place  of  the  same  name, 
Casas  Grandes,  about  33°  north, 
and,  like  the  former,  a supposed 
station  of  the  Aztecs,  still  more 
extensive  remains  are  to  be  found ; 
large  enough,  indeed,  according 


to  a late  traveller,  Lieut.  Hardy, 
for  a population  of20,000  or  30,000 
souls.  The  country  for  leagues  is 
covered  with  these  remains,  as  well 
as  with  utensils  of  earthen  ware, 
obsidian,  and  other  relics.  A draw- 
ing, which  the  author  has  given 
of  a painted  jar  or  vase,  may  re- 
mind one  of  the  Etruscan.  “There 
were,  also,  good  specimens  of 
earthen  images  in  the  Egyptian 
style,”  he  observes,  “ which  are, 
to  me,  at  least,  so  ■perfectly  uninter- 
esting, that  I was  at  no  pains  to 
procure  any  of  them.”  (Travels 
in  the  Interior  of  Mexico,  (Lon- 
don, 1829,)  pp.  464-4G6.)  The 
Lieutenant  was  neither  a Boturini 
nor  a Belzoni. 

63  Yater  has  examined  the  lan- 
guages of  three  of  these  nations, 
between  50°  and  60°  north,  and 
collated  their  vocabularies  with 


400 


appendix. 


[Part  I 


ble,  that  still  exist  to  attest  the  truth  of  traditions, 
which  themselves  have  remained  steady  and  consist- 
ent, through  the  lapse  of  centuries,  and  the  migra- 
tions of  successive  races. 

The  conclusions  suggested  by  the  intellectual  and 
moral  analogies  with  Eastern  Asia  derive  considera- 
ble support  from  those  of  a physical  nature . The 
Aborigines  of  the  Western  World  were  distinguished 
by  certain  peculiarities  of  organization,  which  have 
led  physiologists  to  regard  them  as  a separate  race. 
These  peculiarities  are  shown  in  their  reddish  com- 
plexion, approaching  a cinnamon  color ; their  straight, 
black,  and  exceedingly  glossy  hair ; their  beard  thin, 
and  usually  eradicated ; 64  their  high  cheek-bones, 
eyes  obliquely  directed  towards  the  temples,  promin- 
ent noses,  and  narrow  foreheads  falling  backwards 
with  a greater  inclination  than  those  of  any  other 
race  except  the  African.63  From  this  general  stand- 
ard, however,  there  are  deviations,  in  the  same  man- 
ner, if  not  to  the  same  extent,  as  in  other  quarters 
of  the  globe,  though  these  deviations  do  not  seem 
to  be  influenced  by  the  same  laws  of  local  position.66 


the  Mexican,  showing  the  proba- 
bility of  a common  origin  of  many 
of  the  words  in  each.  Mithridates, 
theil  HE.  abtheil  3,  p.  212. 

64  The  Mexicans  are  noticed  by 
M.  de  Humboldt,  as  distinguished 
from  the  other  Aborigines,  whom 
he  had  seen,  by  the  quantity  both 
of  beard  and  moustaches.  (Essai 
Politique,  tom.  I.  p.  361.)  The 
modern  Mexican,  however,  broken 
in  spirit  and  fortunes,  bears  as  lit- 


tle resemblance,  probably,  in  phy- 
sical, as  in  moral  characteristics,  to 
his  ancestors,  the  fierce  and  inde- 
pendent Aztecs. 

65  Prichard,  Physical  History, 
vol.  I.  pp.  167  - 169,  182,  et  seq. 
— Morton,  Crania  Americana,  p. 
66.  — McCulloh,  Researches,  p. 
18.  — Lawrence,  Lectures,  pp. 
317,  565. 

66  Thus  we  find,  amidst  the  gen- 
erally prevalent  copper  or  cinna- 


Part  I.]  ORIGIN  OF  MEXICAN  CIVILIZATION.  401 

Anatomists,  also,  have  discerned  in  crania  disinterred 
from  the  mounds,  and  in  those  of  the  inhabitants  of 
the  high  plains  of  the  Cordilleras,  an  obvious  differ- 
ence from  those  of  the  more  barbarous  tribes.  This 
is  seen  especially  in  the  ampler  forehead,  intimating 
a decided  intellectual  superiority.67  These  charac- 
teristics are  found  to  bear  a close  resemblance  to 
those  of  the  Mongolian  family,  and  especially  to  the 
people  of  Eastern  Tartary ; 6’  so  that,  notwithstand- 
ing certain  differences  recognised  by  physiologists, 
the  skulls  of  the  two  races  could  not  be  readily  dis- 
tinguished from  one  another  by  a common  observer. 
No  inference  can  be  surely  drawn,  however,  without 
a wide  range  of  comparison.  That  hitherto  made 
has  been  chiefly  founded  on  specimens  from  the  bar- 
barous tribes.69  Perhaps  a closer  comparison  with 


mon  tint,  nearly  all  gradations  of 
color,  from  the  European  white, 
to  a black,  almost  African  ; while 
the  complexion  capriciously  va- 
ries among  different  tribes,  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  each  other.  See 
examples  in  Humboldt,  (Essai 
Politique,  tom.  I.  pp.  358,  359,) 
also  Prichard,  (Physical  History, 
vol.  II.  pp.  452,  522,  et  alibi,)  a 
writer,  whose  various  research  and 
dispassionate  judgment  have  made 
his  work  a text-book  in  this  de- 
partment of  science. 

67  Such  is  the  conclusion  of  Dr. 
Warren,  whose  excellent  collec- 
tion has  afforded  him  ample  means 
for  study  and  comparison.  (See 
his  Remarks  before  the  British 
Association  for  the  Advancement 


of  Science,  ap.  London  Athenaeum, 
Oct.,  1837.)  In  the  specimens  col- 
lected by  Dr.  Morton,  however, 
the  barbarous  tribes  would  seem 
to  have  a somewhat  larger  facial 
angle,  and  a greater  quantity  of 
brain,  than  the  semi-civilized.  Cra- 
nia Americana,  p.  259. 

68  “ On  ne  peut  se  refuser  d’ad- 
mettre  que  l’espece  humaine  n’of- 
fre  pas  de  races  plus  voisines  que 
le  sont  celles  des  Amdricains,  des 
Mongols,  des  Mantchoux,  et  des 
Malais.”  Humboldt,  Essai  Politi- 
que, tom.  I.  p.  307.  — Also,  Prich- 
ard, Physical  History,  vol.  I.  pp. 
184-  186;  vol.  II.  pp.  365-367. 
— Lawrence,  Lectures,  p.  365. 

63  Dr.  Morton's  splendid  work 
on  American  crania  has  gone  far 


VOL.  III. 


51 


402 


APPENDIX. 


f Part  1. 


the  more  civilized  may  supply  still  stronger  evidence 
of  affinity.70 

In  seeking  for  analogies  with  the  Old  World, 
we  should  not  pass  by  in  silence  the  architectural 
remains  of  the  country,  which,  indeed,  from  their 
resemblance  to  the  pyramidal  structures  of  the  East, 
have  suggested  to  more  than  one  antiquary  the  idea 
of  a common  origin.71  The  Spanish  invaders,  it  is 


to  supply  the  requisite  informa- 
tion. Out  of  about  one  hundred 
and  fifty  specimens  of  skulls,  of 
which  he  has  ascertained  the  di- 
mensions with  admirable  precision, 
one  third  belong  to  the  semi-civ- 
iliz'ed  races  ; and  of  them  thirteen 
are  Mexican.  The  number  of 
these  last  is  too  small  to  found  any 
general  conclusions  upon,  consider- 
ing the  great  diversity  found  in  in- 
dividuals of  the  same  nation,  not 
to  say  kindred.  — Blumenbaeh’s 
observations  on  American  skulls 
were  chiefly  made,  according  to 
Prichard,  (Physical  History,  vol. 
I.  pp.  183,  184,)  from  specimens 
of  the  Carib  tribes,  as  unfavorable, 
perhaps,  as  any  on  the  continent. 

70  Yet  these  specimens  are  not 
so  easy  to  be  obtained.  With  un- 
common advantages  for  procuring 
these  myself  in  Mexico,  I have  not 
succeeded  in  obtaining  any  speci- 
mens of  the  genuine  Aztec  skull. 
The  difficulty  of  this  may  be  readi- 
ly comprehended  by  any  one  who 
considers  the  length  of  time  that 
has  elapsed  since  the  Conquest, 
and  that  the  burial-places  of  the 
ancient  Mexicans  have  continued 


to  be  used  by  their  descendants. 
Dr.  Morton  more  than  once  refers 
to  his  specimens,  as  those  of  the 
“ genuine  Toltec  skull,  from  cem- 
eteries in  Mexico,  older  than  the 
Conquest.”  (Crania  Americana, 
pp.  152,  155,  231,  et  alibi.)  But 
how  does  he  know  that  the  heads 
are  Toltec?  That  nation  is  reported 
to  have  left  the  country  about  the 
middle  of  the  eleventh  century, 
nearly  eight  hundred  years  ago,  — 
according  to  Ixtlilxochitl,  indeed, 
a century  earlier ; and  it  seems 
much  more  probable,  that  the  spe- 
cimens now  found  in  these  burial- 
places  should  belong  to  some  of 
the  races  who  have  since  occupied 
the  country,  than  to  one  so  far 
removed.  The  presumption  is 
manifestly  too  feeble  to  authorize 
any  positive  inference. 

71  The  tower  of  Belus,  with  its 
retreating  stories,  described  by 
Herodotus,  (Clio,  sec.  181.)  has 
been  selected  as  the  model  of  the 
teocalli ; which  leads  Vater  some- 
what shrewdly  to  remark,  that  it 
is  strange,  no  evidence  of  this 
should  appear  in  the  erection  of 
similar  structures  by  the  Aztecs,  in 


Part  I.]  ORIGIN  OF  MEXICAN  CIVILIZATION. 


403 


true,  assailed  the  Indian  buildings,  especially  those 
of  a religious  character,  with  all  the  fury  of  fanati- 
cism. The  same  spirit  survived  in  the  generations 
which  succeeded.  The  war  has  never  ceased  against 
the  monuments  of  the  country ; and  the  few  that 
fanaticism  has  spared  have  been  nearly  all  demol- 
ished to  serve  the  purposes  of  utility.  Of  all  the 
stately  edifices,  so  much  extolled  by  the  Spaniards 
who  first  visited  the  country,  there  are  scarcely  more 
vestiges  at  the  present  day  than  are  to  be  found  in 
some  of  those  regions  of  Europe  and  Asia,  which 
once  swarmed  with  populous  cities,  the  great  marts 
of  luxury  and  commerce.72  Yet  some  of  these  re- 
mains, like  the  temple  of  Xochicalco,73  the  palaces 


the  whole  course  of  their  journey  to 
Anahuac.  (Mithridates,  theil  III. 
abtheil  3,  pp.  74,  75.)  The  learned 
Niebuhr  finds  the  elements  of  the 
Mexican  temple  in  the  mythic 
tomb  of  Porsenna.  (Roman  His- 
tory, Eng.  trans.,  (London,  1827,) 
vol.  I.  p.  88.)  The  resemblance  to 
the  accumulated  pyramids,  compo- 
sing this  monument,  is  not  very 
obvious.  Comp.  Pliny  (Hist.  Nat., 
lib.  36,  sec.  19).  Indeed,  the  an- 
tiquarian may  be  thought  to  en- 
croach on  the  poet’s  province, 
when  he  finds  in  Etruscan  fable, 

— “cum  omnia  excedat  fabulosi- 
tas,”  as  Pliny  characterizes  this, 

— the  origin  of  Aztec  science. 

72  See  the  powerful  description 
of  Lucan,  Pharsalia,  lib.  9,  v.  966. 

The  Latin  bard  has  been  sur- 
passed by  the  Italian,  in  the  beau- 


tiful stanza,  beginning  Giace  l’  alta 
Cartago,  (Gierusalemme  Liberata, 
C.  15,  s.  20,)  which  may  be  said 
to  have  been  expanded  by  Lord 
Byron  into  a canto,  — the  fourth 
of  Childe  Harold. 

73  The  most  remarkable  remains 
on  the  proper  Mexican  soil  are  the 
temple  or  fortress  of  Xochicalco, 
not  many  miles  from  the  capital.  It 
stands  on  a rocky  eminence,  ne'.rly 
a league  in  circumference,  cut  into 
terraces  faced  with  stone.  The 
building  on  the  summit  is  seventy- 
five  feet  long,  and  sixty-six  broad. 
It  is  of  hewn  granite,  put  together 
without  cement,  but  with  great 
exactness.  It  was  constructed  in 
the  usual  pyramidal,  terraced  form, 
rising  by  a succession  of  stories, 
each  smaller  than  that  below  it. 
The  number  of  these  is  now  un- 


404 


APPENDIX. 


[Papt  1. 


of  Tezcotzinco,74  the  colossal  calendar-stone  in  the 
capital,  are  of  sufficient  magnitude,  and  wrought 
with  sufficient  skill,  to  attest  mechanical  powers  in 
the  Aztecs  not  unworthy  to  be  compared  with  those 
of  the  ancient  Egyptians. 

But,  if  the  remains  on  the  Mexican  soil  are  so 
scanty,  they  multiply  as  we  descend  the  south-east- 
ern slope  of  the  Cordilleras,  traverse  the  rich  Valley 
of  Oaxaca,  and  penetrate  the  forests  of  Chiapa  and 
Yucatan.  In  the  midst  of  these  lonely  regions,  wre 
meet  with  the  ruins,  recently  discovered,  of  several 
ancient  cities,  Mitla,  Palenque,  and  Itzalana  or 


certain ; the  lower  one  alone  re- 
maining entire.  This  is  sufficient, 
however,  to  show  the  nice  style 
of  execution,  from  the  sharp,  sali- 
ent cornices,  and  the  hieroglyphi- 
cal  emblems  with  which  it  is  cov- 
ered, all  cut  in  the  hard  stone. 
As  the  detached  blocks  found 
among  the  ruins  are  sculptured 
with  bas-reliefs  in  like  manner,  it 
is  probable  that  the  whole  building 
was  covered  with  them.  It  seems 
probable,  also,  as  the  same  pattern 
extends  over  different  stones,  that 
the  work  was  executed  after  the 
walls  were  raised. 

In  the  hill  beneath,  subterrane- 
ous galleries,  six  feet  wide  and 
high,  have  been  cut  to  the  length 
of  one  hundred  and  eighty  feet, 
where  they  terminate  in  two  halls, 
the  vaulted  ceilings  of  which  con- 
nect by  a sort  of  tunnel  with  the 
ouildings  above.  These  subterra- 
neous works  are  also  lined  with 


hewn  stone.  The  size  of  the 
blocks,  and  the  hard  quality  of  the 
granite  of  which  they  consist,  have 
made  the  buildings  of  Xochiealco 
a choice  quarry  for  the  proprietors 
of  a neighbouring  sugar-refinery, 
who  have  appropriated  the  upper 
stories  of  the  temple  to  this  ignoble 
purpose  ! The  Barberini  at  least 
built  palaces,  beautiful  themselves, 
as  works  of  art,  with  the  plunder 
of  the  Coliseum. 

See  the  full  description  of  this 
remarkable  building,  both  by  Du- 
paix  and  Alzate.  (Antiquites 
Mexicaines,  tom.  I.  Exp.  I,  pp. 
15-20;  tom.  III.  Exp.  1,  PI.  33.) 
A recent  investigation  has  been 
made  by  order  of  the  Mexican 
government,  the  report  of  which 
differs,  in  some  of  its  details,  from 
the  preceding.  Revista  Mexica- 
na,  tom.  I.  mem.  5. 

74  Ante,  Vol.  I.  p.  182-185. 


Part  I.]  ORIGIN  OF  MEXICAN  CIVILIZATION.  405 

Uxmal,73  which  argue  a higher  civilization  than  any 
thing  yet  found  on  the  American  continent ; and, 
although  it  was  not  the  Mexicans  who  built  these 
cities,  yet  as  they  are  probably  the  work  of  cognate 
races,  the  present  inquiry  would  be  incomplete  with- 
out some  attempt  to  ascertain  what  light  they  can 
throw  on  the  origin  of  the  Indian,  and  consequently 
of  the  Aztec,  civilization.76 

Few  works  of  art  have  been  found  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  any  of  the  ruins.  Some  of  them,  con- 
sisting of  earthen  or  marble  vases,  fragments  of 
statues,  and  the  like,  are  fantastic,  and  even  hide- 
ous ; others  show  much  grace  and  beauty  of  design, 
and  are  apparently  well  executed.77  It  may  seem 
extraordinary,  that  no  iron  in  the  buildings  them- 


75  It  is  impossible  to  look  at 
Waldeck’s  finished  drawings  of 
buildings,  where  Time  seems 
scarcely  to  have  set  his  mark  on 
the  nicely  chiselled  stone,  and  the 
clear  tints  are  hardly  defaced  by  a 
weather-stain,  without  regarding 
the  artist’s  work  as  a restoration ; 
a picture,  true,  it  may  be,  of  those 
buildings  in  the  day  of  their  glory, 
but  not  of  their  decay.  — Cogolludo, 
who  saw  them  in  the  middle  of 
the  seventeenth  century,  speaks  of 
them  with  admiration,  as  works 
of  “ accomplished  architects,”  of 
whom  history  has  preserved  no 
tradition.  Historia  de  Yucatan, 
(Madrid,  1688,)  lib.  4,  cap.  2. 

76  In  the  original  text  is  a de- 
scription of  some  of  these  ruins, 
especially  of  those  of  Mitla  and 


Palenque.  It  would  have  had  nov- 
elty at  the  time  in  which  it  was 
written,  since  the  only  accounts 
of  these  buildings  were  in  the  co- 
lossal publications  of  Lord  Kings- 
borough,  and  in  the  Antiquites 
Mexicaines,  not  very  accessible  to 
most  readers.  But  it  is  unneces- 
sary to  repeat  descriptions,  now 
familiar  to  every  one,  and  so  much 
better  executed  than  they  can  be 
by  me,  in  the  spirited  pages  of 
Stephens. 

77  See,  in  particular,  two  terra- 
cotta busts  with  helmets.,  found  in 
Oaxaca,  which  might  well  pass 
for  Greek,  both  in  the  style  of  the 
heads,  and  the  casques  that  cover 
them.  Antiquites  Mexicaines,  tom. 
III.  Exp.  2,  PI.  36. 


406 


APPENDIX. 


[Part  I. 


selves,  nor  iron  tools,  should  have  been  discovered, 
considering  that  the  materials  used  are  chiefly  gran- 
ite, very  hard,  and  carefully  hewn  and  polished 
Red  copper  chisels  and  axes  have  been  picked  up 
in  the  midst  of  large  blocks  of  granite  imperfectly 
cut,  with  fragments  of  pillars  and  architraves,  in  the 
quarries  near  Mitla.73  Tools  of  a similar  kind  have 
been  discovered,  also,  in  the  quarries  near  Thebes ; 
and  the  difficulty,  nay,  impossibility,  of  cutting  such 
masses  from  the  living  rock,  with  any  tools  which 
we  possess,  except  iron,  has  confirmed  an  ingenious 
writer  in  the  supposition,  that  this  metal  must  have 
been  employed  by  the  Egyptians,  but  that  its  ten- 
dency to  decomposition,  especially  in  a nitrous  soil, 
has  prevented  any  specimens  of  it  from  being  pre- 
served.79 Yet  iron  has  been  found,  after  the  lapse  of 
some  thousands  of  years,  in  the  remains  of  antiquity ; 
and  it  is  certain,  that  the  Mexicans,  down  to  the 
time  of  the  Conquest,  used  only  copper  instruments, 
with  an  alloy  of  tin,  and  a siliceous  powder,  to  cut 
the  hardest  stones,  and  some  of  them  of  enormous 
dimensions.80  This  fact,  with  the  additional  circum- 
stance, that  only  similar  tools  have  been  found  in 
Central  America,  strengthens  the  conclusion,  that 
iron  was  neither  known  there,  nor  in  ancient  Egypt. 

But  what  are  the  nations  of  the  Old  Continent, 


78  Dupaix  speaks  of  these  tools,  turned  by  the  hard  substances  on 
as  made  of  pure  copper.  But  doubt-  which  they  were  employed, 
less  there  was  some  alloy  mixed  79  Wilkinson,  Ancient  Egyp- 
with  it,  as  was  practised  by  the  tians,  vol.  III.  pp.  246-254. 
Aztecs  and  Egyptians;  otherwise,  89  Ante,  Vol.  I.  p.  139. 
their  edges  must  have  been  easily 


r 


Part  I ] ORIGIN  OF  MEXICAN  CIVILIZATION. 


407 


whose  style  of  architecture  bears  most  resemblance 
to  that  of  the  remarkable  monuments  of  Chiapa 
and  Yucatan  ? The  points  of  resemblance  will, 
probably,  be  found  neither  numerous  nor  decisive 
There  is,  indeed,  some  analogy  both  to  the  Egyp- 
tian and  Asiatic  style  of  architecture  in  the  pyram- 
idal, terrace-formed  bases  on  which  the  buildings 
repose,  resembling,  also,  the  Toltec  and  Mexican 
teoculli.  A similar  care,  also,  is  observed  in  the 
people  of  both  hemispheres,  to  adjust  the  position 
of  their  buildings  by  the  cardinal  points.  The 
walls  in  both  are  covered  with  figures  and  hiero- 
glyphics, which,  on  the  American,  as  on  the  Egyp- 
tian, may  be  designed,  perhaps,  to  record  the  laws 
and  historical  annals  of  the  nation.  These  figures, 
as  well  as  the  buildings  themselves,  are  found  to 
have  been  stained  with  various  dyes,  principally 
vermilion;81  a favorite  color  with  the  Egyptians, 
also,  who  painted  their  colossal  statues  and  temples 
of  granite.82  Notwithstanding  these  points  of  sim- 
ilarity, the  Palenque  architecture  has  little  to  remind 
us  of  the  Egyptian,  or  of  the  Oriental.  It  is,  indeed, 
more  conformable,  in  the  perpendicular  elevation  of 

81  Waldeck,  Atlas  Pittoresque,  82  Description  de  l’Egypte,  An- 
p.  73.  tiq. , tom.  II.  cap.  9,  sec.  4. 

The  fortress  of  Xochicalco  was  The  huge  image  of  the  Sphinx 
also  colored  with  a red  paint ; was  originally  colored  red.  (Clarke’s 
(Antiquit.es  Mexicaines,  tom.  I.  p.  Travels,  vol.  V.  p.  202.)  Indeed, 
20;)  and  a cement  of  the  same  many  of  the  edifices,  as  well  as 
color  covered  the  Toltec  pyramid  statues,  of  ancient  Greece,  also, 
at  Teotihuacan,  according  to  Mr.  still  exhibit  traces  of  having  been 
Bullock,  Six  Months  in  Mexico,  painted, 
vol.  II.  p.  143. 


408 


APPENDIX. 


[Part  1. 


the  walls,  the  moderate  size  of  the  stones,  and  the 
general  arrangement  of  the  parts,  to  the  European. 
It  must  be  admitted,  however,  to  have  a character 
of  originality  peculiar  to  itself. 

More  positive  proofs  of  communication  with  the 
East  might  be  looked  for  in  their  sculpture,  and  in 
the  conventional  forms  of  their  hieroglyphics.  But 
the  sculptures  on  the  Palenque  buildings  are  in 
relief,  unlike  the  Egyptian,  which  are  usually  in 
intaglio.  The  Egyptians  were  not  very  successful 
in  their  representations  of  the  human  figure,  which 
are  on  the  same  invariable  model,  always  in  profile, 
from  the  greater  facility  of  execution  this  presents 
over  the  front  view  ; the  full  eye  is  placed  on  the 
side  of  the  head,  while  the  countenance  is  similar 
in  all,  and  perfectly  destitute  of  expression.83  The 
Palenque  artists  were  equally  awkward  in  represent- 
ing the  various  attitudes  of  the  body,  which  they 
delineated  also  in  profile.  But  the  parts  are  exe- 
cuted with  much  correctness,  and  sometimes  grace- 
fully ; the  costume  is  rich  and  various  ; and  the 
ornamented  head-dress,  typical,  perhaps,  like  the 
Aztec,  of  the  name  and  condition  of  the  party, 
conforms  in  its  magnificence  to  the  Oriental  taste. 
The  countenance  is  various,  and  often  expressive. 
The  contour  of  the  head  is,  indeed,  most  extraordi- 

83  The  various  causes  of  the  a work  in  which  the  author,  while 
stationary  condition  of  art  in  Egypt,  illustrating-  the  antiquities  of  a 
for  so  many  ages,  are  clearly  ex-  little  island,  has  thrown  a flood  of 
posed  by  the  duke  di  Serradifalco,  light  on  the  arts  and  literary  cul 
in  his  Antichitd.  della  Sicilia;  (Pa-  ture  of  ancient  Greece, 
lermo,  1834,  tom.  II.  pp.  33,  34  ;) 


Part  I.]  ORIGIN  OF  MEXICAN  CIVILIZATION.  409 

nary,  describing  almost  a semicircle  from  the  fore- 
head to  the  tip  of  the  nose,  and  contracted  towards 
the  crown,  whether  from  the  artificial  pressure  prac- 
tised by  many  of  the  Aborigines,  or  from  some  pre- 
posterous notion  of  ideal  beauty.84  But,  while  supe- 
rior in  the  execution  of  the  details,  the  Palenque 
artist  was  far  inferior  to  the  Egyptian  in  the  number 
and  variety  of  the  objects  displayed  by  him,  which, 
on  the  Theban  temples,  comprehend  animals  as 
well  as  men,  and  almost  every  conceivable  object 
of  use,  or  elegant  art. 

The  hieroglyphics  are  too  few  on  the  American 
buildings  to  authorize  any  decisive  inference.  On 
comparing  them,  however,  with  those  of  the  Dres- 
den codex,  probably  from  this  same  quarter  of  the 
country,85  with  those  on  the  monument  of  Xochi- 
calco,  and  with  the  ruder  picture-writing  of  the 
Aztecs,  it  is  not  easy  to  discern  any  thing  which 


84  “ The  ideal  is  not  always  the 
beautiful,”  as  Winekelmann  truly 
says,  referring  to  the  Egyptian 
figures.  (Histoire  de  l’Art  chez 
les  Anciens,  liv.  4,  chap.  2,  trad. 
Fr.)  It  is  not  impossible,  however, 
that  the  portraits  mentioned  in  the 
text  may  be  copies  from  life.  Some 
of  the  rude  tribes  of  America  dis- 
torted their  infants’  heads  into 
forms  quite  as  fantastic,  and  Gar- 
cilaso  de  la  Vega  speaks  of  a 
nation  discovered  by  the  Spaniards 
in  Florida,  with  a formation  appar- 
ently not  unlike  the  Palenque. 
“Tienen  cabezas  increiblemente  lar- 


gas,  y ahusadas  para  arriba,  que 
las  ponen  asi  con  artificio,  atando- 
selas  desde  el  punto,  que  nascen 
las  criaturas,  hasta  que  son  de 
nueve  6 diez  anos.”  La  Florida, 
(Madrid,  1723,)  p.  190. 

85  For  a notice  of  this  remark- 
able codex,  see  Ante,  Vol.  I.  p. 
104.  There  is,  indeed,  a resem- 
blance, in  the  use  of  straight  lines 
and  dots,  between  the  Palenque 
writing  and  the  Dresden  MS. 
Possibly  these  dots  denoted  years, 
like  the  rounds  in  the  Mexican 
system. 


VOL.  III. 


52 


410 


APPENDIX. 


[Part  I. 


indicates  a common  system.  Still  less  obvious  is 
the  resemblance  to  the  Egyptian  characters,  whose 
refined  and  delicate  abbreviations  approach  almost 
to  the  simplicity  of  an  alphabet.  Yet  the  Palenque 
writing  shows  an  advanced  stage  of  the  art ; and, 
though  somewhat  clumsy,  intimates,  by  the  conven- 
tional and  arbitrary  forms  of  the  hieroglyphics,  that 
it  was  symbolical,  and  perhaps  phonetic,  in  its  char- 
acter.86 That  its  mysterious  import  will  ever  be 
deciphered  is  scarcely  to  be  expected.  The  lan- 
guage of  the  race  who  employed  it,  the  race  itself, 
is  unknown.  And  it  is  not  likely  that  another  Ro- 
setta stone  will  be  found,  with  its  trilingual  inscrip- 
tion, to  supply  the  means  of  comparison,  and  to 
guide  the  American  Champollion  in  the  path  of  dis- 
covery. 

It  is  impossible  to  contemplate  these  mysterious 
monuments  of  a lost  civilization,  without  a strong 
feeling  of  curiosity  as  to  who  were  their  architects, 
and  what  is  their  probable  age.  The  data,  on 
which  to  rest  our  conjectures  of  their  age,  are  not 
very  substantial  ; although  some  find  in  them  a war- 
rant for  an  antiquity  of  thousands  of  years,  coeval 
with  the  architecture  of  Egypt  and  Hindostan.87 

86  The  hieroglyphics  are  arrang-  comme  les  plus  anciennes  ruines 
ed  in  perpendicular  lines.  The  du  monde  a trois  mille  ans.  Ceci 
heads  are  uniformly  turned  towards  n’est  point  mon  opinion  seule  ; 
the  right,  as  in  the  Dresden  MS.  c’est  celle  de  tous  les  voyageurs 

87  “ Les  ruines,”  says  the  en-  quiontvu  les  ruines  dont  il  s'agit, 
thusiastic  chevalier  Le  Noir,  “ sans  de  tous  les  archeologues  qui  en 
nom,  a qui  Ton  a donne  celui  ont  examine  les  dessins  ou  lu  les 
de  Palenque,  peuvent  remonter  descriptions,  enfin  des  historiens 


r 


Part  I.]  ORIGIN  OF  MEXICAN  CIVILIZATION.  41 1 

But  the  interpretation  of  hieroglyphics,  and  the  ap- 
parent duration  of  trees,  are  vague  and  unsatisfac- 
tory.83 And  how  far  can  we  derive  an  argument 
from  the  discoloration  and  dilapidated  condition  of 
the  ruins,  when  we  find  so  many  structures  of  the 
Middle  Ages  dark  and  mouldering  with  decay,  while 
the  marbles  of  the  Acropolis,  and  the  grey  stone  of 
Paestum,  still  shine  in  their  primitive  splendor  ? 

There  are,  however,  undoubted  proofs  of  consid- 
erable age  to  be  found  there.  Trees  have  shot  up 
in  the  midst  of  the  buildings,  which  measure,  it  is 
said,  more  than  nine  feet  in  diameter.89  A still 
more  striking  fact  is  the  accumulation  of  vegetable 
mould  in  one  of  the  courts,  to  the  depth  of  nine  feet 
above  the  pavement.90  This  in  our  latitude  would 


qui  ont  fait  des  recherches,  et  qui 
n’ont  rien  trouve  dans  les  annales 
du  monde  qui  fasse  soup$onner 
l’dpoque  de  la  fondation  de  tels 
monuments,  dont  l'origine  se  perd 
dans  la  nuit  des  temps.”  (Anti- 
quites  Mexicaines,  tom.  II.,  Exam- 
en,p.  73.)  Colonel  Galindo,  fired 
with  the  contemplation  of  the 
American  ruins,  pronounces  this 
country  the  true  cradle  of  civiliza- 
tion, whence  it  passed  over  to 
China,  and  latterly  to  Europe, 
which,  whatever  “its  foolish  van- 
ity” may  pretend,  has  but  just 
started  in  the  march  of  improve- 
ment! See  his  Letter  on  Copan, 
ap.  Trans,  of  Am.  Ant.  Soc.,  vol. 

n. 

88  From  these  sources  of  infor- 
mation, and  especially  from  the 


number  of  the  concentric  rings  in 
some  old  trees,  and  the  incrusta- 
tion of  stalactites  found  on  the 
ruins  of  Palenque,  Mr.  Waldeck 
computes  their  age  at  between  two 
and  three  thousand  years.  (Voy- 
age en  Yucatan,  p.  78.)  The  cri- 
terion, as  far  as  the  trees  are  con- 
cerned, cannot  be  relied  on  in  an 
advanced  stage  of  their  growth  ; 
and  as  to  the  stalactite  forma- 
tions, they  are  obviously  affected 
by  too  many  casual  circumstan- 
ces, to  afford  the  basis  of  an  accu- 
rate calculation. 

89  Waldeck,  Voyage  en  Yuca- 
tan, ubi  supra. 

90  Antiquites  Mexicaines,  Ex- 
amen,  p.  76. 

Hardly  deep  enough,  however, 
to  justify  Captain  Dupaix’s  surmise 


412 


APPENDIX. 


[Part  I 


be  decisive  of  a very  great  antiquity.  But,  in  the 
rich  soil  of  Yucatan,  and  under  the  ardent  sun  of  the 
tropics,  vegetation  hursts  forth  with  irrepressible  ex- 
uberance, and  generations  of  plants  succeed  each 
other  without  intermission,  leaving  an  accumulation 
of  deposits,  that  would  have  perished  under  a north- 
ern winter.  Another  evidence  of  their  age  is  afford- 
od  by  the  circumstance,  that,  in  one  of  the  courts  of 
Uxmal,  the  granite  pavement,  on  which  the  figures 
of  tortoises  were  raised  in  relief,  is  worn  nearly 
smooth  by  the  feet  of  the  crowds  who  have  passed 
over  it ; 91  a curious  fact,  suggesting  inferences  both 
in  regard  to  the  age  and  population  of  the  place. 
Lastly,  we  have  authority  for  carrying  back  the  date 
of  many  of  these  ruins  to  a certain  period,  since 
they  were  found  in  a deserted,  and  probably  dilapi- 
dated, state  by  the  first  Spaniards  who  entered  the 
country.  Their  notices,  indeed,  are  brief  and  casu 
al,  for  the  old  Conquerors  had  little  respect  for 
works  of  art ; 92  and  it  is  fortunate  for  these  struc- 


of  the  antediluvian  existence  of 
these  buildings  ; especially,  con- 
sidering that  the  accumulation  was 
in  the  sheltered  position  of  an  in- 
terior court. 

91  Waldeck,  Voyage  en  Yuca- 
tan, p.  97. 

92  The  chaplain  of  Grijalva 
speaks  with  admiration  of  the 
“ lofty  towers  of  stone  and  lime, 
some  of  them  very  ancient,”  found 
in  Yucatan.  (Itinerario,  MS. 
(1518).)  Bernal  Diaz,  with  simi- 
lar expressions  of  wonder,  refers 


the  curious  antique  relics  found 
there  to  the  Jews.  (Hist,  de  la 
Conquista,  cap.  2,  6.)  Alvarado, 
in  a letter  to  Cortes,  expatiates  on 
the  “ maravillosos  et  grandes  edi- 
ficios,”  to  be  seen  in  Guatemala. 
(Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS., 
lib.  33,  cap.  42.)  According  to 
Cogolludo,  the  Spaniards,  who 
could  get  no  tradition  of  their  ori- 
gin, referred  them  to  the  Phoeni- 
cians or  Carthaginians.  (Hist,  de 
Yucatan,  lib.  4,  cap.  2.)  He  cites 
the  following  emphatic  notice  of 


Part  I ] ORIGIN  OF  MEXICAN  CIVILIZATION.  413 

tures,  that  they  had  ceased  to  be  the  living  temples 
of  the  gods,  since  no  merit  of  architecture,  probably , 
would  have  availed  to  save  them  from  the  general 
doom  of  the  monuments  of  Mexico. 

If  we  find  it  so  difficult  to  settle  the  age  of  these 
buildings,  what  can  we  hope  to  know  of  their  archi- 
tects ? Little  can  be  gleaned  from  the  rude  people 
by  whom  they  are  surrounded.  The  old  Tezcucan 
chronicler,  so  often  quoted  by  me,  the  best  authority 
for  the  traditions  of  his  country,  reports,  that  the 
Toltecs,  on  the  breaking  up  of  their  empire,  — 
which  he  places,  earlier  than  most  authorities,  in  the 
middle  of  the  tenth  century,  — migrating  from  Ana- 
huac,  spread  themselves  over  Guatemala,  Tecuante- 
pec,  Campeachy,  and  the  coasts  and  neighbouring 
isles  on  both  sides  of  the  Isthmus.93  This  assertion, 


these  remains  from  Las  Casas : 
“ Ciertamente  la  tierra  de  Yuca- 
than  da  a entender  cosas  mui  espe- 
ciales,  y de  mayor  antiguedad,  por 
las  grandes,  admirables,  y excessi- 
vas  maneras  de  edificios,  y letreros 
de  ciertos  caracteres,  que  en  otra 
ninguna  parte  se  hallan.”  (Loc. 
cit.)  Even  the  inquisitive  Martyr 
has  collected  no  particulars  re- 
specting them,  merely  noticing  the 
buildings  of  this  region  with  gen- 
eral expressions  of  admiration. 
(De  Insulis  nuper  Inventis,  pp. 
334  - 340.)  What  is  quite  as  sur- 
prising is  the  silence  of  Cortes, 
who  traversed  the  country  forming 
the  base  of  Yucatan,  in  his  famous 
expedition  to  Honduras,  of  which 
he  has  given  many  details  we 


would  gladly  have  exchanged  for 
a word  respecting  these  interesting 
memorials.  Carta  Quinta  de  Cor- 
tes, MS. 

I must  add,  that  some  remarks 
in  the  above  paragraph  in  the  text 
would  have  been  omitted,  had  I 
enjoyed  the  benefit  of  Mr.  Ste- 
phens’ researches,  when  it  was 
originally  written.  This  is  espe- 
cially the  case  with  the  reflections 
on  the  probable  condition  of  these 
structures  at  the  time  of  the  Con- 
quest ; when  some  of  them  would 
appear  to  have  been  still  used  for 
their  original  purposes. 

93  “ Asimismo  los  Tultecas  que 
escaparon  se  fueron  por  las  costas 
del  Mar  del  Sur  y Norte,  como  son 
Huatimala,  Tecuantepec,  Cuauh- 


414 


APPENDIX. 


[ Part  I. 


important,  considering  its  source,  is  confirmed  by  the 
fact,  that  several  of  the  nations  in  that  quarter  adopt- 
ed systems  of  astronomy  and  chronology,  as  well  as 
sacerdotal  institutions,  very  similar  to  the  Aztec,94 
which,  as  we  have  seen,  were  also  probably  derived 
from  the  Toltecs,  their  more  polished  predecessors 
in  the  land. 

If  so  recent  a date  for  the  construction  of  the 
American  buildings  be  thought  incompatible  with 
this  oblivion  of  their  origin,  it  should  be  remember- 
ed how  treacherous  a thing  is  tradition,  and  how 
easily  the  links  of  the  chain  are  severed.  The 
builders  of  the  pyramids  had  been  forgotten  before 
the  time  of  the  earliest  Greek  historians.95  The 
antiquary  still  disputes,  whether  the  frightful  incli- 
nation of  that  architectural  miracle,  the  tower  of 
Pisa,  standing,  as  it  does,  in  the  heart  of  a populous 
city,  was  the  work  of  accident  or  design.  And  we 
have  seen  how  soon  the  Tezcucans,  dwelling  amidst 
the  ruins  of  their  royal  palaces,  built  just  before  the 
Conquest,  had  forgotten  their  history,  while  the  more 


zacualco,  Campechy,  Tecolotlan, 
y los  de  las  Islas  y Costas  de  una 
mar  y otra,  que  despues  se  vinie- 
ron  a multiplicar.”  Ixtlilxochitl, 
Relaciones,  MS.,  No.  5. 

94  Herrera,  Hist.  General,  dec. 
4,  lib.  10,  cap.  1-4.  — Cogolludo, 
Hist,  de  Yucatan,  lib.  4,  cap.  5. 
— Pet.  Martyr,  De  Insulis,  ubi 
supra. 

M.  Waldeck  comes  to  just  the 
opposite  inference,  namely,  that  the 
inhabitants  of  Yucatan  were  the 


true  sources  of  the  Toltec  and  Az- 
tec civilization.  (Voyage  en  Yuca- 
tan, p.  72.)  “ Doubt  must  be  our 
lot  in  every  thing,”  exclaims  the 
honest  Captain  Dupaix,  — “ the 
true  faith  always  excepted.'”  Anti- 
quites  Mexicaines,  tom.  I.  p.  21. 

95  “ Inter  omnes  eos  non  constat 
a quibus  facts  sint,  justissimo 
casu,  obliteratis  tants  vanitatis 
auctoribus.”  Pliny,  Hist.  Nat., 
lib.  36,  cap.  17. 


Part  I]  ORIGIN  OF  MEXICAN  CIVILIZATION.  41 0 

inquisitive  traveller  refers  their  construction  to  some 
remote  period  before  the  Aztecs.96 

The  reader  has  now  seen  the  principal  points  of 
coincidence  insisted  on  between  the  civilization  of 
ancient  Mexico,  and  the  eastern  hemisphere.  In 
presenting  them  to  him,  I have  endeavoured  to  con- 
fine myself  to  such  as  rest  on  sure  historic  grounds ; 
and  not  so  much  to  offer  my  own  opinion,  as  to  ena- 
ble him  to  form  one  for  himself.  There  are  some 
material  embarrassments  in  the  way  to  this,  however, 
which  must  not  be  passed  over  in  silence.  These 
consist,  not  in  explaining  the  fact,  that,  while  the 
mythic  system  and  the  science  of  the  Aztecs  afford 
some  striking  points  of  analogy  with  the  Asiatic, 
they  should  differ  in  so  many  more ; for  the  same 
phenomenon  is  found  among  the  nations  of  the  Old 
World,  who  seem  to  have  borrowed  from  one  anoth- 
er those  ideas,  only,  best  suited  to  their  peculiar 
genius  and  institutions.  Nor  does  the  difficulty  lie 
in  accounting  for  the  great  dissimilarity  of  the 
American  languages  to  those  in  the  other  hemi- 
sphere ; for  the  difference  with  these  is  not  greater 
than  what  exists  among  themselves ; and  no  one 
will  contend  for  a separate  origin  for  each  of  the 
Aboriginal  tribes.97  But  it  is  scarcely  possible  to  re- 
concile the  knowledge  of  Oriental  science  with  the 
total  ignorance  of  some  of  the  most  serviceable  and 

96  Ante,  Vol.  I.  p.  185.  on  the  Aboriginal  civilization  of 

9'  At  least,  this  is  true  of  the  America,  forming  part  of  a course 
etymology  of  these  languages,  and,  delivered  some  years  since  by  that 
as  such,  was  adduced  by  Mr.  Ed-  acute  and  highly  accomplished 
ward  Everett,  in  his  Lectures  scholar. 


416 


APPENDIX. 


[Part  I. 


familiar  arts,  as  the  use  of  milk,  and  iron,  for  ex- 
ample ; arts  so  simple,  yet  so  important  to  domestic 
comfort,  that,  when  once  acquired,  they  could  hardly 
be  lost. 

The  Aztecs  had  no  useful  domesticated  animals. 
And  we  have  seen  that  they  employed  bronze,  as 
a substitute  for  iron,  for  all  mechanical  purposes. 
'The  bison,  or  wild  cow  of  America,  however,  which 
ranges  in  countless  herds  over  the  magnificent  prair- 
ies of  the  west,  yields  milk  like  the  tame  animal  of 
the  same  species,  in  Asia  and  Europe;93  and  iron 
was  scattered  in  large  masses  over  the  surface  of  the 
table-land.  Yet  there  have  been  people  considerably 
civilized  in  Eastern  Asia,  who  were  almost  equally 
strangers  to  the  use  of  milk.99  The  buffalo  range 
was  not  so  much  on  the  western  coast,  as  on  the 
eastern  slopes  of  the  Rocky  Mountains ; 100  and  the 


98  The  mixed  breed,  from  the 
buffalo  and  the  European  stock, 
was  known  formerly  in  the  north- 
western counties  of  Virginia,  says 
Mr.  Gallatin;  (Synopsis,  sec.  5;) 
who  is,  however,  mistaken  in  as- 
serting, that  “ the  bison  is  not 
known  to  have  ever  been  domes- 
ticated by  the  Indians.”  (Ubi  su- 
pra.) Gomara  speaks  of  a nation, 
dwelling  about  40°  north  latitude, 
on  the  north-western  borders  of 
New  Spain,  whose  chief  wealth 
was  in  droves  of  these  cattle, 
{buyes  con  nna  giba  sobre  la  cruz , 
“ oxen  with  a hump  on  the  should- 
ers,”) from  which  they  got  their 
clothing,  food,  and  drink,  which 
last,  however,  appears  to  have 
been  only  the  blood  of  the  animal. 


— Historia  de  las  Indias,  cap.  214, 
ap.  Barcia,  tom.  II. 

99  The  people  of  parts  of  Chi- 
na, for  example,  and,  above  all, 
of  Cochin  China,  who  never  milk 
their  cows,  according  to  Macart- 
ney, cited  by  Humboldt,  Essai  Po- 
litique, tom.  III.  p.  58,  note.  — 
See,  also,  p.  118. 

100  The  native  regions  of  the  buffa- 
lo were  the  vast  prairies  of  the  Mis- 
souri, and  they  wandered  over  the 
long  reach  of  country  east  of  the 
Rocky  Mountains,  from  55°  north, 
to  the  head-waters  of  the  streams 
between  the  Mississippi  and  the 
Rio  del  Norte.  The  Columbia 
plains,  says  Gallatin,  were  as  na- 
ked of  game  as  of  trees.  (Sy- 
nopsis, sec.  5.)  That  the  bison 


Part  I.]  ORIGIN  OF  MEXICAN  CIVILIZATION. 


417 


migratory  Aztec  might  well  doubt,  whether  the  wild, 
uncouth  monsters,  whom  he  occasionally  saw  bound- 
ing with  such  fury  over  the  distant  plains,  were  ca- 
pable of  domestication,  like  the  meek  animals  which 
he  had  left  grazing  in  the  green  pastures  of  Asia. 
Iron,  too,  though  met  with  on  the  surface  of  the 
ground,  was  more  tenacious,  and  harder  to  work, 
than  copper,  which  he  also  found  in  much  greater 
quantities  on  his  route.  It  is  possible,  moreover, 
that  his  migration  may  have  been  previous  to  the 
time  when  iron  was  used  by  his  nation;  for  we  have 
seen  more  than  one  people  in  the  Old  World  em- 
ploying bronze  and  copper,  with  entire  ignorance, 
apparently,  of  any  more  serviceable  metal.101  — Such 
is  the  explanation,  unsatisfactory,  indeed,  but  the 
best  that  suggests  itself,  of  this  curious  anomaly. 


was  sometimes  found,  also,  on  the 
other  side  of  the  mountains,  is 
plain  from  Gomara’s  statement. 
(Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  loc.  cit.)  See, 
also,  Laet,  who  traces  their  south- 
ern wanderings  to  the  river  Vaqui- 
mi,  (1)  in  the  province  of  Cinaloa, 
on  the  Californian  Gulf.  Novus 
Orbis,  (Lug.  Bat.  1633,)  p.  286. 

101  Ante,  Vol.  I.  p.  139. 

Thus,  Lucretius, 

“ Et  prior  asris  erat,  quam  ferri  cognitus  uaus, 
Quo  facilis  magis  est  natura,  et  copia 
maior. 

JEre  solum  terras  tractabant,  aereque  belli 
Miscebant  fluctus.” 

De  Rerum  Natura,  lib.  5. 

According  to  Carli,  the  Chinese 
were  acquainted  with  iron  3,000 
years  before  Christ.  (Lettres 
Americ.,  tom.  H.  p.  63.)  Sir  J. 

VOL.  III.  53 


G.  Wilkinson,  in  an  elaborate  in- 
quiry into  its  first  appearance 
among  the  people  of  Europe  and 
Western  Asia,  finds  no  traces  of 
it  earlier  than  the  sixteenth  cen- 
tury before  the  Christian  era. 
(Ancient  Egyptians,  vol.  1U.  pp. 
241  - 246.)  The  origin  of  the 
most  useful  arts  is  lost  in  dark- 
ness. Their  very  utility  is  one 
cause  of  this,  from  the  rapidity 
with  which  they  are  diffused  among 
distant  nations.  Another  cause  is, 
that,  in  the  first  ages  of  the  dis- 
covery, men  are  more  occupied 
with  availing  themselves  of  it  than 
with  recording  its  history ; until 
time  turns  history  into  fiction. 
Instances  are  familiar  to  every 
school-boy. 


418 


APPENDIX 


[Part  I. 


The  consideration  of  these  and  similar  difficulties 
has  led  some  writers  to  regard  the  antique  American 
civilization  as  purely  indigenous.  Whichever  way 
we  turn,  the  subject  is  full  of  embarrassment.  It  is 
easy,  indeed,  by  fastening  the  attention  on  one  por- 
tion of  it,  to  come  to  a conclusion.  In  this  way, 
while  some  feel  little  hesitation  in  pronouncing  the 
American  civilization  original ; others,  no  less  cer- 
tainly, discern  in  it  a Hebrew,  or  an  Egyptian,  or  a 
Chinese,  or  a Tartar  origin,  as  their  eyes  are  at- 
tracted by  the  light  of  analogy  too  exclusively  to  this 
or  the  other  quarter.  The  number  of  contradictory 
lights,  of  itself,  perplexes  the  judgment,  and  pre- 
vents us  from  arriving  at  a precise  and  positive  infer- 
ence. Indeed,  the  affectation  of  this,  in  so  doubt- 
ful a matter,  argues  a most  unphilosophical  mind. 
Yet,  where  there  is  most  doubt,  there  is  often  the 
most  dogmatism. 

The  reader  of  the  preceding  pages  may,  perhaps, 
acquiesce  in  the  general  conclusions,  — not  startling 
by  their  novelty,  — 

First,  that  the  coincidences  are  sufficiently  strong 
to  authorize  a belief,  that  the  civilization  of  Anahuac 
was,  in  some  degree,  influenced  by  that  of  Eastern 
Asia. 

And,  secondly,  that  the  discrepancies  are  such  as 
to  carry  back  the  communication  to  a very  remote 
period ; so  remote,  that  this  foreign  influence  has 
been  too  feeble  to  interfere  materially  with  the 
growth  of  what  may  be  regarded,  in  its  essential 
features,  as  a peculiar  and  indigenous  civilization. 


APPENDIX 

PART  II. 


ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS 


* 


•<  • 


r 


' / 


APPENDIX,  PART  II 


ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS. 

No.  I.  — See  Vol.  I.,  p.  151. 

ADVICE  OF  AN  AZTEC  MOTHER  TO  HER  DAUGHTER;  TRANSLATED  FROM 
SAHAGUN'S  “ HISTORIA  DE  NUEVA  ESP  ANA,”  LIB.  VT.,  CAP.  XIX. 

[I  have  thought  it  best  to  have  this  translation  made  in  the 
most  literal  manner,  that  the  reader  may  have  a correct 
idea  of  the  strange  mixture  of  simplicity,  approaching  to 
childishness,  and  moral  sublimity,  which  exist  together  in 
the  original.  It  is  the  product  of  the  twilight  of  civilization.] 

My  beloved  daughter,  very  dear  little  dove,  you  have  already 
heard  and  attended  to  the  words  which  your  father  has  told  you. 
They  are  precious  words,  and  such  as  are  rarely  spoken  or  listened 
to,  and  which  have  proceeded  from  the  bowels  and  heart,  in  which 
they  were  treasured  up  ; and  your  beloved  father  well  knows  that  you 
are  his  daughter,  begotten  of  him,  are  his  blood,  and  his  flesh  ; and 
God  our  Lord  knows  that  it  is  so.  Although  you  are  a woman,  and 
are  the  image  of  your  father , what  more  can  I say  to  you  than  has  al- 
ready been  said  1 What  more  can  you  hear  than  what  you  have  heard 
from  your  lord  and  father  1 who  has  fully  told  you  what  it  is  becoming 
for  you  to  do  and  to  avoid,  nor  is  there  any  thing  remaining,  which 
concerns  you,  that  he  has  not  touched  upon.  Nevertheless,  that  I 
may  do  towards  you  my  whole  duty,  I will  say  to  you  some  few  words. 
— The  first  thing  that  I earnestly  charge  upon  you  is,  that  you  observe 
and  do  not  forget  what  your  father  has  now  told  you,  since  it  is  all  very 
precious ; and  persons  of  his  condition  rarely  publish  such  things ; for 


APPENDIX. 


[Part  II. 


422 

they  are  the  words  which  belong  to  the  noble  and  wise,  — valuable  as 
rich  jewels.  See,  then,  that  you  take  them  and  lay  them  up  in  your 
heart,  and  write  them  in  your  bowels.  If  God  gives  you  life,  with  these 
same  words  will  you  teach  your  sons  and  daughters,  if  God  shall  give 
you  them. — The  second  thing  that  I desire  to  say  to  you  is,  that  I love 
you  much,  that  you  are  my  dear  daughter.  Remember  that  nine 
months  I bore  you  in  my  womb,  that  you  were  born  and  brought  up 
in  my  arms.  I placed  you  in  your  cradle,  and  in  my  lap,  and  with  my 
milk  I nursed  you.  This  I tell  you,  in  order  that  you  may  know  that 
I and  your  father  are  the  source  of  your  being  ; it  is  we  who  now  in- 
struct you.  See  that  you  receive  our  words,  and  treasure  them  in 
your  breast. — Take  care  that  your  garments  are  such  as  are  decent 
and  proper ; and  observe  that  you  do  not  adorn  yourself  with  much 
finery,  since  this  is  a mark  of  vanity  and  of  folly.  As  little  becoming 
is  it,  that  your  dress  should  be  very  mean,  dirty,  or  ragged ; since  rags 
are  a mark  of  the  low,  and  of  those  who  are  held  in  contempt.  Let 
your  clothes  be  becoming  and  neat,  that  you  may  neither  appear  fan- 
tastic nor  mean.  When  you  speak,  do  not  hurry  your  words  from 
uneasiness,  but  speak  deliberately  and  calmly.  Do  not  raise  your 
voice  very  high,  nor  speak  very  low,  but  in  a moderate  tone.  Neither 
mince,  when  you  speak,  nor  when  you  salute,  nor  speak  through 
your  nose;  but  let  your  words  be  proper,  of  a good  sound,  and  your 
voice  gentle.  Do  not  be  nice  in  the  choice  of  your  words.  In  walk- 
ing, my  daughter,  see  that  you  behave  becomingly,  neither  going 
with  haste,  nor  too  slowly ; since  it  is  an  evidence  of  being  puffed  up, 
to  walk  too  slowly,  and  walking  hastily  causes  a vicious  habit  of  rest- 
lessness and  instability.  Therefore  neither  walk  very  fast,  nor  very 
slow  ; yet,  when  it  shall  be  necessary  to  go  with  haste,  do  so,  — in  this 
use  your  discretion.  And  when  you  may  be  obliged  to  jump  over  a pool 
of  water,  do  it  with  decency,  that  you  may  neither  appear  clumsy  nor 
light.  When  you  are  in  the  street,  do  not  carry  your  head  much  in- 
clined, or  your  body  bent ; nor  as  little  go  with  your  head  very  much 
raised ; since  it  is  a mark  of  ill  breeding  ; walk  erect,  and  with  your 
head  slightly  inclined.  Do  not  have  your  mouth  covered,  or  your 
face,  from  shame,  nor  go  looking  like  a near-sighted  person,  nor,  on 
your  way,  make  fantastic  movements  with  your  feet.  Walk  through 
the  street  quietly,  and  with  propriety.  Another  thing  that  you  must 
attend  to,  my  daughter,  is,  that,  when  you  are  in  the  street,  you  do 
not  go  looking  hither  and  thither,  nor  turning  your  head  to  look  at 
this  and  that ; walk  neither  looking  at  the  skies,  nor  on  the  ground. 
Do  not  look  upon  those  whom  you  meet  with  the  eyes  of  an  offended 


No.  I.] 


ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS. 


423 


person,  nor  have  the  appearance  of  being  uneasy  ; but  of  one  who  looks 
upon  all  with  a serene  countenance ; doing  this,  you  will  give  no  one 
occasion  of  being  offended  with  you.  Show  a becoming  countenance ; 
that  you  may  neither  appear  morose,  nor,  on  the  other  hand,  too  com- 
plaisant. See,  my  daughter,  that  you  give  yourself  no  concern  about 
the  words  you  may  hear,  in  going  through  the  street,  nor  pay  any 
regard  to  them,  let  those  who  come  and  go  say  what  they  will.  Take 
care  that  you  neither  answer  nor  speak,  but  act  as  if  you  neither 
heard  nor  understood  them  ; since,  doing  in  this  manner,  no  one  will  bo 
able  to  say  with  truth  that  you  have  said  any  thing  amiss.  See,  like- 
wise, my  daughter,  that  you  never  paint  your  face,  or  stain  it  or  your 
lips  with  colors,  in  order  to  appear  well ; since  this  is  a mark  of  vile  and 
unchaste  women.  Paints  and  coloring  are  things  which  bad  women  use, 
— the  immodest,  who  have  lost  all  shame  and  even  sense,  who  are  like 
fools  and  drunkards,  and  are  called  rameras  [prostitutes].  But,  that 
your  husband  may  not  dislike  you,  adorn  yourself,  wash  yourself, 
and  cleanse  your  clothes ; and  let  this  be  done  with  moderation  ; 
since,  if  every  day  you  wash  yourself  and  your  clothes,  it  will  be  said 
of  you,  that  you  are  o vendee, — too  delicate;  they  will  call  you  tape- 
petzon  tinemaxoch.  — My  daughter,  this  is  the  course  you  are  to  take  ; 
since  in  this  manner  the  ancestors  from  whom  you  spring  brought 
us  up.  Those  noble  and  venerable  dames,  your  grandmothers,  told  us 
not  so  many  things  as  I have  told  you,  — they  said  but  few  words,  and 
spoke  thus:  “Listen,  my  daughters;  in  this  world,  it  is  necessary  to 
live  with  much  prudence  and  circumspection.  Hear  this  allegory, 
which  I shall  now  tell  you,  and  preserve  it,  and  take  from  it  a warning 
and  example  for  living  aright.  Here,  in  this  world,  we  travel  by  a 
very  narrow,  steep,  and  dangerous  road,  which  is  as  a lofty  mountain 
ridge,  on  whose  top  passes  a narrow  path ; on  either  side  is  a great 
gulf  without  bottom,  and,  if  you  deviate  from  the  path,  you  will  fall 
into  it.  There  is  need,  therefore,  of  much  discretion  in  pursuing  the 
road.”  My  tenderly  loved  daughter,  my  little  dove,  keep  this  illustra- 
tion in  your  heart,  and  see  that  you  do  not  forget  it,  — it  will  be  to  you 
as  a lamp  and  a beacon,  so  long  as  you  shall  live  in  this  world.  — Only 
one  thing  remains  to  be  said,  and  I have  done.  If  God  shall  give  you 
life,  if  you  shall  continue  some  years  upon  the  earth,  see  that  you  guard 
yourself  carefully,  that  no  stain  come  upon  you  ; should  you  forfeit 
your  chastity,  and  afterwards  be  asked  in  marriage  and  should  marry 
any  one,  you  will  never  be  fortunate,  nor  have  true  love, — he  will 
always  remember  that  you  were  not  a virgin,  and  this  will  be  the 
cause  of  great  affliction  and  distress ; you  will  never  be  at  peace,  for 


424 


APPENDIX. 


[Part  II. 


your  husband  will  always  be  suspicious  of  you.  O,  my  dearly  be- 
loved daughter,  if  you  shall  live  upon  the  earth,  see  that  not  more 
than  one  man  approaches  you  ; and  observe  what  I now  shall  tell  you, 
as  a strict  command.  When  it  shall  please  God  that  you  receive  a 
husband,  and  you  are  placed  under  his  authority,  be  free  from  arro- 
gance, see  that  you  do  not  neglect  him,  nor  allow  your  heart  to  be 
in  opposition  to  him.  Be  not  disrespectful  to  him.  Beware,  that,  io 
no  time  or  place,  you  commit  the  treason  against  him,  called  adultery. 
See  that  you  give  no  favor  to  another ; since  this,  my  dear  and  much 
loved  daughter,  is  to  fall  into  a pit  without  bottom,  from  which  there 
will  be  no  escape.  According  to  the  custom  of  the  world,  if  it  shall 
be  known,  for  this  crime  they  will  kill  you,  they  will  throw  you  into 
the  street,  for  an  example  to  all  the  people,  where  your  head  will  be 
crushed  and  dragged  upon  the  ground.  Of  these  says  a proverb  : 
“ You  will  be  stoned  and  dragged  upon  the  earth,  and  others  will  take 
warning  at  your  death.”  From  this  will  arise  a stain  and  dishonor  up- 
on our  ancestors,  the  nobles  and  senators  from  whom  we  are  descend- 
ed. You  will  tarnish  their  illustrious  fame,  and  their  glory,  by  the 
filthiness  and  impurity  of  your  sin.  You  will,  likewise,  lose  your 
reputation,  your  nobility,  and  honor  of  birth  ; your  name  will  be  for- 
gotten and  abhorred.  Of  you  will  it  be  said,  that  you  were  buried 
in  the  dust  of  your  sins.  And  remember,  my  daughter,  that,  though 
no  man  shall  see  you,  nor  your  husband  ever  know  what  happens, 
God,  who  is  in  every  place,  sees  you,  will  be  angry  with  you,  and  will 
also  excite  the  indignation  of  the  people  against  you,  and  will  be 
avenged  upon  you  as  he  shall  see  fit.  By  his  command,  you  shall 
either  be  maimed,  or  struck  blind,  or  your  body  will  witheT,  or  you  will 
come  to  extreme  poverty,  for  daring  to  injure  your  husband.  Or,  per- 
haps, he  will  give  you  to  death,  and  put  you  under  his  feet,  sending 
you  to  the  place  of  torment.  Our  Lord  is  compassionate  ; but,  if  you 
commit  treason  against  your  husband,  God,  who  is  in  every  place, 
shall  take  vengeance  on  your  sin,  and  will  permit  you  to  have  neither 
contentment,  nor  repose,  nor  a peaceful  life ; and  he  will  excite  your 
husband  to  be  always  unkind  towards  you,  and  always  to  speak  to  you 
with  anger.  My  dear  daughter,  whom  I tenderly  love,  see  that  you 
live  in  the  world  in  peace,  tranquillity,  and  contentment,  all  the  days 
that  you  shall  live.  See  that  you  disgrace  not  yourself,  that  you  stain 
not  your  honor,  nor  pollute  the  lustre  and  fame  of  your  ancestors. 
See  that  you  honor  me  and  your  father,  and  reflect  glory  on  us  by 
your  good  life.  May  God  prosper  you,  my  first-born,  and  may  you 
come  to  God,  who  is  in  every  place. 


No.  II  7 


ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS. 


425 


No.  II.  — See  Yol.  I.,  p.  174. 

A CASTILIAN  AND  AN  ENGLISH  TRANSLATION  OF  A POEM  ON  THE  MU 
T ABILITY  OF  LIFE,  BY  NEZAHUALCOYOTL,  LORD  OF  TEZCUCO. 

[This  poem  was  fortunately  rescued  from  the  fate  of  too 
many  of  the  Indian  MSS.,  by  the  chevalier  Boturini,  and 
formed  part  of  his  valuable  Museo.  It  was  subsequently 
incorporated  in  the  extensive  collection  of  documents  made 
by  father  Manuel  dp  la  Vega,  in  Mexico,  1792.  This 
magnificent  collection  was  made  in  obedience  to  an  enlight- 
ened order  of  the  Spanish  government,  “that  all  such  MSS. 
as  could  be  found  in  New  Spain,  fitted  to  illustrate  the  an- 
tiquities, geography,  civil,  ecclesiastical,  and  natural  history 
of  America,  should  be  copied  and  transmitted  to  Madrid.” 
This  order  was  obeyed,  and  the  result  was  a collection  of 
thirty-two  volumes  in  folio,  which,  amidst  much  that  is  trivial 
and  of  little  worth,  contains  also  a mass  of  original  materials, 
of  inestimable  value  to  the  historian  of  Mexico  and  of  the 
various  races  who  occupied  the  country  of  New  Spain.] 

Un  rato  can  tar  quiero, 
pues  la  ocasion  y el  tiempo  se  ofrece  ; 
ser  admitido  espero, 
si  intento  lo  merece  ; 
y comienzo  mi  canto, 
aunque  fuera  mejor  llamarle  llanto. 

Y tu,  querido  Amigo, 
goza  la  amenidad  de  aquestas  flores, 
alegrate  conmigo ; 
desechemos  de  pena  los  temores, 
que  el  gusto  trae  medida, 
por  ser  al  fin  con  fin  la  mala  vida. 

Io  tocare  cantando 
el  musico  instrumento  sonoroso, 
tu  de  flores  gozando 

danza,  y festeja  a Dios  que  es  Poderoso  ; 

gocemos  de  esta  gloria, 

porque  la  liumana  vida  es  transitoria. 

54 


VOL.  III. 


126 


APPENDIX. 


[Part  IJ 


De  Ocblehacan  pusiste 
en  esta  noble  Corte,  y siendo  tuyo, 
tus  sillas,  y quisiste 
vestirlas  ; donde  arguyo, 
que  con  grandeza  tanta 
el  Imperio  se  aumenta  y se  levanta. 

Oyoyotzin  prudente, 
famoso  Rey  y singular  Monarca, 
goza  del  bien  presente, 
que  lo  presente  lo  florido  abarca  ; 
porque  vendra  algun  dia 
que  busques  este  gusto  y alegria. 

Entonces  tu  Fortuna 
te  ha  de  quitar  el  Cetro  de  la  mano, 
ha  de  menguar  tu  Luna, 
no  te  veras  tan  fuerte  y tan  ufano ; 
entonces  tus  criados 
de  todo  bien  seran  desamparados. 

Y en  tan  triste  suceso 

los  nobles  descendientes  de  tu  nido, 

de  Principes  el  peso, 

l^s  que  de  nobles  Padres  han  nacido, 

iaitando  tu  Cabeza, 

gustaran  la  amargura  de  pobreza. 

Y traeran  a la  memoria 

quien  fuiste  en  pompa  de  todos  envidiada 

tus  triunfos  y victoria  ; 

y con  la  gloria  y Magestad  pasada 

cotejando  pesares, 

de  lagrimas  haran  crecidas  Mares. 

Y estos  tus  descendientes, 
que  te  sirven  de  pluma  y de  corona, 
de  ti  viendose  ausentes, 

de  Culhuacan  estraiiaran  la  cuna, 
y tenidos  por  tales 

con  sus  desdichas  creceran  sus  males 

Y de  esta  grandeza  rara, 
digna  de  mil  coronas  y blasones, 
sera  la  fama  avara  ; 

solo  se  acordaran  en  las  naciones, 

lo  bien  que  governaron, 

las  tres  Cabezas  que  el  imperio  honraron. 


No.  II.] 


ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS. 


427 


En  Mexico  famosa 
Moctezuma,  valor  de  pecho  Indiano  ; 
a Culhuacan  dichosa 
de  Neqahualcoyotl  rigid  la  mano; 

Acatlapan  la  fuerte 
Totoquilhuastli  le  salio  por  suerte. 

Y ningun  olvido  temo 

de  lo  bien  que  tu  reyno  dispusiste, 
estando  en  el  supremo 
lugar,  que  de  la  mano  recibiste 
de  aquel  Seiior  del  Mundo, 
factor  de  aquestas  cosas  sin  segundo. 

Y goza  pues  muy  gustoso, 

0 Ne§ahualcoyotl,  lo  que  agora  tienes; 

con  flores  de  este  hermoso 

jardin  corona  tus  ilustres  sienes; 

oye  mi  canto,  y lira 

que  a darte  gustos  y placeres  tira. 

Y los  gustos  de  esta  vida, 

sus  riquezas,  y mandos  son  prestados, 
son  sustancia  fingida, 
con  apariencias  solo  matizados ; 
y es  tan  gran  verdad  esta, 
que  a una  pregunta  me  has  de  dar  respuesta 
j,Y  que  es  de  Cihuapan, 
y Quantzintecomtzin  el  valiente, 
y Conahuatzin ; 
que  es  de  toda  esa  gente  1 
sus  voces ; ; agora  acaso  ! 
ya  estan  en  la  otra  vida,  este  es  el  caso. 

j Ojala  los,  que  agora 
juntos  los  tiene  del  amor  el  hilo, 
que  amistad  atesora, 
vieramos  de  la  muerte  el  duro  filo ! 
porque  no  hay  bien  seguro, 
que  siempre  trae  mudanza  a lo  futuro. 


428 


APPENDIX. 


[Part  II 


Now  would  I sing,  since  time  and  place 
Are  mine,  — and  oh  ! with  thee 
May  this  my  song  obtain  the  grace 
My  purpose  claims  for  me. 

I wake  these  notes  on  song  intent, 

But  call  it  rather  a lament. 

Do  thou,  beloved,  now  delight 
In  these  my  flowers,  pure  and  bright, 
Rejoicing  with  thy  friend  ; 

Now  let  us  banish  pain  and  fear, 

For,  if  our  joys  are  measured  here, 

Life’s  sadness  hath  its  end. 

And  I will  strike,  to  aid  my  voice, 

The  deep,  sonorous  chord ; 

Thou,  dancing,  in  these  flowers  rejoice, 

And  feast  Earth's  mighty  Lord  ; 

Seize  we  the  glories  of  to-day, 

For  mortal  life  fleets  fast  away.  — 

In  Ocblehacan,  all  thine  own, 

Thy  hand  hath  placed  the  noble  throne, 
Which  thou  hast  richly  dressed  ; 

From  whence  I argue,  that  thy  sway 
Shall  be  augmented  day  by  day, 

In  rising  greatness  blessed. 

Wise  Oyoyotzin  ! prudent  King ! 

Unrivalled  Prince,  and  great ! 

Enjoy  the  fragrant  flowers  that  spring 
Around  thy  kingly  state  ; 

A day  will  come  which  shall  destroy 
Thy  present  bliss,  — thy  present  joy,  — 
When  fate  the  sceptre  of  command 
Shall  wrench  from  out  thy  royal  hand, — 
Thy  moon  diminished  rise  ; 

And,  as  thy  pride  and  strength  are  quenched, 
From  thy  adherents  shall  be  wrenched 
All  that  they  love  or  prize. 

When  sorrows  shall  my  truth  attest, 

And  this  thy  throne  decline,  — 


So.  II.] 


ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS. 


429 


The  birds  of  thy  ancestral  nest, 

The  princes  of  thy  line,  — 

The  mighty  of  thy  race,  — shall  see 
The  bitter  ills  of  poverty  ; — 

And  then  shall  memory  recall 
Thy  envied  greatness,  and  on  all 
Thy  brilliant  triumphs  dwell ; 

And  as  they  think  on  by-gone  years, 
Compared  with  present  shame,  their  tears 
Shall  to  an  ocean  swell. 

And  those,  who,  though  a royal  band, 
Serve  thee  for  crown,  or  plume, 
Remote  from  Culhuacan’s  land 
Shall  find  the  exile’s  doom. 

Deprived  of  thee,  — their  rank  forgot,  — 
Misfortune  shall  o’erwhelm  their  lot. 
Then  fame  shall  grudgingly  withhold 
Her  meed  to  greatness,  which  of  old 
Blazons  and  crowns  displayed  ; 

The  people  will  retain  alone 
Remembrance  of  that  triple  throne 
Which  this  our  land  obeyed. 

Brave  Moctezuma’s  Indian  land 
Was  Mexico  the  great, 

And  Nezahualcoyotl’s  hand 
Blessed  Culhuacan’s  state, 

Whilst  Totoquil  his  portion  drew 
In  Acatlapan,  strong  and  true  ; 

But  no  oblivion  can  I fear, 

Of  good  by  thee  accomplished  here, 

Whilst  high  upon  thy  throne  ; 

That  station,  which,  to  match  thy  worth, 
Was  given  by  the  Lord  of  Earth, 

Maker  of  good  alone  ! 

Then,  Nezahualcoyotl,  — now, 

In  what  thou  hast,  delight; 

And  wreathe  around  thy  royal  brow 
Life’s  garden  blossoms  bright ; 


430 


APPENDIX. 


[Part  II. 


List  to  my  lyre  and  my  lay, 

Which  aim  to  please  thee,  and  obey. 

The  pleasures,  which  our  lives  present, — 
Earth’s  sceptres,  and  its  wealth,  — are  lent, 
Are  shadows  fleeting  by  ; 

Appearance  colors  all  our  bliss  ; 

A truth  so  great,  that  now  to  this 
One  question,  make  reply. 

What  has  become  of  Cihuapan, 
Quantzintecomtzin  brave, 

And  Conahuatzin,  mighty  man  ; 

Where  are  they?  In  the  grave  ! 

Their  names  remain,  hut  they  are  fled, 
Forever  numbered  with  the  dead. 

Would  that  those  now  in  friendship  bound, 
We  whom  Love’s  thread  encircles  round, 
Death’s  cruel  edge  might  see  ! 

Since  good  on  earth  is  insecure, 

And  all  things  must  a change  endure 
In  dark  futurity ! 


No.  III.  — See  Vol.  I.,  p.  182. 

DESCRIPTION  OF  THE  RESIDENCE  OF  NEZAHUALCOYOTL  AT  TEZCOTZINCO; 

EXTRACTED  FROM  IXTLILXOCHITL’S  “HISTORIA  CHICHIMECA,”  MS, 

CAP.  XLII. 

De  los  jardines  el  mas  ameno  y de  curiosidades  fud  el  Bosque  de 
Tezcotzinco  ; porque  demas  de  la  cercatan  grande  que  tenia,  para  subir 
a la  cumbre  de  61,  y andarlo  todo,  tenia  sus  gradas,  parte  de  ellas  de 
argamasa,  parte  labrada  en  la  misma  pena ; y el  agua  que  se  trahia 
para  las  Fuentes,  Pilas,  y Banos,  y los  canos  que  se  repartian  para  el 
riego  de  las  Flores  y arboledas  de  este  Bosque,  para  poderla  traer 
desde  su  Nacimiento,  fud  menester  hacer  fuertes  y altissimas  murallas 
de  argamasa  desde  unas  sierras  a otras,  de  increible  grandeza ; sobre  la 
qual  hizo  una  Fargea  hasta  venir  k dar  k la  mas  alta  del  Bosque,  y k 
las  espaldas  de  la  cumbre  de  dl.  En  el  primer  Estanque  de  Agua  estaba 
una  Pena  esculpida  en  ella  en  sircunferencia  los  aiios  desde  que  havia 


No.  III.] 


ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS. 


451 

nacido  e'  Rey  Nezahualcoiotzin  hasta  la  edad  de  aquel  tiempo  ; y por 
la  parte  de  afuera  los  aiios  en  fin  de  cada  uno  de  ellos,  as!  mismo 
esculpidas  las  cosas  mas  memorables  que  hizo ; y por  dentro  de  la 
rueda  esculpidas  sus  Armas,  que  eran  una  casa,  que  estaba  ardiendo,  en 
llamas  y desacidndose  ; otra  que  estaba  muy  ennoblecida  de  edificios  ; 
y en  medio  de  las  dos  un  pie  de  venado,  atada  en  el  una  piedra  preci- 
osa,  y salian  del  pie  unos  penachos  de  plumas  preciosas,  y asi  mismo 
una’cierva,  y en  ella  un  Brazo  asido  de  un  Arco  con  unas  Flechas,  y 
como  un  Hombre  armado  con  su  Morrion  y oregeras,  coselete,  y dos 
tigres  a los  Lados,  de  cuias  bocas  salian  agua  y fuego,  y por  orla,  doce 
cabezas  de  Reyes  y Senores,  y otras  cosas  que  el  primer  Arzobispo  de 
Mexico,  Don  Fray  Juan  de  Zumarraga,  mando  hacer  pedazos,  enten- 
diendo  ser  algunos  Idolos  ; y todo  lo  referido  era  la  etimologia  de  sus 
Armas.  Y de  alii  se  partia  esta  agua  en  dos  partes,  que  la  una  iba 
cercando  y rodeando  el  Bosque  por  la  parte  del  Norte,  y la  otra  por  la 
parte  del  Sur.  En  la  cumbre  de  este  Bosque  estaban  edificadas  unas 
casas  a manera  de  torre,  y por  remate  y Chapitel  estaba  hecha  de 
canteria  una  como  a manera  de  Mazeta,  y dentro  de  ella  salian  unos 
Penachos  y plumeros,  que  era  la  etimologia  del  nombre  del  Bosque ; y 
luego  mas  abajo,  hecho  de  una  Pena,  un  Leon  de  mas  de  dos  brazas  de 
largo  con  sus  alas  y plumas  : estaba  hechado  y mirando  a la  parte 
del  Oriente,  en  cuia  boca  asomaba  un  rostro,  que  era  el  mismo  retrato 
del  Rey,  el  qual  Leon  estaba  de  ordinario  debajo  de  un  palio  hecho 
de  oro  y plumeria.  Un  poquito  mas  abajo  estaban  tres  Albercas  de 
agua,  y en  la  de  en  medio  estaban  en  sus  Bordos  tres  Damas  escul- 
pidas  y labradas  en  la  misma  Pena,  que  significaban  la  gran  Laguna 
y las  Ramas  las  cabezas  del  Imperio ; y por  un  lado  (que  era  hacia 
la  parte  del  Norte)  otra  Alberca,  y en  una  Pena  esculpido  el  nombre  y 
Escudo  de  Armas  de  la  Ciudad  de  Tolan,  que  fue  cabecera  de  los 
Tultecas;  y por  el  lado  izquierdo,  que  caia  hacia  la  parte  del  Sur, 
estaba  la  otra  Alberca,  y en  la  pena  esculpido  el  Escudo  de  Armas  y 
nombre  de  la  Ciudad  de  Tenaiocan,  que  fue  la  cabecera  del  Imperio  de 
los  Chichimecas  ; y de  esta  Alberca  salia  un  caiio  de  Agua,  que  saltan- 
do  sobre  unas  penas  salpicaba  el  Agua,  que  iba  a eaer  a un  Jardin  de 
todas  flores  olorosas  de  Tierra  caliente,  que  parecia  que  llovia  con  la 
precipitacion  y golpe  que  daba  el  agua  sobre  la  pena.  Tras  este  jardin 
se  seguian  los  Banos  hechos  y labrados  de  pena  viva,  que  con  divi- 
dirse  en  dos  Banos  eran  de  una  pieza  ; y por  aqui  se  bajaba  por  una 
pena  grandisima  de  unas  gradas  hechas  de  la  misma  pena,  tan  bien 
gravadas  y lizas,  que  parecian  Espejos ; y por  el  pretil  de  estas  gradas 
estaba  esculpido  el  dia,  mes,  y aiio,  y hora,  en  que  se  le  did  aviso  al 


432 


APPENDIX. 


f Part  II. 


Rey  Nezahualcoiotzin  de  la  muerte  de  un  Seilor  de  Huexotzinco,  5 
quien  quiso  y arao  notablemente,  y le  cojio  esta  nueva  quando  se  esta- 
ban  haciendo  estas  gradas.  Luego  consecutivamente  estaba  el  Alcazar 
y Palacio  que  el  Rey  tenia  en  el  Bosque,  en  los  quales  havia,  entre  otras 
muchas  salas,  aposentos,  y retretes,  una  muy  grandisima,  y delante  de 
ella  un  Patio,  en  la  qual  recivia  a los  Reyes  de  Mexico  y Tlacopan,  y 
a otros  Grandes  Senores,  quando  se  iban  a holgar  con  el,  y en  el  Patio 
se  hacian  las  Damas,  y algunas  representaciones  de  gusto  y entrete- 
nimiento.  Estaban  estos  alcazares  con  tan  admirable  y maravillosa 
hecbura,  y con  tanta  diversidad  de  piedras,  que  no  parecian  ser  hechos 
de  industria  humana.  El  Aposento  donde  el  Rey  dormia  era  redondo  ; 
todo  lo  demas  de  este  Bosque,  como  dicho  tengo,  estaba  plantado  de 
diversidad  de  Arboles,  y flores  odoriferas,  y en  ellos  diversidad  de 
Aves,  sin  las  que  el  Rey  tenia  en  jaulas,  traidas  de  diversas  partes, 
que  hacian  una  armonia,  y canto,  que  no  se  oian  las  Gentes.  Fuera  de 
las  florestas,  que  las  dividia,  una  Pared  entraba  la  Montana,  en  que 
havia  inuchos  venados,  conejos,  y liebres,  que  si  de  cada  cosa  muy 
particular  se  describiese,  y de  los  demas  Bosques  de  este  Reyno,  era 
menester  hacer  Historia  muy  particular. 

} ■ 


No.  IV.  — See  Vol.  I.,  p.  202. 

TRANSLATION  FROM  IXTLILXOCHITL’S  “HISTORIA  CHICHIMECA,”  MS., 
CAP.  LXIV. 

Of  the  extraordinary  Severity  with  which  the  King  Nezahu- 

ALPILLI  PUNISHED  THE  MEXICAN  QuEEN  FOR  HER  ADULTERY  AND 

Treason. 

When  Axaiacatzin,  king  of  Mexico,  and  other  lords,  sent  their  daugh- 
ters to  king  Nezahualpilli,  for  him  to  choose  one  to  be  his  queen  and 
lawful  wife,  whose  son  might  succeed  to  the  inheritance,  she  who  had 
highest  claims  among  them,  from  nobility  of  birth  and  rank,  was  Chach- 
iuhnenetzin,  daughter  of  the  Mexican  king.  But,  being  at  that  time 
very  young,  she  was  brought  up  by  the  monarch  in  a separate  palace, 
with  great  pomp  and  numerous  attendants,  as  became  the  daughter  of 
so  great  a king.  The  number  of  servants  attached  to  her  household 
exceeded  two  thousand.  Young  as  she  was,  she  was  yet  exceedingly 


No.  IV.] 


ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS. 


433 


artful  and  vicious ; so  that,  finding  herself  alone,  and  seeing  that  her 
people  feared  her,  on  account  of  her  rank  and  importance,  she  began 
to  give  way  to  the  unlimited  indulgence  of  her  lust.  Whenever  she 
saw  a young  man  who  pleased  her  fancy,  she  gave  secret  orders  to 
have  him  brought  to  her,  and,  having  satisfied  her  desires,  caused  him 
to  be  put  to  death.  She  then  ordered  a statue  or  effigy  of  his  person 
to  be  made,  and,  adorning  it  with  rich  clothing,  gold,  and  jewelry,  had 
it  placed  in  the  apartment  in  which  she  lived.  The  number  of  statues 
of  those  whom  she  thus  put  to  death  was  so  great  as  almost  to  fill  the 
apartment.  When  the  king  came  to  visit  her,  and  inquired  respecting 
these  statues,  she  answered,  that  they  were  her  gods  ; and  he,  knowing 
how  strict  the  Mexicans  were  in  the  worship  of  their  false  deities,  be- 
lieved her.  But,  as  no  iniquity  can  be  long  committed  with  entire  se- 
crecy, she  was  finally  found  out  in  this  manner.  Three  of  the  young 
men,  for  some  reason  or  other,  she  had  left  alive.  Their  names  were 
Chicuhcoatl,  Huitzilimitzin,  and  Maxtla,  one  of  whom  was  lord  of 
Tesoyucan,  and  one  of  the  grandees  of  the  kingdom ; and  the  other 
two,  nobles  of  high  rank.  It  happened,  that  one  day  the  king  recog- 
nised on  one  of  these  a very  precious  jewel,  which  he  had  given  to  the 
queen  ; and,  although  he  had  no  fear  of  treason  on  her  part,  it  gave 
him  some  uneasiness.  Proceeding  to  visit  her  that  night,  her  attend- 
ants told  him  that  she  was  asleep,  supposing  that  the  king  would  then 
return,  as  he  had  done  at  other  times.  But  the  affair  of  the  jewel  made 
him  insist  on  entering  the  chamber  in  which  she  slept ; and,  going  to 
awake  her,  he  found  only  a statue  in  the  bed,  adorned  with  her  hair, 
and  closely  resembling  her.  This  being  seen  by  the  king,  and,  also, 
that  the  attendants  around  were  in  much  trepidation  and  alarm,  he 
called  his  guards,  and,  assembling  all  the  people  of  the  house,  made  a 
general  search  for  the  queen,  who  was  shortly  found,  at  an  entertain- 
ment with  the  three  young  lords,  who  were  likewise  arrested  with  her. 
The  king  referred  the  case  to  the  judges  of  his  court,  in  order  that 
they  might  make  an  inquiry  into  the  matter,  and  examine  the  parties 
implicated.  These  discovered  many  individuals,  servants  of  the  queen, 
who  had  in  some  way  or  other  been  accessory  to  her  crimes,  workmen 
who  had  been  engaged  in  making  and  adorning  the  statues,  others 
who  had  aided  in  introducing  the  young  men  into  the  palace,  and  others 
again  who  had  put  them  to  death,  and  concealed  their  bodies.  The  case 
having  been  sufficiently  investigated,  he  despatched  ambassadors  to  the 
kings  of  Mexico  and  Tlacopan,  giving  them  information  of  the  event, 
and  signifying  the  day  on  which  the  punishment  of  the  queen  and  her 
accomplices  was  to  take  place  ; and  he  likewise  sent  through  the  em 
VOL.  III.  55 


434 


APPENDIX. 


[Part  II. 


pire  to  summon  all  the  lords  to  bring  their  wives  and  their  daughters, 
however  young  they  might  be,  to  be  witnesses  of  a punishment  which 
he  designed  for  a great  example.  He  also  made  a truce  with  all 
the  enemies  of  the  empire,  in  order  that  they  might  come  freely  to  see 
it.  The  time  being  arrived,  so  great  was  the  concourse  of  people 
gathered  on  the  occasion,  that,  large  as  was  the  city  of  Tezcuco,  they 
could  scarcely  all  find  room  in  it.  The  execution  took  place  publicly, 
in  sight  of  the  whole  city.  The  queen  was  put  to  the  garrote,  [a 
method  of  strangling  by  means  of  a rope  twisted  round  a stick,]  as 
well  as  her  three  gallants  ; and,  from  their  being  persons  of  high  birth, 
their  bodies  were  burned,  together  with  the  effigies  before  mentioned. 
The  other  parties  who  had  been  accessory  to  the  crime,  who  were 
more  than  two  thousand  persons,  were  also  put  to  the  garrote , and 
buried  in  a pit  made  for  the  purpose  in  a ravine  near  a temple  of  the 
Idol  of  Adulterers.  All  applauded  so  severe  and  exemplary  a punish- 
ment, except  the  Mexican  lords,  the  relations  of  the  queen,  who  were 
much  incensed  at  so  public  an  example,  and,  although  for  the  present 
they  concealed  their  resentment,  meditated  future  revenge.  It  was  not 
without  cause  that  the  king  experienced  this  disgrace  in  his  household, 
since  he  was  thus  punished  for  the  unworthy  means  made  use  of  by 
his  father  to  obtain  his  mother  as  a wife. 


No.  V.  — See  Yol.  I.,  p.  249. 

INSTRUCTIONS  GIVEN  BY  VELASQUEZ,  GOVERNOR  OF  CUBA,  TO  CORTES 
ON  HIS  TAKING  COMMAND  OF  THE  EXPEDITION;  DATED  AT  FERNAN 
DINA,  OCTOBER  23,  1518. 

[The  instrument  forms  part  of  the  Munoz  collection.] 

Por  quanto  yo  Diego  Velasquez,  Alcalde,  capitan  general,  e reparti 
dor  de  los  caciques  e yndios  de  esta  isla  Femandina  por  sus  Altezas, 
&c.,  embie,  los  dias  pasados,  en  nombre  e servicio  de  sus  Altezas,  aver 
e bojar  la  ysla  de  Yucatan  S'1  Maria  de  los  remedios,  que  nuevamente 
habia  descubierto,  e a descobrir  lo  demas  que  Dios  Nr0  Sor  fuese  servi- 
do,  y en  nombre  de  sus  Altezas  tomar  la  posesion  de  todo,  una  armada 
con  la  gente  necesaria,  en  que  fue  e nombre  por  capitan  della  a Juan  de 
Grijalva,  vezino  de  la  villa  de  la  Trinidad  desta  ysla,  el  qual  me  embio 


No.  V.J 


ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS. 


435 


una  caravela  de  las  que  llevava,  porque  le  facia  mucha  agua,  e en  ella 
cierta  gente,  que  los  Indios  en  la  dicha  Sta  Maria  de  los  remedios  le 
habian  herido,  e otros  adolecido,  y con  la  razon  de  todo  lo  que  le  habia 
ocurrido  hasta  otras  yslas  e tierras  que  de  nuebo  descubrio  ; que  la  una 
es  una  ysla  que  se  dice  Cozumel,  e le  puso  por  nombre  Sla  Cruz  ; y la 
otra  es  una  tierra  grande,  que  parte  della  se  llama  Ulua,  que  puso  por 
nombre  Sta  Maria  de  las  Niebes ; desde  donde  me  embio  la  dicha  cara- 
vela e gente,  e me  escribio  como  iba  siguiendo  su  demanda  principal- 
mente  a saber  si  aquella  tierra  era  Isla,  6 tierra  firme  ; e ha  muchos 
dias  que  de  razon  habia  de  haber  sabido  nueva  del,  de  que  se  presume, 
pues  tal  nueva  del  fasta  oy  no  se  sabe,  que  debe  de  tener  6 estar  en 
alguna  6 estrema  necesidad  de  socorro  : e asi  mesmo  porque  una  cara- 
vela, que  yo  embie  al  dicho  Juan  de  Grijalva  desdel  puerto  desta  cibdad 
de  Santiago,  para  que  con  el  e la  armada  que  lleva  se  juntase  en  el  pu- 
erto de  Sn  Cristobal  de  la  Havana,  porque  muy  mas  proveido  de  todo 
e como  al  servicio  de  sus  Altezas  convenia  fuesen,  quando  llego  donde 
penso  fallarle,  el  dho  Juan  de  Grijalva  se  habia  fecho  a la  bela  e hera 
ido  con  toda  la  dicha  armada,  puesto  que  dejo  abiso  del  viage  que 
la  dha  carabela  habia  de  llebar  ; 6 como  la  dha  carabela,  en  que  iban 
ochenta,  6 noventa  hombres,  no  fallo  la  dlia  armada,  tomo  el  dicho 
aviso,  y fue  en  seguimiento  del  dh0  Juan  de  Grijalva  ; y segun  pares- 
ze  e se  ha  sabido  por  informacion  de  las  personas  feridas  e dolientes, 
que  el  dh0  Juan  de  Grijalva  me  embio,  no  se  habia  juntado  con  el,  nt 
della  habia  habido  ninguna  nueba,  ni  los  dhos  dolientes  ni  feridos  la 
supieron  a la  buelta,  puesto  que  vinieron  mucha  parte  del  biage  costa 
a costa  de  la  ysla  de  Sla  Ma  de  los  remedios  por  donde  habian  ydo  ; 
de  que  se  presume  que  con  tiempo  forzoso  podria  de  caer  acia  tierra  fir- 
me, 6 llegar  a alguna  parte  donde  los  dichos  ochenta  6 noventa  ombres 
espafioles  corran  detrimento  por  el  nabio,  6 por  ser  pocos,  6 por  andar 
perdidos  en  busca  del  dh°  Juan  de  Grijalva,  puesto  que  iban  muy  bien 
pertrechados  de  todo  lo  necesario  : ademas  de  esto  porque  despues  que 
con  el  dho  Juan  de  Grijalva  embie  la  dicha  armada  he  sido  informado 
de  muy  cierto  por  un  yndio  de  los  de  la  dha  ysla  de  Yucatan  Sla  Ma- 
ria de  los  remedios,  como  en  poder  de  ciertos  Caciques  principales  della 
estan  seis  cristianos  cautibos,  y los  tienen  por  esclabos,  e se  sirben  del- 
los  en  sus  haciendas,  que  los  tomaron  muchos  dias  ha  de  una  carabela 
que  con  tiempo  por  alii  diz  que  aporto  perdida,  que  se  cree  que  alguno 
dellos  deve  ser  Nicuesa  capitan,  que  el  catolico  Rey  Dn  Fernando  de 
gloriosa  memoria  mando  ir  a tierra  firme,  e redimirlos  seria  grandisimo 
servicio  de  Dios  Nr0  Sor  e de  sus  Altezas  : por  todo  lo  qual  parecien 
dome  que  al  servicio  de  Dios  Nr0  Sllr  e de  sus  Altezas  convenia  inbi 


436 


APPENDIX. 


[ Part  I f 


ar  asi  en  seguimiento  e socorro  de  la  d''1  armada  quel  dho  Juan  de 
Grijalva  llebo,  y busca  de  la  earabela  que  tras  el  en  su  seguimiento  fue, 
como  a redimir  si  posible  fuese  los  dhns  cristianos  que  en  poder  de  los 
dhM  Indios  estan  cabtivos  ; acorde,  habiendo  muchas  veces  pensado, 
e pesado,  e platieadolo  con  personas  cuerdas,  de  embiar  como  embie 
otra  armada  tal,  e tambien  bastecida  e aparejada  ansi  de  nabiose  man- 
tenimientos  como  de  gente  e todo  lo  demas  para  semejante  negocio 
necesario  ; que  si  por  caso  a la  gente  de  la  otra  primera  armada,  6 de 
la  dha  earabela  que  fue  en  su  seguimiento  hallase  en  alguna  parte 
cerca  de  infieles,  sea  bastante  para  los  socorrer  6 descercar  ; e si  ansi  no 
los  hallare,  por  si  sola  pueda  seguramente  andar  e calar  en  su  busca 
todas  aquellas  yslas  tierras,  e saber  el  secreto  dellas,  y faser  todo  1g 
demas  que  al  servicio  e de  Dios  Nr°  Sor  cumpla  e al  de  sus  Altezas 
combenga  : e para  ello  he  acordado  de  la  encomendar  a vos  Fernando 
Cortes,  e os  imbiar  por  capitan  della,  por  la  esperiencia  que  de  vos 
tengo  del  tiempo  que  ha  que  en  esta  ysla  en  mi  companla  habeis  servi- 
do  & sus  Altezas,  confiando  que  soys  persona  cuerda,  y que  con  toda 
pendencia  6 zelo  de  su  real  servicio  dareis  buena  razon  e quenta  de  todo 
lo  que  por  ml  en  nombre  de  sus  Altezas  os  fuere  mandado  acerca  de 
la  dicha  negociacion,  y la  guiareis  6 encaminareis  como  mas  al  servicio 
de  Dios  Nro  S°r  e de  sus  Altezas  combenga  ; y porque  mejor  guiada 
la  negociacion  de  todo  vaya,  lo  que  habeis  de  fazer,  y mirar,  e con 
inucha  vigilancia  y deligencia  ynquirir  e saber,  es  lo  siguiente. 

1.  Hagase  el  servicio  de  Dios  en  todo,  y quien  saltare  castiga  con 
rigor. 

2.  Castigar&s  en  particular  la  fornicacion. 

3.  Proibirdis  dados  y naipes,  ocasion  de  discordias  y otros  excesos. 

4.  Ya  salido  la  armada  del  p'°  desta  chid'1  de  Santiago  en  los  otros, 
dotareis  desta  esta  cuidado  no  se  haga  agravio  a Espafioles  ni  Indios. 

5.  Tornados  los  bastimentos  necesarios  en  d1'05  puertos,  partireis  a 
vro  destino,  haciendo  antes  alarde  de  gente  6 armas. 

6.  No  consentireis  vaya  ningun  Indio  ni  India. 

7.  Salido  al  mar  y metidas  las  barcas,  en  la  de  vro  navlo  visitareis 
los  otros,  y reconocereis  otra  vez  la  gente  con  las  copias  [las  listas]  de 
cada  uno. 

8.  Apercibir&s  a los  capitanes  y Maestres  de  los  otros  navlos  que 
jamas  se  aparten  de  vra  conserva,  y hareis  quanto  convenga  para 
llegar  todos  juntos  a la  ysla  de  Cozumel  Santa  Cruz,  donde  sera  vuestra 
derecha  derrota. 

9.  Si  por  algun  caso  llegaren  antes  que  vos,  les  mandareis  que  nadie 
sea  osado  a tratar  mal  & los  Indios,  ni  les  diga  la  causa  porque  vais,  ni 


No.  V.] 


ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS. 


437 

les  demande  6 interrogue  por  los  cristianos  captivos  en  la  Isla  do 
Sta  Maria  de  los  remedios  : digan  solo  que  vos  hablareis  en  llegando 

10.  Llegado  a dha  ysla  de  Sta  Cruz  vereis  y sondeareis  los  puertos, 
entradas,  y aguadas,  asi  della  como  de  Sta  Maria  de  los  remedios,  y la 
punta  de  S,a  Maria  de  las  Nieves,  para  dar  cumplida  relacion  de  todo. 

11.  Direis  a los  Indios  de  Cozumel,  Sla  Cruz,  y demas  partes,  que 
vais  por  mandado  del  Rey  a visitarles  • hablareis  de  su  poder  y con- 
quistas,  individuando  las  hechas  en  estas  Islas  y Tierra  firme,  de  sus 
mercedes  a quantos  le  sirven  ; que  ellos  se  vengan  a su  obediencia  y 
den  muestras  dello,  regalandole,  como  los  otros  han  hecho,  con  oro,  per- 
las,  &c.,  para  que  eche  de  ver  su  buena  voluntad  y les  favorezca  y defi- 
enda  : que  yo  les  aseguro  de  todo  en  su  nombre,  que  me  peso  mucho 
de  la  batalla  que  con  ellos  ovo  Francisco  Hernandez,  y os  embio  para 
darles  a entender  como  Su  Alteza  quiere  que  sean  bien  tratados,  &c. 

12.  Tomareis  entera  informacion  de  las  cruces  que  diz  se  hallan  en 
dba  Isla  Sta  Cruz  adoradas  por  los  Indios,  del  origen  y causas  de  sem- 
ejante  costumbre. 

13.  En  general  sabreis  quanto  concierne  a la  religion  de  la  tierra. 

14.  Y cuidad  mucho  de  doctrinarlos  en  la  verdadera  fee,  pues  esta 
es  la  causa  principal  porque  sus  Altezas  permiten  estos  descubrimi- 
entos. 

15.  Inquirid  de  la  armada  de  Juan  de  Grijalva,  y de  la  caravela  que 
llevo  en  su  seguimiento  Cristov.  de  Olid. 

16.  Caso  de  juntaros  con  la  armada,  busquese  la  caravela,  y concer- 
tad  donde  podreis  juntaros  otra  vez  todos. 

17.  Lo  mismo  hareis  si  1°  se  halla  la  caravela. 

18.  Ireis  por  la  costa  de  la  Isla  de  Yucatan  Sla  Maria  de  los  reme- 
dios, do  estan  seis  cristianos  en  poder  de  unos  caciques  a quienes  dice 
conocer  Melchor  Indio  de  alii,  que  con  vos  llevais.  Tratadlo  con  mu- 
cho amor,  para  que  os  le  tenga  y sirva  fielmente.  No  sea  que  os  suceda 
algun  daiio,  por  que  los  Indios  de  aquella  tierra  en  caso  de  guerra  son 
mafiosos. 

19.  Donde  quiera,  tratareis  muy  bien  a los  Indios. 

20.  Quantos  rescates  hicieredes  metereis  en  area  de  tres  Haves,  de 
que  tendr^is  vos  una,  las  otras  el  Veedor  y el  Tesorero  que  nom- 
braredes. 

21.  Quando  se  necesite  hacer  agua,  6 lena,  Sic.,  embiareis  personas 
cuerdas  al  mando  del  de  mayor  eonfianza,  que  ni  causen  escandalo  ni 
se  pongan  en  peligro. 

22.  Si  adentro  la  tierra  viereis  alguna  poblacion  de  Indios  que 
offecieren  amistad,  podreis  ir  a ella  con  la  gente  mas  pacifica  y bien 


438 


APPENDIX. 


[Part  II. 


armada,  mirando  mucho  en  que  ningun  agravio  se  les  haga  en  sus 
bienes  y mugeres. 

23.  En  tal  caso  dejar&s  a mui  buen  recabdo  los  navios  ; estareis 
mui  sobre  aviso  que  no  os  engaiien  ni  se  entrometan  muchos  Indios 
entre  los  Espanoles,  &c. 

24.  Avisdo  que  placiendo  a Dios  N.  S.  ayais  los  Xn0*  que  en  la 
dha  Isla  de  S‘a  M1  de  los  remedios  estan  captivos,  y buscado  que  por 
ella  ayais  la  dha  armada  e la  dha  caravela,  seguireis  vuestro  viage  a 
la  punta  liana  ques  el  principio  de  la  tierra  grande  que  agora  nueva- 
mente  el  dh“  J.  de  Grijalva  descubrio,  y correreis  en  su  busca  por  la 
costa  della  adelante  buscando  todos  los  rios  e puertos  della  fasta  llegar 
a la  baia  de  S.  Juan,  y Sta  Ma  de  los  Nieves,  que  es  desde  donde  el 
dh°  J.  de  Grijalva  me  embio  los  heridos  e dolientes,  e me  escrivio  lo 
que  hasta  alii  le  habia  occurrido  ; e si  alii  hallaredes,  juntaros  e ir  con 
el  J.;  porque  entre  los  Espanoles  que  llevais  6 alia  estan  no  haya  diferen- 

cias, cada  uno  tenga  cargo  de  la  gente  que  consigo  lleva, 

y entramos  mui  conformes,  consultareis  lo  que  mas  convenga  conforme 
a esta  instruccion,  v a la  que  Grijalva  llevo  de  sus  Paternidades  y 
mias  : en  tal  caso  los  rescates  todos  se  haran  en  presencia  de  Fran- 
cisco de  Penalosa,  veedor  nombrado  por  sus  Paternidades. 

25.  Inquirireis  las  cosas  de  las  tierras  a do  llegareis,  asi  morales 
como  fisicas,  si  hai  perlas,  especieria,  oro,  &c.,  part1'  en  Sla  Ma  de 
las  Nieves,  de  donde  Grijalva  me  embio  ciertos  granos  de  oro  por 
fundir  e fundidos. 

26.  Quando  salteis  en  tierra  sea  ante  vro  S"°  y muchos  testigos,  y 
tomareis  posesion  della  con  las  solemnidades  usadas  : inquirid  la  cali- 
dad  de  las  gentes : porque  diz  que  hay  gentes  de  orejas  grandes  y 

anchas,  y otras  que  tienen  las  caras  como  perros, a que  parte 

estan  las  Amazonas,  que  dicen  estos  Indios  que  con  vos  llevais,  que 
estan  cerca  de  alii. 

27.  Las  demas  cosas  dejo  a vra  prudencia,  confiando  de  vos  que  en 
todo  torneis  el  cuidadoso  cuidado  de  hacer  lo  que  mas  cumpla  al  ser- 
vicio  de  Dios  y de  SS.  A A. 

28.  En  todos  los  puertos  de  esta  ysla  do  hallareis  Espanoles  que 
quieran  ir  con  vos,  no  lleveis  a quien  tuviere  deudas,  si  antes  no  las 
paga  6 da  fianzas  suficientes. 

29.  Luego  en  llegando  a S'a  Ma  de  las  Nieves,  me  embiareis  en  el 
navio  que  menos  falta  hiciere,  quanto  hubieredes  rescatado  y hallado 
de  oro,  perlas,  especeria,  animales,  aves,  &c.,  con  relacion  de  lo  hecho 
y lo  que  pensais  hacer,  pa  que  yo  lo  mande  y diga  al  Rey. 

30.  Conocereis  conforme  a derecho  de  las  causas  chiles  y criminales 


J 


No.  VI.l  ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS.  439 

que  ocurran,  como  Capitan  desta  armada  con  todos  los  poderes,  &c., 
&c.  F1”1  en  esta  cibdad  de  Santiago  puerto  desta  isla  Fernandina,  a 

23  Oct.,  1518. 


No.  VI.  — See  Vol.  I.,  p.  272. 

EXTRACT  FROM  LAS  CASAS’  “H1STORIA  GENERAL  DE  LAS  INDLAS,”  MS., 
LIB.  in.,  CAP.  CXVI. 

[Few  Spanish  scholars  have  had  access  to  the  writings 
of  Las  Casas  ; and  I have  made  this  short  extract  from 
the  original,  as  a specimen  of  the  rambling  but  vigorous 
style  of  a work,  the  celebrity  of  which  has  been  much 
enhanced  by  the  jealous  reserve  with  which  it  has  been  with- 
held from  publication.] 

Esto  es  uno  de  los  herrores  y disparates  que  muchos  han  tenido  y 
echo  en  estas  partes  ; porque  simprimero  por  mucho  tiempo  aver  a los 
yndios  y a qualquiera  nacion  ydolatria  dotrinado  es  gran  desvario 
quitarles  los  ^dolos  ; lo  qual  nunca  se  hace  por  voluntad  sino  contra  de 
los  ydolatras  ; porque  ninguno  puede  dexar  por  su  voluntad  e de  buena 
gana  aquello  que  tiene  de  muchos  afios  por  Dios  y en  la  leche  mamado 
y autorizado  por  sus  mayores,  sin  que  primero  tenga  entendido  que 
aquello  que  les  dan  6 en  que  les  comutan  su  Dios,  sea  verdadero  Dios. 
Mirad  que  doctrina  les  podian  dar  en  dos  6 en  tres  6 en  quatro  6 en 
diez  dias,  que  alii  estuvieron,  y que  mas  estuvieran,  del  verdadero 
Dios,  y tampoco  les  supieran  dar  para  desarraygalles  la  opinion  erro- 
nea  de  sus  dioses,  que  en  yendose,  que  se  fueron,  no  tornaron  a ydo- 
latrar.  Primero  se  han  de  rraer  de  los  corazones  los  ^dolos,  conviene 
a saber  el  concepto  y estima  que  tienen  de  ser  aquellos  Dios  los  ydo- 
latras por  diuturna  y deligente  e continua  dotrina,  y pintalles  en  ellos 
el  concepto  y verdad  del  verdadero  Dios,  y despues  ellos  mismos  viendo 
su  engano  y error  an  de  derrocar  e destruir,  con  sus  mismas  manos  y 
de  toda  su  voluntad,  los  ydolos  que  veneraban  por  Dios  e por  dioses.  Y 
asi  lo  ensefia  San  Agustin  en  el  sermon,  De  puero  cenlurioms,  de  verbis 
Domini.  Pero  no  fue  aqueste  el  postrero  disparate  que  en  estas  yndias 
cerca  desta  materia  se  a hecho  poner  cruces,  ynduciendo  ? 1"  ~ 


440 


APPENDIX. 


[Part  II. 


a la  rreverencia  dellas.  Si  ay  tiempo  para  ello  con  sinificacion  alguna 
del  fruto  que  pueden  sacar  dello,  si  se  lo  pueden  dar  a entender  para 
hacerse  y bien  hacerse,  pero  no  aviendo  tiempo  ni  lengua  ni  sazon,  cosa 
superflua  e ynutil  parece.  Porque  pueden  pensar  los  yndios  que  les 
dan  algun  ydolo  de  aquella  figura  que  tienen  por  Dios  los  christianos, 
y asi  lo  aran  ydolatra  adorando  por  Dios  aquel  palo.  La  mas  cierta  e 
conveniente  regia  e dotrina  que  por  estas  tierras  y otras  de  ynfieles 
semejantes  a estos  los  christianos  deben  dar  e tener,  quando  van  de 
pasada  como  estos  yvan,  e quando  tambien  quisieren  morar  entre  ellas, 
es  dalles  muy  buen  exemplo  de  hobras  virtuosas  y Christianas,  para  que. 
como  dice  nuestro  Redemptor,  viendolas  alaben  y den  gloria  al  Dioa 
e padre  de  los  cristianos,  e por  ellas  juzguen  que  quien  tales  cultores 
tiene  no  puede  ser  sino  bueno  e verdadero  Dios. 


No.  VII.  — See  Vol.  I.,  p.  332. 

DEPOSITION  OF  ALONSO  HERNANDEZ  DE  PUERTO  CARRERO,  MS. 

[Puerto  Carrero  and  Montejo  were  the  two  officers  sent 
home  by  Cortes  from  Villa  Rica  with  despatches  to  the 
government.  The  emissaries  were  examined  under  oath 
before  the  venerable  Dr.  Carbajal,  one  of  the  Council  of 
the  Indies,  in  regard  to  the  proceedings  of  Velasquez  and 
Cortes  ; and  the  following  is  the  deposition  of  Puerto  Car- 
rero. He  was  a man  of  good  family,  superior  in  this  respect 
to  most  of  those  embarked  in  the  expedition.  The  original 
is  in  the  Archives  of  Simancas.] 

En  la  cibdad  de  la  Coruna,  a 30  dias  del  mes  de  Abril,  de  1520  anos, 
se  tomo  el  dho  e depusicion  de  Alonso  Hernandez  Puerto-Carrero  por 
mi,  Joan  de  Samano,  del  qual  haviendo  jurado  en  forma  so  cargo  del 
juramento  dijo  lo  sigle. 

Primeramente  dijo,  que  en  ell  armada  que  hizo  Franc°  Hernandez 
de  Cordova  6 Caycedo  e su  compauero  el  no  fue  en  ella ; de  la  qual  ar- 
mada fue  el  dhu  Franco  Hernandez  de  Cordova  por  Capitan  General 
b principal  armador  ; e que  ha  oido  decir  como  estos  descubrieron  la  Isla 
que  se  llama  de  Yucatan. 


No.  TII.] 


ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS. 


441 


Item  : dijo  que  en  ell  armada  de  que  fue  Cap"  General  Joan  de  Gri- 
jalva este  testigo  no  fue  ; pero  que  vido  un  Cap",  que  se  dice  Pedro  de 
Alvarado,  que  embio  Joan  de  Grijalva  en  una  caravela  con  cierto  oro  e 
joyas  a Diego  Velasquez  ; e que  oyo  decir,  que  des  que  Diego  Velas- 
quez vido  que  traian  tan  poco  oro,  e el  Capitan  Joan  de  Grijalva  se 
queria  luego  bolver  e no  hacer  mas  rescate,  acordo  de  hablar  a Hernan- 
dez Cortes  para  que  hiciesen  esta  armada,  por  que  al  presente  en  San- 
tiago no  havia  persona  que  mejor  aparejo  tuviese,  i que  mas  bien  quisto 
en  la  isla  fuese,  por  que  al  presente  tenia  tres  navios  : fuele  preguntado, 
como  savia  lo  susodho ; respondio,  que  porque  lo  avia  oido  decir  a mu- 
chas  personas  de  la  isla. 

Dice  mas  que  se  pregono  en  el  pueblo  don  este  testigo  vivia,  que  to- 
das  las  personas  que  quisiesen  ir  en  ell  armada,  de  todo  lo  que  se 
oviese  6 rescatase  habria  la  una  tercera  parte,  e las  otras  dos  partes 
eran  para  los  armadores  i navios. 

Fuele  preguntado,  quien  hizo  dar  el  dh0  pregun,  e en  cuyo  nombre 
se  hacia,  e quien  se  decia  entonces  que  hacia  la  dha  armada ; respon- 
dio, que  oyo  decir,  que  Hernando  Cortes  havia  escripto  una  carta  a 
un  Alce  de  aquel  pueblo  para  que  hiciese  a pregonarlo ; e que  oyo 
decir,  que  Diego  Velasquez  hablo  con  Herndo  Cortes  para  que  jun- 
tam'e  con  el  hiciesen  la  dha  armada,  por  que  al  presente  no  habia 
otra  persona  que  mejor  aparejo  en  la  dicha  isla  para  ello  tuviese,  por- 
que al  presente  tenia  tres  navios,  e era  bien  quisto  en  la  isla ; e que 
oyo  decir,  que  si  el  no  fuera'  por  Capitan,  que  no  fuera  la  tercera  parte 
de  la  gente  que  con  el  fue  ; e que  no  sabe  el  concierto  que  entre  si  tien- 
en,  mas  de  que  oyo  decir,  que  amvos  hacian  aquella  armada,  e que 
ponia  Hernd°  Cortes  mas  de  las  dos  partes  della,  e que  la  otra  parte 
cree  este  testigo  que  la  puso  Diego  Velasquez,  porque  lo  oyo  decir,  e 
despues  que  fue  en  la  dha  armada  vido  ciertos  navios  que  puso  Hernd° 
Cortes,  en  lo  que  gastaba  con  la  gente,  que  le  parecio  que  ponia  las  dos 
partes  6 mas,  e que  de  diez  navios  que  fueron  en  ell  armada  los  tres 
puso  Diego  Velasquez,  e los  siete  Cortes  suyos  e de  sus  amigos. 

Dijo  que  le  dijeron  muchas  personas  que  ivan  en  ell  armada  como 
Herndo  Cortes  hizo  pregonar,  que  todos  los  que  quisiesen  ir  en  su 
compama,  si  toviesen  nescesida  de  dineros  asi  para  comprar  vestidos 
como  provisiones  6 armas  para  ellos,  que  fuesen  a el,  e que  el  les  soco- 
reria  e les  daria  lo  que  hoviesen  menester,  e que  a todos  los  que  a el 
acodian  que  lo  dava,  e que  esto  sabe,  porque  muchas  personas  a quien 
61  socorria  con  dineros  que  lo  dijeron  ; e que  estando  en  la  villa  de  la 
Trenidad,  vio  que  el  e sus  amigos  davan  a toda  la  gente  que  alii  estaba 
todo  lo  que  havian  menester  ; e asi  mesmo  estando  en  la  villa  de  Sant 
VOL.  III.  56 


442 


APPENDIX. 


[Part  II. 


Cristobal  en  la  Havana,  vio  hacer  lo  mismo,  e comprar  muchos  puercos 
d pan,  que  podian  ser  tres  o cuatro  meses. 

Fuele  preguntado,  a quien  tenian  por  principal  armador  desta  armada, 
e quien  era  publico  que  la  hacia ; dijo  que  lo  que  oyd  decir  e vido,  que 
Herndo  Cortes  gastava  las  dos  partes,  e que  los  dhDB  Diego  Velasquez 
d Hern'10  Cortes  la  hicieron  como  dh0  tiene,  e que  no  sabe  mas  en  esto 
de  este  articulo. 

Fuele  preguntado,  si  sabia  quel  dh°  Diego  Velasquez  fuese  el  prin- 
cipal por  respecto  de  ser  Governador  por  su  Al.  en  las  tierras  d islas 
que  por  su  industria  se  descobriesen ; que  no  lo  sabe,  por  que  no  le 
eran  entonces  llegados  Gonzalo  de  Guzman  e Narvaez. 

Fuele  preguntado,  si  sabe  el  dh°  Diego  Velasquez  sea  lugar  teniente 
de  Governador  e capitan  de  la  isla  de  Cuba  ; dijo  que  ha  oido  decir,  ques 
teniente  de  Almirante. 

Fuele  preguntado,  si  sabia  dellasi10  e capitulac11  que  el  dicho  Diego 
Velasquez  tomo  con  los  Frailes  Geronimos  en  nombre  de  S.  M.,  e de 
la  instruccion  que  ellos  para  el  descubrimiento  le  dieron  ; dijo  que  oyd 
decir,  que  l^s  havia  fho  relacion  que  havia  descovierto  una  trra  que 
era  mui  rica,  e les  embio  a pedir  le  diesen  lica  para  vojalla  e para  res- 
catar  en  ella,  e los  Padres  Geronimos  que  la  dieron,  e que  esto  sabe 
por  que  lo  oyo  decir  : fuele  preguntado,  si  vio  este  asiento  6 poderes 
algunos  de  los  dhc"  Padres  6 la  dhR  instruccion ; dijo  que  bien  los 
puede  haver  visto,  mas  lo  que  en  ellos  iva,  no  se  acuerda  mas  que  lo 
arriva  dh0. 

Fuele  preguntado,  si  vio  6 oyo  decir,  que  los  dichos  poderes  e ca- 
pitulac"  de  los  dhos  Padres  Geronimos  fuese  nombrado  Diego  Velas- 
quez 6 el  dho  Cortes ; dijo  que  en  los  poderes  que  los  Pe>  Geronimos 
embiaron  a Diego  Velasquez  que  a el  seria,  e no  ha  Hernando  Cortes, 
por  que  el  d110  Diego  Velasquez  lo  embio  a pedir. 

Fuele  preguntado,  como  e porque  causa  obedecia  a Herndo  Cortes 
por  Cap"  General  de  aquella  armada ; dijo  que  porque  Diego  Velas- 
quez le  dio  su  poder  en  nombre  de  su  Al.  para  ir  hacer  aquel  rescate  ; 
e que  lo  sabe,  porque  vio  el  poder  e lo  oyd  decir  a todos  ellos. 

Fuele  preguntado,  que  fue  la  causa  por  que  no  usaron  con  el  dho 
Herndo  Cortes  de  los  poderes  que  llevaba  del  d1'0  Diego  Velasquez ; 
dijo  que  esta  armada  iva  en  achaque  de  buscar  a Juan  de  Grijalva  ; que 
oyd  decir,  que  no  tenia  poder  Diego  Velasquez  de  los  Pres  Geronimos 
para  hacer  esta  armada ; 6 con  este  achaque  que  arriva  dice  hicidron 
esta  armada,  e que  el  usd  del  poder  que  Diego  Velasquez  le  did,  e alii 
rescato. 

Fuele  preguntado,  que  fud  la  causa  porque,  quando  quisidron  poblar, 


No.  VII.] 


ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS. 


443 


le  nombraron  ellos  por  Capitan  General  e justicia  mayor  de  nuevo , 
dijo  que  Hernando  Cortes,  desque  havia  rescatado  e vido  que  tenia 
pocos  vastim105,  que  no  havia  mas  de  para  bolver  tasadamente  a la  isla 
de  Cuba,  dijo  que  se  queria  bolver ; e entonces  toda  la  gente  se  junta- 
ron  e le  requirieron  que  poblase,  pues  los  Yndios  les  tenian  buena 
voluntad  e mostravan  que  holgaban  con  ellos,  e la  trra  era  tan  aparejada 
para  ello,  e S.  M.  seria  dello  mui  servido  ; e respondio,  que  el  no  traia 
poder  para  poblar,  que  el  responderia ; e respondio,  que  pues  era  servicio 
de  S.  M.  poblar,  otejaba  que  poblasen  ; e hicieron  Alcs  e Rexidores,  e se 
juntaron  en  su  cabildo,  e le  proveyeron  de  Xusticia  mayor  e Capitan 
General  en  nombre  de  S.  M. 

Fuele  preguntado,  que  se  hicieron  los  navios  que  llebaron;  dijo  que 
desque  poblaron  venian  los  maestres  de  los  navios,  a decir  al  capitan 
que  todos  los  navios  se  ivan  a fondo,  que  no  los  podian  tener  encima 
dell  agua  ; i el  dh0  Capitan  mando  a ciertos  maestres  e pilotos  que  en- 
trasen  en  los  navios  e viesen  los  que  estavan  para  poder  navegar,  e 
ver  si  se  podiesen  remediar ; e los  dhos  maestres  e pilotos  digeron, 
que  no  havia  mas  de  tres  navios  que  pudiesen  navegar  e remediarse,  e 
que  havia  de  ser  con  mucha  costa ; e que  los  demas  que  no  havia 
medio  ninguno  en  ellos,  e que  alguno  dellos  se  undid  en  la  mar,  es- 
tando  echada  el  ancla ; e que  con  los  demas  que  no  estavan  para  poder 
navegar  6 remediarse,  los  dejaron  ir  al  traves ; e que  esta  es  la  verdad. 
e firmolo  de  su  nombre. 

Dijo  que  se  acuerda  que  oyo  decir,  que  Hernando  Cortes  havia  gas- 
tado  en  esta  armada  cinco  mill  ducados  6 Castellanos ; e que  Diego 
Velasquez  oyo  decir,  que  havia  gastado  mill  e setecientos,  poco  mas  o 
menos ; e que  esto  que  gasto  fue  en  vinos  e aceites  e vinagre  e ropas  de 
vestir,  las  que  les  vendio  un  factor  que  alia  esta  de  Diego  Velasquez,  en 
que  les  vendia  el  arroba  de  vino  a cuatro  castellanos  que  salia  al  res- 
pecto  por  una  pipa  cient.  castellanos,  el  arroba  del  aceite  a seis  castel- 
lanos, e alomesmo  la  arrova  del  vinagre,  e las  camisas  a dos  pesos,  y el 
par  de  los  alpargates  a Castellano,  e un  mazo  de  cuentas  de  valoria  a 
dos  castellanos  costandole  a el  a dos  reales,  e a este  respecto  fueron 
todas  las  otras  cosas  ; e que  esto  que  gasto  Diego  Velasquez  lo  sabe, 
porque  lo  vido  vender,  e este  testigo  se  le  vendio  hasta  parte  dello.  — 
Alonso  Hernandez  Portocarrero  declaro  ante  mi,  Johan  de  Samano. 


444 


APPENDIX. 


[Part  II. 


No.  VIII.—  See  Vol.  I.,  p.  335. 

EXTRACT  FROM  THE  “CARTA  DE  VERA  CRUZ,”  MS. 

[The  following  extract  from  this  celebrated  letter  of  the 
Municipality  of  La  Villa  Rica  de  la  Vera  Cruz  to  the  Em- 
peror gives  a succinct  view  of  the  foundation  of  the  first 
colony  in  Mexico,  and  of  the  appointment  of  Cortes  by  that 
body  as  Chief  Justice  and  Captain-General.  The  original 
is  preserved  in  the  Imperial  Library  at  Vienna.] 

Despues  de  se  aver  despedido  de  nosotros  el  dicho  Cacique,  y buelto 
a su  casa,  en  mucha  conformidad,  corao  en  esta  armada  venimos,  perso- 
nas nobles,  cavalleros,  hijos  dalgo,  zelosos  del  servicio  de  n™  Seiior  y 
de  Vras  Reales  Altezas,y  deseosos  de  ensalzar  su  Corona  Real,de  acre- 
centar  sus  Seiiorios,  y de  aurnentar  sus  rentas,  nos  juntamos  y platica- 
mos  con  el  dicho  capitan  Fernando  Cortes,  diciendo  que  esta  tierra  era 
buena,  y que  segun  la  muestra  de  oro  que  aquel  Cacique  avia  traido,  se 
creia  que  debia  de  ser  mui  rica,  y que  segun  las  muestras  que  el  di- 
cho Caqique  avia  dado,  era  de  creer  que  el  y todos  sus  Indios  nos  tenian 
muy  buena  voluntad  ; por  tanto  que  nos  pare§ia  que  nos  convenia  al 
servicio  de  Vras  Magestades,  y que  en  tal  tierra  se  hiziese  lo  que  Diego 
Velasquez  avia  mandado  hacer  al  dicho  Capitan  Fernando  Cortes,  que 
era  rescatar  todo  el  oro  que  pudiese,  y rescatado  bolverse  con  todo  ello 
& la  Isla  Fernandina,  para  gozar  solamente  de  ello  el  dicho  Diego  Ve- 
lasquez y el  dicho  Capitan ; y que  lo  mejor  que  a todos  nos  parecia  era, 
que  en  nombre  de  Vras  Reales  Altezas  se  poblase  y fundase  alii  un 
pueblo  en  que  huviese  justicia,  para  que  en  esta  tierra  tuviesen  Seiiorio, 
como  en  sus  Reinos  y Seiiorios  lo  tienen ; porque  siendo  esta  tierra 
poblada  de  Espaiioles,  de  mas  de  acretjentar  los  Reinos  y Seiiorios  de 
Vras  Magestades,  y sus  rentas,  nos  podrian  hacer  mercedes  a nosotros 
y a los  pobladores  que  de  mas  alia  viniesen  adelante  ; y acordado  esto, 
nos  juntamos  todos  en  Concordes  de  un  animo  y voluntad,  y hizimos  un 
requerimiento  al  dicho  capitan,  en  el  qual  diximos,  que  pues  el  veia 
quanto  al  servicio  de  Dios  nro  Seiior  y al  de  Vras  Magestades  conve- 
nia, que  esta  tierra  estuviese  poblada,  dandole  las  causas  de  que  arriba 
a Vras  Altezas  se  ha  hecho  rclaqion,  que  le  requerimos  que  luego  cesase 
de  hacer  rescates  de  la  manera  que  los  venia  a hacer,  porque  seria  des- 
truir  la  tierra  en  mucha  manera,  y Vra!  Magestades  serian  en  ellos 


No.  VIII.] 


ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS. 


445 


muy  desservidos ; y que  ansi  mismo  le  pedimos  y requerimos  que  luego 
nombrase  para  aquella  villa,  que  se  avia  por  nosotros  de  hacer  y fundar, 
Alcaldes  y Regidores,  en  nombre  de  Vras  Reales  Altezas,  con  ciertas 
protestaciones,  en  forma  que  contra  el  protestamos  si  ansi  no  lo  hiziesen; 
y hecho  este  requerimiento  al  dicho  Capitan,  dixo  que  daria  su  respuesta 
el  dia  siguiente ; y viendo  pues  el  dicho  Capitan  como  convenia  al  servi- 
cio  de  V™  Reales  Altezas  lo  que  le  pediamos,  luego  otro  dia  nos  res- 
pondio  diciendo,  que  su  voluntad  estava  mas  inclinada  al  servicio  de 
Vras  Magestades  que  a otra  cosa  alguna,  y que  no  mirando  al  interese 
que  a el  se  le  siguiese,  si  prosiguiera  en  el  rescate  que  traia  propuesto 
de  rehacer  los  grandes  gastos  que  de  su  hacienda  avia  hecho  en  aquella 
armada  juntamente  con  el  dicho  Diego  V elasquez,  antes  poniendolo  to- 
do  le  placia  y era  eontento  de  hacer  lo  que  por  nosotros  le  era  pedido, 
pues  que  tanto  convenia  al  servicio  de  Vras  Reales  Altezas  ; y luego 
comenzo  con  gran  diligencia  a poblar  y a fundar  una  villa  la  qual  puso 
por  nombre  la  rica  Villa  de  Vera  Cruz,  y nombronos  a los  que  la  de- 
lantes  subscribimos,  por  Alcaldes  y Regidores  de  la  dicha  Villa,  y en 
nombre  de  Vras  Reales  Altezas  recibio  de  nosotros  el  juramento  y 
solenidad  que  en  tal  caso  se  acostumbra  y suele  hacer ; despues  de  lo 
qual  otro  dia  siguiente  entramos  en  nuestro  cabildo  y ajuntamiento,  y 
estando  asi  juntos  embiamos  a llamar  al  dicho  Capitan  Fernando  Cortes, 
y le  pedimos  en  nombre  de  Vras  Reales  Altezas  que  nos  mostrase  los 
poderes  y instrucciones  que  el  dicho  Diego  Velasquez  le  avia  dado  para 
venir  a estas  partes,  el  qual  embio  luego  por  ellos  y nos  los  mostro  ; y 
vistos  y leidos  por  nosotros,  bien  examinados  segun  lo  que  pudimos 
mejor  entender,  hallamos  a nuestro  parecer  que  por  los  dichos  poderes 
y instrucciones  no  tenia  mas  poder  el  dicho  capitan  Fernando  Cortes, 
y que  por  aver  ya  espirado  no  podia  usar  de  justicia  ni  de  Capitan  de 
alii  adelante  ; pareciendonos  pues,  mui  Excellentissimos  Principes  ! que 
para  la  pacificacion  y concordia  de  entre  nosotros,  y para  nos  gobernar 
bien,  convenia  poner  una  persona  para  su  Real  servicio,  que  estuviese 
en  nombre  de  Vraa  Magestades  en  la  dicha  villa  y en  estas  partes  por 
justicia  mayor  y capitan  y cabeza,  a quien  todos  acatasemos  hasta  hacer 
relacion  de  ello  a Vras  Reales  Altezas  para  que  en  ello  proveyesen  lo 
que  mas  servidos  fuesen,  y visto  que  a ninguna  persona  se  podria  dar 
mejor  el  dicho  cargo  que  al  dicho  Fernando  Cortes,  porque  demas  de 
ser  persona  tal  qual  para  ello  conviene,  tiene  muy  gran  zelo  y deseo 
del  servicio  de  Vras  Magestades,  y ansi  mismo  por  la  mucha  experien- 
cia  que  de  estas  partes  y Islas  tiene,  de  causa  de  los  quales  ha  siempre 
dado  buena  cuenta,  y por  haver  gastado  todo  quanto  tenia  por  venir 
como  vino  con  esta  armada  en  servicio  de  Vra!  Magestades,  y por  aver 


446 


APPENDIX. 


[Part  II. 


tenido  en  poco,  como  hemos  hecho  relacion,  todo  lo  que  podia  ganar  y 
interese  que  se  le  podia  seguir  si  rescatara  como  traia  concertado,  y le 
proveimos  en  nombre  de  Vras  Reales  Altezas  de  justicia  y Alcalde 
mayor,  del  qual  recibimos  cl  juramento  que  en  tal  caso  se  requiere,  y 
hecho  como  convenia  al  Real  servicio  de  Vra  Magestad,  lo  recibimos 
en  su  Real  nombre  en  n™  ajuntamiento  y cabildo  por  Justicia  mayor  y 
capitan  de  Vras  Reales  armas,  y ansi  esta  y estara  hasta  tanto  que  Yras 
Magestades  provean  lo  que  mas  a su  servicio  convenga : hemos  querido 
hacer  de  todo  esto  relation  a Vras  Reales  Altezas,  porque  sepan  lo  que 
aca  se  ha  hecho,  y el  estado  y manera  en  que  quedamos. 


No.  IX.  — See  Yol.  I.,  p.  414. 

EXTRACT  FROM  CAMARGO’S  “ HISTORIA  DE  TLASCALA,”  MS. 

[This  passage  from  the  Indian  chronicler  relates  to  the 
ceremony  of  inauguration  of  a Tecuhtle,  or  merchant-knight, 
in  Tlascala.  One  might  fancy  himself  reading  the  pages 
of  St.  Palaye,  or  any  other  historian  of  European  chivalry.] 

Esta  ceremonia  de  armarse  Caballeros  los  naturales  de  Mexico  y 
Tlaxcalla  y otras  provincias  de  !a  Laguna  Mejicana  es  cosa  muy  noto- 
ria;  y asi  no  nos  detendremos  en  ella,  mas  de  pasar  secuntamente.  Es 
de  saber,  que  cualquier  Sefior,  6 hijos  de  Senores,  que  por  sus  personas 
habian  ganado  alguna  cosa  en  la  guerra,  6 que  hubiesen  hecho  6 em- 
prendido  cosas  sefialadas  y aventajadas,  como  tubiese  indicios  de  mucho 
valor,  y que  fuese  de  buen  consejo  y aviso  en  la  republica,  le  armaban 
caballero ; que  como  fuesen  tan  ricos  que  por  sus  riquezas  se  enoble- 
cian  y hacian  negocios  de  hijos  y dalgo  y caballero,  los  armaban  Cabal- 
leros por  dos,  diferentemente  que  los  Caballeros  de  linea  recta,  porque 
los  llamaban  Tepilhuan  : Al  Mercader  que  era  armado  caballero,  y a 
los  linos  que  por  descendencia  lo  eran,  llamaban  Tecuhtles.  Estos 
Tecuhtles  se  armaban  caballcros  con  muchas  ceremonias.  Ante  todas 
cosas,  estaban  encerrados  40  6 60  dras  en  un  templo  de  sus  Idolos,  y 
ayunaban  todo  este  tiempo,  y no  trataban  con  gente  mas  que  con  aquel- 
los  que  les  Servian,  y al  cabo  de  los  cuales  eran  llevados  al  templo 
mayor,  y alii  se  les  daban  grandes  doctrinas  de  la  vida  que  habian  de 
tener  y guardar  ; y antes  de  todas  estas  cosas  les  daban  grandes  beja- 


No.  IX.] 


ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS. 


447 


menes  con  muchas  palabras  afrentosas  y satiricas,  y les  daban  de  pn- 
nadas  con  grandes  reprensiones,  y aun  en  su  propio  rostro,  segun  atras 
dejamos  tratado,  y les  horadaban  las  narices  y labios  y orejas ; y la 
sangre  que  de  ellos  salia  la  ofrecian  a sus  Idolos.  Alii  les  daban  pub- 
lieamente  sus  arcos  y flechas  y macanas  y todo  g^nero  de  armas  usadas 
en  su  arte  militar.  Del  templo  era  llevado  por  las  calles  y plazas 
acostumbradas  con  gran  pompa  y regocijo  y solemnidad  : ponlanles  en 
las  orejas  orejeras  de  oro,  y bezotes  de  lo  mismo,  llevando  adelante  mu- 
chos  truhanes  y chocarreros  que  decian  grandes  donaires,  con  que  ha- 
cian  reir  las  gentes  ; pero  como  vamos  tratando,  se  ponian  en  las  nari- 
ces piedras  ricas,  oradabanles  las  orejas  y narices  y bezos,  no  con 
yerros  ni  cosa  de  oro  ni  plata,  sino  con  guesos  de  Tigres  y leones  y 
aguilas  agudos.  Este  armado  caballero  hacia  muy  solemnes  fiestas  y 
costosas,  y daban  muy  grandes  presentes  fi  los  antiguos  Seiiores  Cabal- 
leros asi  de  ropas  como  de  esclavos,  oro  y piedras  preciosas  y plume- 
rias ricas,  y divisas,  escudos,  rodelas  y arcos  y flechas,  a manera  de 
propinas  cuando  se  doctoran  nuestros  letrados.  Andan  de  casa  en  casa 
de  estos  Tecuhtles  dandoles  estos  presentes  y dadivas,  y lo  propio  ha- 
cen  con  estos  armados  Caballeros  despues  que  lo  eran,  y se  tenia  cuenta 
con  todos  ellos.  Y era  republica ; y asi  no  se  armaban  muchos  Caballe- 
ros hidalgos  pobres,  por  su  poca  posibilidad,  sino  eran  aquellos  que  por 
sus  nobles  y loables  hechos  lo  habian  merecido,  que  en  tal  caso  los 
caciques  cabeceros  y los  mas  supremos  Seiiores  Reyes,  pues  tenian 
meromixto  imperio  con  sus  tierras,  y orca  y cuchillo  para  ejecutar  los 
casos  de  justicia,  como  en  efecto  era  asi.  Finalmente,  que  los  que 
oradaban  las  orejas,  bezos,  y narices  de  estos,  que  asi  se  armaban  Cabal- 
leros, eran  Caballeros  ancianos  y muy  antiguos,  los  cuales  estaban  de- 
dicados  para  esto  ; y asi  como  para  en  los  casos  de  justicia  y consejos 
de  guerra.  Servian  estos  Caballeros  veteranos  en  la  republica,  los 
cuales  eran  temidos,  obedecidos,  y reverenciados  en  muy  gran  venera- 
cion  y eslima.  Y como  atras  dejamos  dicho,  que  al  cabo  de  los  40  6 60 
dias  de  ayuno  de  los  caballeros  nobles  los  sacaban  de  alii  para  llevarlos 
al  templo  mayor  donde  tenian  sus  simulacros  ; no  les  oradaban  entonces 
las  orejas,  narices,  ni  labios,  que  son  los  labios  de  la  parte  de  abajo, 
sino  que  cuando  se  ponian  en  el  ayuno,  entonces  ; y ante  todas  cosas 
les  hacian  estos  bestiales  espectaculos ; y en  todo  el  tiempo  de  ayuno 
estaba  en  cura,  para  que  el  dia  de  la  mayor  ceremonia  fuese  sano  de 
las  heridas,  que  pudiesen  ponerle  las  orejeras  y bezotes  sin  ningun  detri- 
mento  ni  dolor;  yen  todo  este  tiempo  no  se  lavaban,  antes  estaban 
todo  tiznados  y embiajados  de  negro,  y con  muestras  de  gran  humildad 
para  conseguir  y alcanzar  tan  gran  merced  y premio,  velando  las  armas 


APPENDIX. 


[ Part  11. 


) 


448 


todo  el  tiempo  del  ayuno  segun  sus  ordenanzas,  constitutiones,  y uso, 
y costumbres  entre  ellos  tan  celebrados.  Tambien  usaban  tener  las 
puertas  donde  estaban  ayunando  cerradas  con  ramos  de  laurel,  cuyo 
irbol  entre  los  naturales  era  muy  estimado. 


No.  X.  — See  Vol.  IT.,  p.  123. 

EXTRACT  FROM  OVIEDO’S  “HISTORIA  DE  LAS  INDIAS,”  MS.,  LIB.  XXXIII., 
CAP.  XL VI. 

[This  Chapter,  which  has  furnished  me  with  many  partic- 
ulars for  the  narrative,  contains  a minute  account  of  Monte- 
zuma’s household  and  way  of  life,  gathered  by  the  writer, 
as  he  tells  us,  from  the  testimony  of  different  individuals  of 
credit,  who  had  the  best  means  of  information.  It  affords 
a good  specimen  of  tbe  historian’s  manner,  and  may  have 
interest  to  the  Castilian  scholar,  since  the  original  has  never 
been  published  ; and,  to  judge  from  appearances,  is  not 
likely  to  be  so.] 


Quando  este  gran  Principe  Montezuma  comia,  estaba  en  una  gran 
sala  encalada  e mui  pintada  de  pinturas  diversas ; alii  tenia  enanos  e 
chocarreros  que  le  decian  gracias  e donaires,  e otros  que  jugaban  con 
vn  palo  puesto  sobre  los  pies  grande,  e le  traian  e meneaban  con  tanta 
facilidad  e ligereza,  que  parecia  cosa  imposible  ; e otros  hacian  otros 
juegos  e cosas  de  mucho  para  se  admirar  los  hombres.  A la  puerta  de 
la  sala  estaba  vn  patio  mui  grande,  en  que  habia  cien  aposentos  de  25  6 
30  pies  de  largo,  cada  uno  sobre  si,  en  torno  de  dicho  patio,  e alii 
estaban  los  Sefiores  principales  aposentados  como  guardas  del  palacio 
ordinarias,  y estos  tales  aposentos  se  llaman  galpones,  los  quales  a la 
contina  ocupan  mas  de  600  hombres,  que  jamas  se  quitaban  de  alii,  6 
cada  vno  de  aquellos  tenian  mas  de  30  servidores,  de  manera  que  a lo 
menos  nunca  faltaban  3000  hombres  de  guerra  en  esta  guarda  cotediana 
del  palacio.  Quando  qucria  comer  aquel  principe  grande,  daban  le 
agua  a manos  sus  Mugeres,  e salian  alii  hasta  20  dellas  las  mas  queri- 
das  e mas  hermosas  e estaban  en  pie  en  tanto  que  el  comia  ; E traiale 
vn  Mayordomo  6 Maestre-sala  3000  platos  6 mas  de  diversos  manjares 
de  gallinas,  codornices,  palomas,  tortolas,  e otras  aves,  e algunos  platos 


No.  X.] 


ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS. 


449 


7e  muchachos  tiernos  guisados  a su  modo,  e todo  mui  lleno  de  axi,  e 
el  comia  de  lo  que  las  mugeres  le  trahian  6 queria.  Despues  que 
habia  acabado  de  comer  se  tornaba  a labar  las  manos,  e las  Mugeres  se 
iban  k su  aposento  dellas,  donde  eran  mui  bien  servidas ; E luego  ante 
el  serior  allegabanse  a sus  burlas  e gracias  aquellos  chocarreros  e 
donosos,  e mandaba  les  dar  de  comer  sentados  a vn  cabo  de  la  sala  ; e 
todo  lo  restante  de  la  comida  mandaba  dar  a la  otra  gente  que  se  ha 
dicho  que  estaban  en  aquel  gran  patio  ; y luego  venian  3000  Xicalos  i 
cantaros  6 anforas  de  brevage,  e despues  que  el  senor  habia  comido  6 
bebido,  e labadose  las  manos,  ibanse  las  Mugeres,  e acabadas  de  salir 
de  la  sala,  entraban  los  negociantes  de  muchas  partes,  asi  de  la  misma 
cibdad  como  de  sus  sefiorios  ; e los  que  le  habian  de  hablar  incabanse 
de  rodillas  quatro  varas  de  medir  6 mas,  apartados  del  e descalzos,  e 
sin  manta  de  algodon  que  algo  valiese  ; e sin  mirarle  k la  cara  decian 
su  razonamiento  ; e el  proveia  lo  que  le  parecia  ; e aquellos  se  levan- 
taban  e tornaban  atras  retraiendose  sin  volver  las  espaldas  vn  buen  tiro 
de  piedra,  como  lo  acostumbraban  hacer  los  Moros  de  Granada  delante 
de  sus  sefiores  e principes.  Alii  habia  muchos  jugadores  de  diversos 
juegos,  en  especial  con  vnos  fesoles  a manera  de  habas,  e apuntadas 
como  dados,  que  es  cosa  de  ver  ; e juegan  cuanto  tienen  los  que  son 
Tahures  entrellos.  Ivan  los  Espafioles  a ver  a Montezuma,  e manda- 
bales  dar  duchos,  que  son  vnos  banquillos  6 escabelos,  en  que  se  senta- 
sen,  mui  lindamente  labrados,  e de  gentil  madera,  e decianles  que 
querian,  que  lo  pidiesen  e darselo  han.  Su  persona  era  de  pocas 
carnes,  pero  de  buena  gracia  e afabil,  e tenia  cinco  6 seis  pelos  en  la 
barba  tan  luengos  como  un  geme.  Si  le  parecia  buena  alguna  ropa 
que  el  Espafiol  tubiese,  pediasela,  e si  se  la  dada  liberalmente  sin  le 
pedir  nada  por  ella,  luego  se  la  cobria  e la  miraba  mui  particularmente, 
6 con  placer  la  loaba ; mas  si  le  pedian  precio  por  ella  hacialo  dar 
luego,  e tornaba  la  ropa  e tornabasela  a dar  a los  christianos  sin  se  la 
cobrir,  d como  descontento  de  la  mala  crianza  del  que  pedia  el  precio, 
decia  : Para  mi  no  ha  de  haber  precio  alguno,  porque  yo  soy  senor,  d 
no  me  han  de  pedir  nada  deso  ; que  yo  lo  dard  sin  que  me  den  alguna 
cosa  ; que  es  mui  gran  afrenta  poner  precio  de  ninguna  cosa  k los  que 
son  sefiores,  ni  ser  ellos  Mercaderes.  Con  esto  concuerdan  las  pala- 
bras  que  de  Scipion  Africano,  que  de  si  decian  aquella  contienda  de 
prestancia,  que  escrive  Luciano,  entre  los  tres  capitanes  mas  excelentes 
de  los  antiguos,  que  son  Alexandra  Magno,  e Anibal,  6 Scipion  : Dcsde 
que  nasci,  ni  vendi  ni  eompre  cosa  ninguna.  Asi  que  decia  Montezuma 
quando  asi  le  pedian  prescio : Otro  dia  no  te  pedire  cosa  alguna,  por- 
que me  has  hecho  mercader  ; vete  con  Dios  a tu  casa,  e lo  que  obieses 
VOL.  III.  57 


450 


APPENDIX. 


[Part  II. 


menester  pidelo,  6 darsete  ha : E no  tornes  aca,  que  no  soy  amigo  desos 
tratos,  ni  de  los  que  en  ellos  entienden,  para  mas  de  dexarselos  vsar  con 
otros  hombres  en  mi  Sefiono.  Tenia  Montezuma  mas  de  3000  senores 
que  le  eran  subgetos,  e aquellos  tenian  muchos  vasallos  cada  uno 
dellos  ; E cada  qual  tenia  casa  principal  en  Temixtitan,  e habia  de 
residir  en  ella  ciertos  meses  del  aiio ; E quando  se  habian  de  ir  a su 
tierra  con  licencia  de  Montezuma,  habia  de  quedar  en  la  casa  su  hijo  6 
hermano  hasta  quel  senor  della  tornase.  Esto  hacia  Montezuma  por 
tener  su  tierra  segura,  e que  ninguno  se  le  alzase  sin  ser  sentido.  Te- 
nia vna  seria,  que  trahian  sus  Almoxarifes  e Mensageros  quando  re- 
cogian  los  tributos,  e el  que  erraba  lo  mataban  a el  e a quantos  del 
venian.  Dabanle  sus  vasallos  en  tributo  ordinario  de  tres  hijos  uno,  e 
£1  que  no  tenia  hijos  habia  de  dar  vn  Indio  6 India  para  sacrificar  a sus 
Dioses,  e sino  lo  daban,  habian  de  sacrificarle  a £1  : Dabanle  tres  hane- 
gas  de  mahiz  vna,  e de  todo  lo  que  grangeaban,  6 comian,  6 bebian  ; En 
fin,  de  todo  se  le  daba  el  tercio  ; E el  que  desto  faltaba  pagaba  con  la 
cabeza.  En  cada  pueblo  tenian  Mayordomo  con  sus  libros  del  numero 
de  la  gente  e de  todo  lo  demas  asentado  por  tales  figuras  e caracteres 
quellos  se  entendian  sin  discrepancia,  como  entre  nosotros  con  nuestras 
letras  se  entenderia  vna  cuenta  mui  bien  ordenada.  E aquellos  partic- 
ulares  Mayordomos  daban  quenta  a aquellos  que  residian  en  Temixtitan, 
e tenian  sus  alholies  e magazenes  e depositos  donde  se  recogian  los  tri- 
butos, 6 oficiales  para  ello,  e ponian  en  carceles  los  que  a su  tiempo  no 
pagaban,  e dabanles  termino  para  la  paga,  e aquel  pasado  e no  pagado, 
justiciaban  al  tal  deudor,  6 le  hacian  esclavo. 

Dexemos  esta  materia,  e volvamos  a este  gran  Principe  Montezuma, 
el  qual  en  vna  gran  sala  de  150  pies  de  largo,  6 de  50  de  ancho,  de 
grandes  vigas  e postes  de  madera  que  lo  sostenian,  encima  de  la  qua], 
era  todo  vn  terrado  e azutea,  e tenia  dentro  desta  sala  muchos  generos 
de  aves,  e de  animates.  Havia  50  aguilas  caudales  en  jaolas,  tigres, 
lobos,  culebras,  tan  gruesas  como  la  pierna,  de  mucho  espanto,  e en 
sus  jaolas  asi  mismo,  e alii  se  les  llevaba  la  sangre  de  los  hombres 
e mugeres  6 ninos  que  sacrificaban,  e cebaban  con  ella  aquellas  be- 
stias ; e habia  vn  suelo  hecho  de  la  mesma  sangre  humana  en  toda  la 
dicha  sala,  6 si  se  metia  vn  palo  6 vara  temblaba  el  suelo.  En  en- 
trando  por  la  sala,  el  hedor  era  mucho  e aborrecible  e asqueroso  ; las 
culebras  daban  grandes  e horribles  silvos,  e los  gemidos  e tonos  de  los 
otros  animales  alii  presos  era  una  melodia  infernal,  e para  poner  es- 
panto ; tenian  500  gallinas  de  racion  cada  dia  para  la  sustentacion 
desos  animales.  En  medio  de  aquella  sala  habia  vna  capilla  a manera 


( 


No.  X.]  ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS.  451 

de  vn  horno  grande,  e por  encima  chapada  de  las  minas  de  oro  e plata 
e piedras  de  muchas  maneras,  como  agatas  e cornesinas,  nides,  topa- 
cios,  planas  desmeraldas,  e de  otras  suertes,  muchas  e mui  bien  engas- 
tadas.  Alii  entraba  Montezuma  e se  retrahia  a hablar  con  el  Diablo,  al 
qual  nombraban  Atezcatepoca,  que  aquella  gente  tienen  por  Dios  de 
la  guerra,  y el  les  daba  a entender,  que  era  Senor  y criador  de  todo, 
y que  en  su  mano  era  el  veneer ; e los  Indios  en  sus  arreitos  y can- 
tares  e hablas  le  dan  gracias  y lo  invocan  en  sus  necesidades.  En 
aquel  patio  e sala  habia  continuamente  5000  hombres  pintados  de  cierto 
betun  6 tinta,  los  quales  no  llegan  a mugeres  e son  castos ; llamanlos 
papas,  e aquestos  son  religiosos. 

Tenia  Montezuma  vna  casa  mui  grande  en  que  estaban  sus  Mugeres, 
que  eran  mas  de  4000  hijas  de  seiiores,  que  se  las  daban  para  ser  sus 
Mugeres,  e el  lo  mandaba  hacer  asi;  e las  tenia  mui  guardadas  y 
servidas  ; y algunas  veces  el  daba  algunas  dellas  a quien  queria  favo- 
recer  y honrar  de  sus  principales : Elios  las  recibian  como  vn  don 
grandisimo.  Habia  en  su  casa  muchos  jardines  e 100  vafios,  6 mas, 
como  los  que  vsan  los  Moros,  que  siempre  estaban  calientes,  en  que  se 
baiiaban  aquellas  sus  Mugeres,  las  quales  tenian  sus  guardas,  e otras 
mugeres  como  Prioras  que  las  governaban  : £ a estas  mayores,  que 
eran  ancianas,  acataban  como  a Madres,  y ellas  las  trataban  como  a 
hijas.  Tuvo  su  padre  de  Montezuma  150  hijos  e hijas,  de  los  quales 
los  mas  mato  Montezuma,  y las  hermanas  caso  muchas  dellas  con 
quien  le  parecio  ; y el  tubo  50  hijos  y hijas,  6 mas  ; y acaecio  algunas 
veces  tener  50  mugeres  prenadas,  y las  mas  dellas  mataban  las  cria- 
turas  en  el  cuerpo,  porque  asi  dicen  que  se  lo  mandaba  el  Diablo,  que 
hablaba  con  ellas  y deciales  que  se  sacrificasen  ellas  las  orejas  y las 
lenguas  y sus  naturas,  e se  sacasen  mucha  sangre  e se  la  ofreciesen, 
e asi  lo  hacian  en  efeto.  Parecia  la  casa  de  Montezuma  vna  cibdad 
mui  poblada.  Tenia  sus  porteros  en  cada  puerta.  Tenia  20  puertas 
de  servicio ; entraban  muchas  calles  de  agua  a ellas,  por  las  quales 
entraban  e salian  las  canoas  con  mahiz,  e otros  bastimentos,  e leiia. 
Entraba  en  esta  casa  vn  cano  de  agua  dulce,  que  venia  de  dos  leguas 
de  alii,  por  encima  de  vna  calzada  de  piedra,  que  venia  de  vna  fuente, 
que  se  dice  chapictepeque,  que  nace  en  vn  peilon,  que  esta  en  la  La- 
guna salada,  de  mui  excelente  agua. 


452 


APPENDIX. 


[Part  II. 


No.  XI.  — See  Vol.  II.,  p.  285,  et  alibi. 

DIALOGUE  OF  OVIEDO  WITH  DON  THOAN  CANO,  AP.  “HISTORIA  DE  LAS 
INDIAS,”  MS.,  LIB.  XXXIII.,  CAP.  LIV. 

[The  most  remarkable,  in  some  respects,  of  Oviedo’s 
compositions  is  his  Quincuagenas , a collection  of  imagin- 
ary dialogues  with  the  most  eminent  persons  of  his  time,  fre- 
quently founded,  no  doubt,  on  the  personal  communications 
which  he  had  held  with  them.  In  his  <£  History  of  the  In- 
dies ” he  has  also  introduced  a dialogue  which  he  tells  us 
he  actually  had  with  Don  Thoan  Cano,  a Castilian  hidalgo, 
who  married  Guatemozin’s  widow,  the  lovely  daughter  of 
Montezuma.  He  came  into  the  country  originally  with 
Narvaez  ; and,  as  he  was  a man  of  intelligence,  according  to 
Oviedo,  and  his  peculiar  position  both  before  and  after  the 
Conquest  opened  to  him  the  best  sources  of  information,  his 
testimony  is  of  the  highest  value.  As  such  I have  made 
frequent  use  of  it  in  the  preceding  pages,  and  I now  trans- 
cribe it  entire,  in  the  original,  as  an  important  document  for 
the  history  of  the  Conquest.] 


DlALOGO  DEL  AlcAYDE  DE  LA  FORTALEZA  DE  LA  CIBDAD  E PUERTO 

de  Santo  Domingo  de  le  Isi.a  Espanola,  Autor  y Chronista 

DESTAS  HISTORIAS,  DE  LA  VN A PARTE,  E DE  LA  OTRA,  YN  CABALLERO 

VECINO  DE  LA  GRAND  CIBDAD  DE  MEXICO,  LLAMADO  THOAN  CaNO. 

Alc.  Seiior,  ayer  supe  que  Vm.  vive  en  la  grand  cibdad  de  Mexico, 
y que  os  llamais  Thoan  Cano  ; y porque  yo  tube  amistad  con  vn  Cabal- 
lero llamado  Diego  Cano,  que  fa6  criado  del  serenissimo  Principe  Don 
Thoan,  mi  sefior,  de  gloriosa  memoria,  deseo  saber  si  es  vivo,  e donde 
sois  sefior  natural,  e como  quedastes  avecindado  en  estas  partes,  e res- 
cibire  merced,  que  no  rescibais  pesadumbre  de  mis  preguntas ; porque 
tengo  necesidad  de  saber  algunas  cosas  de  la  Nueva  Espana,  y es  ra- 
zon,  que  para  mi  satisfaccion  yo  procure  entender  lo  que  deseo  de  tales 
personas  e habito  que  merezcan  credito  ; y ansi,  Sefior,  recibire  mucha 
merced  de  la  vuestra  en  lo  que  digo. 


No.  XI.] 


ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS. 


453 


Thoan  Cano.  Sefior  Alcayde,  yo  soy  41  que  gano  mucho  en  cono- 
ceros ; y tiempo  ha  que  deseaba  ver  vuestra  persona,  porque  os  soi 
aficionado,  y querria  que  mui  de  veras  me  tubiesedes  por  tan  amigo  4 
servidor  como  yo  os  lo  ser4.  E satisfaciendo  a lo  que  Vm.  quiere 
saber  de  mi,  digo,  que  Diego  Cano,  Escribano  de  Camara  del  Principe 
Don  Thoan,  y camarero  de  la  Tapiceria  de  su  Alteza,  fue  mi  tio,  4 ha 
poco  tiempo  que  murio  en  la  cibdad  de  Caceres,  donde  vivia  4 yo  soy 
natural:  Y quanto  a lo  demas,  yo.  Sefior,  pase  desde  la  Isla  de  Cuba  a 
la  Nueva  Espafia  con  el  capitan  Pamphilo  de  Narvaez,  4 aunque  mozo 
4 de  poca  edad,  yo  me  hall4  cerca  del  quando  fue  preso  por  Hernando 
Cortds  4 sus  mafias ; 4 en  ese  trance  le  quebrfiron  vn  ojo,  peleando  el 
como  mui  valiente  hombre  ; pero  como  no  le  acudio  su  gente,  4 con  el 
se  hallaron  mui  pocos,  quedo  preso  4 herido,  4 se  hizo  Cortes  sefior  del 
campo,  4 truxo  a su  devocion  la  gente  que  con  Pamphilo  habia  ido,  4 
en  rencuentros  4 en  batallas  de  manos  en  Mexico  ; y todo  lo  que  ha 
sucedido  despues  yo  me  he  hallado  en  ello.  Mandais  que  diga  como 
quede  avecindado  en  estas  partes,  y que  no  reciba  pesadumbre  de  vues- 
tras  preguntas ; satisfaciendo  a mi  asiento,  digo,  Sefior,  que  yo  me  cas4 
con  una  Sefiora  hija  legitima  de  Montezuma,  llamada  dofia  Isabel,  tal 
persona,  que  aunque  se  hobiera  criado  en  nuestra  Espafia,  no  estobiera 
mas  ensefiada  4 bien  dotrinada  4 Catolica,  4 de  tal  conversacion  4 arte, 
que  os  satisfaria  su  manera  4 buena  gracia  ; y no  es  poco  util  4 prove- 
chosa  al  sosiego  4 contentamientos  de  los  naturales  de  la  tierra  ; porque, 
como  es  Sefiora  en  todas  sus  cosas  4 amiga  de  los  christianos,  por  su 
respecto  4 exemplo  mas  quietud  4 reposo  se  imprime  en  los  animos  de 
los  Mexicanos.  En  lo  demas  que  se  me  preguntare,  4 de  que  yo  tenga 
memoria,  yo,  Sefior,  dire  lo  que  supiere  conforme  a la  verdad. 

Alc.  Io  acepto  la  merced  que  en  eso  recibire ; y quiero  comenzar 
a decir  lo  que  me  ocurre,  porque  me  acuerdo,  que  fui  informado  que 
su  padre  de  Montezuma  tubo  150  hijos  e hijas,  6 mas,  e que  le  acaccio 
tener  50  mugeres  prefiadas ; E ansi  escrebi  esto,  4 otras  cosas  a cste 
proposito  en  el  capitulo  46  ; lo  qual  si  asi  fue,  queria  saber,  jcomo  podeis 
vos  tener  por  legitima  hija  de  Montezuma  a la  Sra  Dofia  Isabel  vuestra 
Muger,  4 que  forma  tenia  vuestro  suegro  para  que  se  conociesen  los 
hijos  bastardos  entre  los  legitimos  6 espurios,  4 quales  eran  mugeres 
legitimas  e concubinas? 

Ca.  Fu4  costumbre  vsada  y guardada  entre  los  Mexicanos,  que 
las  mugeres  legitimas  que  tomaban,  era  de  la  manera  que  agora  se  di- 
rfi.  Concertados  el  hombre  e muger  que  habian  de  contraer  matrimo- 
nio,  para  le  efectuar  se  juntaban  los  parientes  de  ambas  partes  e ha- 
cian  vn  areito  despues  que  habian  comido  6 cenado  ; 4 al  tiempo  que 


454 


APPENDIX. 


[Part  II. 


t 

los  Novios  se  habian  de  acostar  e dormir  en  vno,  tomaban  la  halda  de- 
lantera  de  la  camisa  de  la  Novia  e atabanla  a la  manta  de  algodon  que 
tenia  cubierto  el  Novio.  E asi  ligados  tomabanlos  de  las  manos  los 
principales  parientes  de  ambos,  e metian  los  en  una  camara,  donde  los 
dejaban  solos  e oscuros  por  tres  dias  contiguos  sin  que  de  alii  saliesen 
61  ni  ella,  ni  alia  entraba  mas  de  vna  India  a los  proveer  de  comer  e 
lo  que  habian  menester ; en  el  qual  tiempo  deste  encerramiento  siempre 
habia  bailes  6 areitos,  que  ellos  llaman  mitote ; e en  fin  de  los  tres  dias 
no  hai  mas  fiesta.  E los  que  sin  esta  cerimonia  se  casan  no  son  habi- 
dos  por  matrimonios,  ni  los  hijos  que  proceden  por  legitimos,  ni  here- 
dan.  Ansi  como  murid  Montezuma,  quedaronle  solamente  por  hijos 
legitimos  mi  Muger  e vn  hermano  suio,  e muchachos  ambos ; k causa 
de  lo  qual  fue  elegido  por  Seiior  vn  hermano  de  Montezuma,  que  se 
decia  Cuitcavaci,  Sefior  de  Iztapalapa,  el  qual  vivio  despues  de  su 
eleccion  solos  60  dias,  y murio  de  viruelas  ; a causa  de  lo  qual  vn  so- 
brino  de  Montezuma,  que  era  Papa  6 sacerdote  maior  entre  los  Indios, 
que  se  llamaba  Guatimuci,  mato  al  primo  hijo  legitimo  de  Montezuma, 
que  se  decia  Asupacaci,  hermano  de  padre  e madre  de  dofia  Isabel,  e 
hizose  sefior,  e fue  mui  valeroso.  Este  fue  el  que  perdio  a Mexico,  e fue 
preso,  6 despues  injustamente  muerto  con  otros  principales  Sefiores  e 
Indios  ; pues  como  Cortes  d los  christianos  fueron  ensefioreados  de 
Mexico,  ningun  hijo  quedo  legitimo  sino  bastardos  de  Montezuma, 
ecepto  mi  Muger,  que  quedaba  viuda,  porque  Guatimuci  sefior  de 
Mexico,  su  primo,  por  fixar  mejor  su  estado,  siendo  ella  mui  muchacha, 
la  tubo  por  muger  con  la  cerimonia  ya  dicha  del  atar  la  camisa  con  la 
manta  ; e no  obieron  hijos,  ni  tiempo  para  procreallos  ; 6 ella  se  convir- 
tio  a nuestra  santa  fee  catolica,  e casose  con  vn  hombre  de  bien  de  los 
conquistadores  primeros,  que  se  llamaba  Pedro  Gallego,  e ovo  vn  hijo 
en  ella,  que  se  llama  Thoan  Gallego  Montezuma ; e murid  el  dicho 
Pedro  Gallego,  e yo  case  con  la  dicha  dofia  Isabel,  en  la  qual  me  ha 
dado  Dios  tres  hijos  e dos  hijas,  que  se  llaman  Pedro  Cano,  Gonzalo 
Cano  de  Saavedra,  Thoan  Cano,  dofia  Isabel,  e dofia  Catalina. 

Alc.  Sefior  Thoan  Cano,  suplicoos  que  me  digais  porque  mato 
Hernando  Cortes  a Guatimuci : jrevelose  despues,  o que  hizo  para  que 
muriese  ? 

Ca.  Habeis  de  saber,  que  asi  a Guatimuci,  como  al  Rey  de  Tacu- 
ba,  que  se  decia  Tetepanquezal,  e al  Sefior  de  Tezcuco,  el  capitan  Her- 
nando Cortes  les  hizo  dar  muchos  tormentos  e crudos,  quemandoles  los 
pies,  6 untandoles  las  plantas  con  aceite,  e poniendoselas  cerca  de  las 
brasas,  e en  otras  diversas  maneras,  porque  les  diesen  sus  tesoros ; 6 
teniendolos  en  contiguas  fatigas,  supo  como  el  capitan  Cristoval  de 


No.  XI/] 


ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS. 


455 


Olit  se  le  habia  alzado  en  puerto  de  Caballos  e Honduras,  la  qual  provin- 
cia  los  Indios  llaman  Guaimuras,  e determino  de  ir  a buscar  e castigar 
el  dicho  Christoval  de  Olit,  e partio  de  Mexico  por  tierra  con  mucha 
gente  de  Espafioles,  e de  los  naturales  de  la  tierra  ; e llevose  consigo 
aquellos  tres  principales  ya  dichos,  y despues  los  ahorco  en  el  camino  ; 
e ansi  enviudo  dofia  Isabel,  e despues  ella  se  caso  de  la  manera  que  he 
dicho  con  Pedro  Gallego,  e despues  conmigo. 

Alc.  Pues  en  cierta  informacion,  que  se  envio  al  Emperador  Nues- 
tro  Sefior,  dice  Hernando  Cortes,  que  habia  sucedido  Guatimuci  en  el 
Senorio  de  Mexico  tras  Montezuma,  porque  en  las  puentes  murio  el 
hijo  e heredero  de  Montezuma,  e que  otros  dos  hijos  que  quedaron 
vivos,  el  vno  era  loco  6 mentecapto,  e el  otro  paralitico,  e inaviles  por 
sus  enfermedades  : 6 yo  lo  he  escripto  asi  en  el  capitulo  16,  pensando 
quello  seria  asi. 

Can.  Pues  escriba  Vm.  lo  que  mandare,  y el  Marques  Hernando 
Cortes  lo  que  quisiere,  que  yo  digo  en  Dios  y en  mi  conciencia  la 
verdad,  y esto  es  mui  notorio. 

Alc.  Sefior  Thoan  Cano,  digame  Vm.  jde  que  procedio  el  alzami- 
ento  de  los  Indios  de  Mexico  en  tanto  que  Hernando  Cortes  salio  de 
aquella  cibdad  e fue  a buscar  a Pamphilo  de  Narvaez,  e dexo  preso  a 
Montezuma  en  poder  de  Pedro  de  Alvarado  1 Porque  he  oido  sobre 
esto  muchas  cosas,  h mui  diferentes  las  vnas  de  las  otras  ; d yo  querria 
escrebir  verdad,  asi  Dios  salve  mi  anima. 

Can.  Sefior  Alcayde,  eso  que  preguntais  es  vn  paso  en  que  pocos 
de  los  que  hai  en  la  tierra  sabran  dar  razon,  aunque  ello  fue  mui  noto- 
rio, e mui  manifiesta  la  sinrazon  que  a los  Indios  se  les  hizo,  y de  alii 
tomaron  tanto  odio  con  los  Christianos  que  no  fiaron  mas  dellos,  y se 
siguieron  quantos  males  ovo  despues,  e la  rebelion  de  Mexico,  y piensc 
desta  manera  : Esos  Mexicanos  tenian  entre  las  otras  sus  idolatrias 
ciertas  fiestas  del  afio  en  que  se  juntaban  a sus  ritos  e cerimonias ; y 
llegado  el  tiempo  de  vna  de  aquellas,  estaba  Alvarado  en  guarda  de 
Montezuma,  e Cortes  era  ido  donde  habeis  dicho,  e muchos  Indios 
principales  juntaronse  e pidieron  licencia  al  capitan  Alvarado,  para  ir 
a celebrar  sus  fiestas  en  los  patios  de  sus  mezquitas  6 qq.  maiores  junto 
al  aposento  de  los  espafioles,  porque  no  pensasen  que  aquel  aiuntamiento 
se  hacia  a otro  fin  ; E el  dicho  Capitan  les  dio  la  licencia.  Itl  asi  los 
Indios,  todos  Sefiores,  mas  de  600,  desnudos,  e con  muchas  joyas  de 
oro,  e hermosos  penachos,  e muchas  piedras  preciosas,  e como  mas 
aderezados  e gentiles  hombres  se  pudieron  e supieron  aderezar,  e sin 
arma  alguna  defensiva  ni  ofensiva,  bailaban  e cantaban  e hacian  su  areito 
e fiesta  segund  su  costumbre  ; e al  mejor  tiempo  que  ellos  estaban  em- 


456 


APPENDIX. 


[Part  II. 


bebecidos  en  su  regocijo,  movido  de  cobdicia  el  Alvarado  hizo  poner  en 
cinco  puertas  del  patio  cada  15  hombres,  e en  el  entro  con  la  gente  res- 
tante  de  los  Espaiioles,  e comenzaron  a acuchillar  e matar  los  Indios  sin 
perdonar  k vno  ni  a ninguno,  hasta  que  a todos  los  acabaron  en  poco 
espacio  de  hora.  I esta  fue  la  causa  porque  los  de  Mexico,  viendo 
muertos  6 robados  aquellos  sobre  seguro,  e sin  haber  merecido  que  tal 
crueldad  en  ellos  hobiese  fecho,  se  alzaron  e hicieron  la  guerra  al  dicho 
Alvarado,  e a los  ehristianos  que  con  el  estaban  en  guarda  de  Monte- 
zuma, e con  mucha  razon  que  tenian  para  ello. 

Alc.  [Montezuma,  como  muriol  porque  diversamente  lo  he  enten- 
dido,  y ansi  lo  he  yo  escripto  diferenciadamente. 

Can.  Montezuma  murid  de  vna  pedrada  que  los  de  fuera  tiraron,  lo 
qual  no  se  hiciera,  si  delante  del  no  se  pusiera  vn  rodelero,  porque 
como  le  vieran  ninguno  tirara  ; y ansi  por  le  cubrir  con  la  rodela,  e no 
creer  que  alii  estaba  Montezuma,  le  dieron  vna  pedrada  de  que  murid. 
Pero  quiero  que  sepais,  Sefior  Alcayde,  que  desde  la  primera  revelion 
de  los  Indios  hasta  que  el  Marques  volvio  a la  cibdad  despues  de  preso 
Narvaez,  non  obstante  la  pelea  ordinaria  que  con  los  ehristianos  tenian, 
siempre  Montezuma  les  hacia  dar  de  comer ; e despues  que  el  Marques 
torno  se  le  hizo  grand  recebimiento,  e le  dieron  a todos  los  Espaiioles 
mucha  comida.  Mas  habeis  de  saber,  que  el  capitan  Alvarado,  como 
le  acusaba  la  conciencia,  e no  arrepentido  de  su  culpa,  mas  queriendole 
dar  color,  e por  aplacar  el  animo  de  Montezuma,  dixo  a Hernando 
Cortes,  que  fingiese  que  le  queria  prender  d castigar,  porque  Montezuma 
le  rogase  por  el,  e que  se  fuesen  muertos  por  muertos ; lo  qual  Her- 
nando Cortes  no  quiso  hacer,  antes  mui  enojado  dixo,  que  eran  vnos 
perros,  e que  no  habia  necesidad  de  aquel  cumplimiento  ; e envio  k 
vn  principal  a que  hiciesen  el  Franquez  6 Mercado;  el  qual  principal 
enojado  de  ver  la  ira  de  Cortes  y la  poca  estimaeion  que  hacia  de  los 
Indios  vivos,  y lo  poco  que  se  le  daba  de  los  muertos,  desdeiiado  el 
principal  e determinado  en  la  venganza  fue  el  primero  que  renovo  la 
guerra  contra  los  Espaiioles  dentro  de  vna  hora. 

Alc.  Siempre  oi  decir  que  es  buena  la  templanza,  e sancta  la 
piedad,  e abominable  la  soberbia.  Dicen  que  fue  grandisimo  el  tesoro 
que  Hernando  Cortes  repartio  entre  sus  milites  todos,  quando  determino 
de  dexar  la  cibdad  e irse  fuera  della  por  consejo  de  vn  Botello,  que  se 
preciaba  de  pronosticar  lo  que  estaba  por  venir. 

Can.  Bien  se  quien  era  ese,  y en  verdad  que  el  fue  de  parecer  que 
Cortes  y los  Christianos  se  saliesen  ; y al  tiempo  del  efectuarlo  no  lo 
hizo  saber  a todos,  antes  no  lo  supieron,  sino  los  que  con  el  se  hallaron 
a esa  platica ; e los  demas  que  estaban  en  sus  aposentos  e quartele 


No.  XI.] 


ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS. 


457 


se  quedaron,  que  eran  270  hombres  ; los  quales  se  defendieron  ciertos 
dias  peleando  hasta  que  de  hambre  se  dieron  a los  Indios,  e guar- 
daronles  la  palabra  de  la  manera  que  Alvarado  la  guardo  a los  que  es 
dicbo  ; e as!  los  270  Christianos,  e los  que  dellos  no  habian  sido 
muertos  peleando  todos,  quando  se  rindieron,  fueron  cruelmente  sacrifi- 
cados  : pero  habeis,  Senor,  de  saber,  que  desa  liberalidad  que  Hernando 
Cortes  vso,  como  decis,  entre  sus  milites,  los  que  mas  parte  alcanzaron 
della,  e mas  se  cargaron  de  oro  e joyas,  mas  presto  los  mataron  ; porque 
por  salvar  el  albarda  murid  el  Asno  que  mas  pesado  la  tomo  ; e los  que 
no  la  quisieron,  sino  sus  espaldas  e armas,  pasaron  con  menos  ocupacion, 
haciendose  el  camino  con  el  espada. 

Alc.  Grand  lastima  fud  perderse  tanto  Thesoro  y 154  Espanoles, 
e 45  yeguas,  e mas  de  2000  Indios,  e entrellos  al  Hijo  e Hijas  de 
Montezuma,  e a todos  los  otros  Senores  que  trahian  presos.  Io  asi  lo 
tengo  escripto  en  el  capitulo  14  de  esta  Historia. 

Can.  Senor  Alcayde,  en  verdad  quien  tal  os  dixo,  6 no  lo  vido,  ni 
supo  o quiso  callar  la  verdad.  Io  os  certifico,  que  fueron  los  Espaiioles 
muertos  en  eso,  con  los  que  como  dixe  de  suso  que  quedaron  en  la 
cibdad  y en  los  que  se  perdieron  en  el  camino  siguiendo  a Cortes,  y 
continuandose  nuestra  fuga,  mas  de  1170  ; e asi  parecio  por  alarde  ; e 
de  los  Indios  nuestros  amigos  de  Tascaltecle,  que  decis  2000,  sin 
dubda  fueron  mas  de  8000. 

Alc.  Maravillome  como  despues  que  Cortes  se  acogio,  e los  que 
escaparon  k la  tierra  de  Tascaltecle,  como  no  acabaron  a el  e a los 
christianos  dexando  alia  muertos  a los  amigos  ; y aun  asi  diz,  que 
no  les  daban  de  comer  sino  por  rescate  los  de  Guaulip,  que  es  ya 
termino  de  Tascaltecle,  e el  rescate  no  le  querian  sino  era  oro. 

Can.  Tenedlo,  Senor,  por  falso  todo  eso  ; porque  en  casa  de  sus 
Padres  no  pudieron  hallar  mas  buen  acogimiento  los  Christianos,  e 
todo  quanto  quisieron,  e aun  sin  pedirlo,  se  les  did  gracioso  e de  mui 
buena  voluntad. 

Alc.  Para  mucho  ha  sido  el  Marques  e digno  es  de  quanto  tiene, 
e de  mucho  mas.  E tengo  lastima  de  ver  lisiado  vn  cavallero  tan  val- 
eroso  e manco  de  dos  dedos  de  la  mano  izquierda,  como  lo  escrebi  e 
saque  de  su  relacion,  e puse  en  el  capitulo  15.  Pero  las  cosas  de  la 
guerra  ansi  son,  e los  honores,  e la  palma  de  la  victoria  no  se  adquie 
ren  durmiendo. 

Can.  Sin  dubda,  Senor,  Cortes  ha  sido  venturoso  e sagaz  capitan, 
d los  principales  suelen  hacer  mercedes  a quien  los  sirve,  y es  bien  las 
hagan  a todos  los  que  en  su  servicio  real  trabajan  ; pero  algunos  he 
visto  yo  que  trabajan  e sirven  e nunca  medran,  e otros  que  no  hacen 

VOL.  III.  58 


458 


APPENDIX. 


[Part  II. 


tanto  como  aquellos  son  gratificados  e aprovechados  ; pero  ansi  fnesen 
todos  remunerados  como  el  Marques  lo  ha  sido  en  lo  de  sus  dedos  de 
lo  que  le  habeis  lastima.  Tubo  Dios  poco  que  hacer  en  sanarle  ; y 
salid,  Sefior,  de  ese  cuidado,  que  asi  como  los  saco  de  Castilla,  quando 
paso  la  primera  vez  a estas  partes,  asi  se  los  tiene  agora  en  Espafia ; 
porque  nunca  fue  manco  dellos,  ni  le  faltan ; y ansi,  ni  hubo  menester 
cirujano  ni  milagro  para  guarecer  de  ese  trabajo. 

Alc.  Sefior  Thoan  Cano,  j,  es  verdad  aquella  crueldad  que  dicen  que 
el  Marques  vso  con  Chulula,  que  es  vna  Cibdad  por  donde  paso  la 
primera  vez  que  fue  a Mexico  1 

Can.  Mui  grand  verdad  es,  pero  eso  yo  no  lo  vi,  porque  aun  no 
era  yo  ido  a la  tierra  ; pero  supe  lo  despues  de  muchos  que  los  vieron 
e se  hallaron  en  esa  cruel  hazafia. 

Alc.  jComo  oistes  decir  que  paso? 

Can.  Lo  que  oi  por  cosa  mui  notoria  es,  que  en  aquella  cibdad 
pidio  Hernando  Cortes  3000  Indios  para  que  llevasen  el  fardage,  e se 
los  dieron,  e los  hizo  todos  poner  a cuchillo  sin  que  escapase  ninguno. 

Alc.  Razon  tiene  el  Emperador  Nuestro  Sefior  de  mandar  quitar 
los  Indios  a todos  los  Christianos. 

Can.  Hagase  lo  que  S.  M.  mandare  e fuese  servido,  que  eso  es  lo 
que  es  mejor  ; pero  yo  no  querria  que  padeciesen  justos  por  pecadores : 
jquien  hace  crueldades  paguelas,  mas  el  que  no  comete  delicto  porque 
le  han  de  castigar  ? Esto  es  materia  para  mas  espacio ; y yo  me 
tengo  de  envarcar  esta  noche,  e es  ya  quasi  bora  del  Ave  Maria. 
Mirad,  Sefior  Alcayde,  si  hay  en  Mdxico  en  que  pueda  yo  emplearme 
en  vuestro  servicio,  que  yo  lo  hare  con  entera  voluntad  e obra.  Y en 
lo  que  toca  & la  libertad  de  los  Indios,  sin  dubda  a vnos  se  les  habia  de 
rogar  con  ellos  a que  los  tuviesen  e governasen,  e los  industrasen  en 
las  cosas  de  nuestra  sancta  fee  Catolica,  e a otros  se  debian  quitar  : 
Pero  pues  aqui  esta  el  Obispo  de  Chiapa,  Fr.  Bartolome  de  las  Casas, 
que  ha  sido  el  movedor  e inventor  destas  mudanzas,  e va  cargado  de 
frailes  mancebos  de  su  orden,  con  el  podeis,  Sefior  Alcayde,  desenvol- 
ver  esta  materia  de  Indios.  E yo  no  me  quiero  mas  entremeter  ni 
hablar  en  ella,  aunque  sabria  decir  mi  parte. 

Alc.  Sin  duda,  Sefior  Thoan  Cano,  Vmd.  habia  como  prudente,  y 
estas  cosas  deben  ser  asi  ordenadas  de  Dios,  y es  de  pensar,  que  este 
reverendo  Obispo  de  Cibdad  Real  en  la  provineia  de  Chiapa,  como  celoso 
del  servicio  de  Dios  e de  S.  M.,  se  ha  movido  a estas  peregrinaciones 
en  que  anda,  y plega  a Dios  que  el  y sus  Frailes  acierten  a servirles  ; 
pero  el  no  esta  tan  bien  con  migo  como  pensais,  antes  se  ha  quexado 
de  mi  por  lo  que  escrebi  cerca  de  aquellos  Labradores  e nuevos  caval- 


No.  XI.] 


ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS. 


459 


leros  que  quiso  hacer,  y con  sendas  cruces,  que  querian  parecer  4 las  de 
Calatrava,  seiendo  labradores  e de  otras  mezclas  e genero  de  gente  baja, 
quando  fud  a Cubagua  e a Cumana,  e lo  dixo  al  Sefior  Obispo  de  S. 
Joan,  don  Rodrigo  de  Bastidas,  para  que  me  lo  dixese,  y ansi  me  lo  dixo  ; 
y lo  que  yo  respond!  a su  quexa  no  lo  hice  por  satisfacer  al  Obispo  de 
San  Joan,  e su  sancta  intencion  ; fue  que  le  suplique  que  le  dixese,  que 
en  verdad  yo  no  tube  cuenta  ni  respecto,  quando  aquello  escrevi,  a le 
hacer  pesar  ni  placer,  sino  a decir  lo  que  paso  ; y que  viese  vn  Libro, 
que  es  la  primera  parte  destas  Historias  de  Indias,  que  se  imprimio  el 
aflo  de  1535,  y alii  estaba  lo  que  escrebi ; e que  holgaba  porque  estaba- 
mos  en  parte  que  todo  lo  que  dixe  y lo  que  dexe  de  decir  se  provaria 
facilmente  ; y que  supiese  que  aquel  Libro  estaba  ya  en  Lengua  Tos- 
cana y Francesa  e Alemana  e Latina  e Griega  e Turca  e Araviga, 
aunqne  yo  le  escrevi  en  Castellana ; y que  pues  el  continuaba  nuevas 
empresas,  y yo  no  habia  de  cesar  de  escrcbir  las  materias  de  Indias  en 
tanto  que  S.  S.  M.  M.  desto  fuesen  servidos,  que  yo  tengo  esperanza 
en  Dios  que  le  dexara  mejor  acertar  en  lo  porvenir  que  en  lo  pasado,  y 
ansi  adelante  le  pareceria  mejor  mi  pluma.  Y como  el  Sefior  Obispo 
de  San  Joan  es  tan  noble  e le  consta  la  verdad,  y quan  sin  pasion  yo 
escribo,  el  Obispo  de  Chiapa  quedo  satisfecho,  aun  yo  no  ando  por  sat- 
isfacer a su  paladar  ni  otro,  sino  por  cumplir  con  lo  que  debo,  hablando 
con  vos,  Sefior,  lo  cierto  ; y por  tanto  quanto  a la  carga  de  los  muchos 
Frailes  me  parece  en  verdad  que  estas  tierras  man  an,  6 que  llueven 
Frailes,  pero  pues  son  sin  canas  todos  y de  30  aiios  abajo,  plega  a 
Dios  que  todos  acierten  a servirle.  Ya  los  vi  entrar  en  esta  Cibdad  de 
dos  en  dos  hasta  30  dellos,  con  sendos  bordones,  e sus  sayas  6 escapu- 
larios  e sombreros  e sin  capas,  e el  Obispo  detras  dellos.  E no  pare- 
cia  vna  devota  farsa,  e agora  la  comienzan  no  sabemos  en  que  parara  ; 
el  tiempo  lo  dira,  y esto  haga  Nuestro  Sefior  al  proposito  de  su  sancto 
servicio.  Pero  pues  van  hacia  aquellos  nuevos  vulcanes,  decidme,  Se- 
iior,  jque  cosa  son,  si  los  habeis  visto,  y que  cosa  es  otro  que  teneis 
alia  en  la  Nueva  Espafia,  que  se  dice  Guaxocingoi 

Can.  El  Vulcan  de  Chaleo  6 Guaxocingo  todo  es  vna  cosa,  e 
alumbraba  de  noche  3 6 4 leguas  6 mas,  e de  dia  salia  continuo  hu- 
mo  e a veces  llamas  de  fuego,  lo  qual  esta  en  vn  e:  collo  de  la  sierra 
nevada,  en  la  qual  nunca  falta  perpetua  nieve,  e esta  a 9 leguas  de 
Mexico  ; pero  este  fuego  e humo  que  he  dicho  turo  hasta  7 aiios, 
poco  mas  6 menos,  despues  que  Hernando  Cortes  paso  a aquellas 
partes,  e ya  no  sale  fuego  alguno  de  alii ; pero  ha  quedado  mucho 
azufre  e mui  bueno,  que  se  ha  sacado  para  hacer  polvora,  e hai  quanto 
quisieron  sacar  dello  : pero  en  Guatimala  hai  dos  volcanes  e montes 


460 


APPENDIX. 


[Part  II. 


fogosos,  e echan  piedras  mui  grandisimas  fuera  de  si  quemadas,  6 
lanzan  aquellas  bocas  mucho  humo,  e es  cosa  de  mui  horrible  aspecto, 
en  especial  como  le  vieron  quando  murio  la  pecadora  de  dona  Beairiz 
de  la  Cueva,  Huger  del  Adelantado  Don  Pedro  de  Alvarado.  Plega 
a nuestro  Sefior  de  quedar  con  Vmd.,  Sefior  Alcaide,  e dadme  licen 
cia  que  atiende  la  Barca  para  irme  a la  Nao. 

Alc.  Seiior  Thoan  Cano,  el  Espiritu  Sancto  vaya  con  Vm.,  y os 
de  tan  prospero  viage  e navegacion,  que  en  pocos  dias  y en  salva- 
mento  llegueis  a Vuestra  Casa,  y halleis  a la  Sra  dona  Isabel  y los 
hijos  e hijas  con  la  salud  que  Vmd.  y ellos  os  deseais. 


No.  XII.  — See  Vol.  II.,  p.  345. 

GRANT  OF  CORTES  TO  DONA  ISABEL  MONTEZUMA,  DAUGHTER  OF  THE 
EMPEROR  MONTEZUMA  ; DATED  AT  MEXICO,  JUNE  27,  1526. 

[Montezuma,  on  his  death-bed,  commended,  as  we  have 
seen  in  the  History,  three  favorite  daughters  to  the  protec- 
tion of  Cortes.  After  their  father’s  death  they  were  bap- 
tized, and  after  the  Conquest  were  married  to  Spaniards  of 
honorable  family,  and  from  them  have  descended  several 
noble  houses  in  Spain.  Cortes  granted,  by  way  of  dowry, 
to  the  eldest,  Dona  Isabel,  the  city  of  Tacuba  and  several 
other  places,  embracing  an  extensive  and  very  populous  dis- 
trict. I have  given  here  the  instrument  containing  this 
grant,  which  has  a singular  degree  of  interest,  from  the  no- 
tices it  contains  o’’  Montezuma’s  last  moments,  and  the 
strong  testimony  it  bears  to  his  unswerving  friendship  for  the 
Spaniards.  Some  allowance  must  be  made  by  the  reader 
for  the  obvious  endeavour  of  Cortes  to  exhibit  Montezuma’s 
conduct  in  so  favorable  a light  to  the  Castilian  government, 
as  might  authorize  the  extensive  giant  to  his  daughter. 

The  instrument  in  the  Munoz  collection  was  taken  from 
an  ancient  copy  in  the  library  of  Don  Rafael  Floranes  of 
Valladolid.] 


No.  XII.] 


ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS. 


461 


Priyilegio  de  Dona  Isabel  Motezuma,  Hija  del  Gran  Motezuma, 
Tjltimo  Rey  Indio  del  gran  reyno  y cibdad  de  Mexico,  que  bauti- 
ZADA  Y SIENDO  CHRISTIANA  CASO  CON  ALONSO  GrADO,  NATURAL  DE  LA 

villa  de  Alcantara,  Hidalgo,  y criado  de  su  Magestad,  que 
habia  servido  y servia  en  muchos  oeeicios  en  aquel  Reyno. 
Otorgado  for  Don  Hernando  Cortes,  conquistador  del  dicho  Rey- 
no, EN  NOMBRE  DE  SU  MaGESTAD,  COMO  SU  CAPITAN  GENERAL  Y GoVER- 
NADOR  DE  LA  NUEVA  EsPANA. 

Por  quanto  al  tiempo  que  yo,  Don  Hernando  Cortes,  capitan  gen- 
eral e Governador  desta  nueva  Espafia  e sus  provincias  por  S.  Magd, 
pase  a estas  partes  con  ciertos  Navios  e gente  para  las  pacificar  e 
poblar  y trailer  las  gentes  della  al  dominio  y servidumbre  de  la  Co- 
rona Imperial  de  S.  M.  como  al  presente  esta,  y despues  de  a ellos 
benido  tuve  notieia  de  un  gran  Seiior,  que  en  esta  gran  cibdad  de 
Tenextitan  residio,  y hera  Seiior  della,  y de  todas  las  demas  provin- 
cias y tierras  a ella  comarcanas,  que  se  llamaba  Motezuma,  al  qual 
hize  saber  mi  venida,  y como  lo  supo  por  los  Mensageros  que  le  envie 
para  que  me  obedeciese  en  nombre  de  S.  M.  y se  ofreciese  por  su 
vasallo  : Tuvo  por  bien  la  dicha  mi  venida,  e por  mejor  mostrar  su 
buen  celo  y voluntad  de  servir  a S.  M.,  y obedecer  lo  que  por  mi  en 
su  Real  nombre  le  fuese  mandado,  me  mostro  mucho  amor,  e mando, 
que  per  todas  las  partes  que  pasasen  los  Espafioles  hasta  llegar  a 
esta  Cibdad  se  nos  hiciese  mui  buen  acogimiento,  y se  nos  diese  todo 
lo  que  hubiesemos  menester,  como  siempre  se  hizo,  y mui  mejor  des- 
pues que  a esta  cibdad  lleg&mos,  donde  fuimos  mui  bien  recevidos,  yo 
y todos  los  que  en  mi  compania  benimos ; y aun  mostro  haberle  pesado 
mucho  de  algunos  recuentros  y batallas  que  en  el  camino  se  me  ofre- 
cieron  antes  de  la  llegada  a esta  dicha  cibdad,  queriendose  el  descul 
par  dello ; y que  de  lo  demas  dicho  para  efetuar  y mostrar  mejor  su 
buen  deseo,  huvo  por  bien  el  dicho  Motezuma  de  estar  debajo  de  la 
obediencia  de  S.  M.,  y en  mi  poder  a manera  de  preso  asta  que  yo 
hiciese  relacion  a S.  M.,  y del  estado  y cosas  destas  partes,  y de  la 
voluntad  del  dicho  Motequma ; y que  estando  en  esta  paz  y sosiego, 
y teniendo  yo  pacificada  esta  dicha  tierra  docientas  leguas  y mas 
hacia  una  parte  y otra  con  el  sello  y seguridad  del  dicho  seiior  Mote- 
juma,  por  la  voluntad  y amor  que  siempre  mostro  al  servicio  de  S.  M., 
y cornplacerme  a mi  en  su  real  nombre,  hasta  mas  de  un  aiio,  que  se 
ofrecio  la  venida  de  Panfilo  de  Narvaez,  que  los  alboroto  y escanda- 
lizo  con  sus  daiiadas  palabras  y temores  que  les  puso ; por  cuyo  res- 
peto  se  levanto  contra  el  dicho  seiior  Motezuma  un  hermano  suyo, 
llamado  Auit  Lavaci,  Seiior  de  Iztapalapa,  y con  muclia  gente  que 


462 


APPENDIX. 


TPart  II 


traxo  assi  hizo  mui  cruda  guerra  al  dicho  Motecuma  y a mi  y a los 
Espaiioles  que  en  mi  compafiia  estavan,  poniendonos  mui  recio  cerco  en 
los  aposentos  y casas  donde  estavamos  ; y para  quel  dicho  su  hermano 
y los  principales  que  con  el  venian  cesasen  la  dicha  guerra  y alzasen 
el  cerco,  se  puso  de  una  ventana  el  dicho  Motecuma,  y estandoles 
mandando  y amonestando  que  no  lo  hiciesen,  y que  fuesen  vasallos  de 
S.  M.  y obedeciesen  los  mandamientos  que  yo  en  su  real  nombre  le 
mandaba,  le  tiraron  con  muchas  hondas,  y le  dieron  con  una  piedra 
en  la  cabeza,  que  le  hieieron  mui  gran  herida  ; y temiendo  de  morir 
della,  me  hizo  ciertos  razonamientos,  trayendome  a la  memoria  que  por 
el  entraiiable  amor  que  tenia  al  servicio  de  S.  M.  y a mi  en  su  Real 
nombre  y a todos  los  Espaiioles,  padecia  tantas  heridas  y afrentas,  lo 
qual  dava  por  bien  empleado  ; y que  si  el  de  aquella  herida  fallecia,  que 
me  rogava  y encargaba  muy  afetuosamente,  que  aviendo  respeto  a lo 
mucho  que  me  queria  y deseava  complacer,  tuviese  por  bien  de  tomar  a 
cargo  tres  hijas  suyas  que  tenia,  y que  las  hiciese  bautizar  y mostrar 
nuestra  doctrina,  porque  conocia  que  era  mui  buena  ; a las  quales,  des- 
pues que  yo  gane  esta  dicha  cibdad,  hize  luego  bautizar,  y poner  por 
nombres  a la  una  que  es  la  mayor,  su  legitima  heredera,  Doha  Isabel,  y 
a las  otras  dos,  Dona  Maria  y Doha  Marina  ; y estando  en  finamiento 
de  la  dicha  herida  me  torno  a llamar  y rogar  mui  ahincadamente,  que 
si  el  muriese,  que  quirase  por  aquellas  hijas,  que  eran  las  mejores  joyas 
que  el  me  daba,  y que  partiese  con  ellas  de  lo  que  tenia,  por  que  no 
quedasen  perdidas,  especialmente  a la  mayor,  que  esta  queria  el  mu- 
cho ; y que  si  por  ventura  Dios  le  escapaba  de  aquella  enfermedad,  y 
le  daba  Victoria  en  aquel  cerco,  que  el  mostraria  mas  largamente  el 
deseo  que  tenia  de  servir  a S.  M.  y pagarme  con  obras  la  voluntad  y 
amor  que  me  tenia ; y que  demas  desto  yo  hiciese  relacion  a su  Mages- 
tad  de  como  me  dexaba  estas  sus  hijas,  y le  suplicase  en  su  nombre  se 
sirviese  de  mandarme  que  yo  mirase  por  ellas  v las  tuviese  so  mi  am- 
paro  v administracion , pues  el  hera  tan  servidor  y vasallo  de  S.  M.  y 
siempre  tuvo  mui  buena  voluntad  a los  Espaiioles,  como  yo  havia  visto 
y via,  y por  el  amor  que  les  tenia  le  havian  dado  el  pago  que  tenia, 
aunque  no  le  pesaba  dello.  Y aun  en  su  lengua  me  dixo,  y entre  estos 
razonamientos  que  encargaba  la  conciencia  sobre  ello.  — Por  ende  aca- 
tando  los  muchos  servicios  que  el  dicho  Sehor  Motequma  hizo  a S.  M. 
en  las  buenas  obras  que  siempre  en  su  vida  me  hizo,  y buenos  tratami- 
entos  de  los  Espaiioles  que  en  mi  compania  yo  tenia  en  su  real  nombre, 
y la  voluntad  que  me  mostro  en  su  real  servicio  ; y que  sin  duda  el  no 
fud  parte  en  el  levantamiento  desta  dicha  cibdad,  sino  el  dicho  su  her- 
mano ; antes  se  esperaba,  como  yo  tenia  por  cierto,  que  su  vida  fuera  mu- 


No.  XII.] 


ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS. 


463 


cha  ayuda  para  que  la  tierra  estuviera  siempre  mui  pacifica,  y vinieran 
los  uaturales  della  en  verdadero  conocimiento,  y se  sirviera  S.  M.  con 
mucha  suma  de  pesos  de  oro  y joyas  y otras  cosas,  y por  causa  de  la 
venida  del  dicho  Narvaez  y de  la  guerra  que  el  dicho  su  hermano  Auit 
Lavaci  levanto,  se  perdition  ; y considerando  asi  mismo  que  Dios  nues- 
tro  sefior  y S.  M.  son  mui  servidos  que  en  estas  partes  plante  nuestra 
santissima  Religion,  como  de  cada  dia  la  en  crecimiento : Y que  las  di- 
chas  hijas  de  Motequma  y los  demas  Sefiores  y principales  y otras  per- 
sonas de  los  naturales  desta  Nueva  Espafia  se  les  de  y muestre  toda  la 
mas  y mejor  Dotrina  que  fuere  posible,  para  quitarlos  de  las  idolatrias 
en  que  hasta  aqui  han  estado,  y traerlos  al  verdadero  conocimiento  de 
nuestra  sancta  fee  catholica,  especialmente  los  hijos  de  los  mas  prin- 
cipales, como  lo  era  este  Sefior  Motecuma,  y que  en  esto  se  descargava 
la  conciencia  de  S.  M.  y la  mia  ; en  su  real  nombre  tuve  por  bien  de 
azetar  su  ruego,  y tener  en  mi  casa  a las  dichas  tres  sus  hijas,  y hacer, 
como  he  hecho,  que  se  les  haga  todo  el  mejor  tratamiento  y acogi- 
miento  que  ha  podido,  haci6ndoles  administrar  y ensefiar  los  man- 
damientos  de  nuestra  santa  fe  catholica  y las  otras  buenas  costum- 
bres  de  Christianos,  para  que  con  mejor  voluntad  y amor  sirvan  a Dios 
nuestro  Sefior  y conozcan  y los  Articulos  della,  y que  los  demas 
naturales  tomen  exemplo.  Me  parecio  que  segun  la  calidad  de  la  peT- 
sona  de  la  dicha  Dofia  Isabel,  que  es  la  mayor  y legitima  heredera 
del  dicho  Sefior  Motecuma,  y que  mas  encargada  me  dejo,  y que  su 
edad  requeria  tener  compafiia,  le  he  dado  por  marido  y esposo  a 
una  persona  de  honra,  Hijo-Dalgo,  y que  ha  servido  a S.  M.  en  mi 
compafiia  dende  el  principio  que  a estas  partes  paso,  teniendo  por  mi 
v en  nombre  de  S.  M.  cargos  y oficios  mui  honrosos,  asi  de  Contador 
y mi  lugartheniente  de  Capitan  Governador  como  de  otras  muchas,  y 
dado  dellas  mui  buena  cuenta,  y al  presente  esta  a su  administracion 
el  cargo  y oficio  de  visitador  general  de  todos  los  Indios  desta  dicha 
Nueva  Espafia,  el  qual  se  dice  y nombra  Alonso  Grado,  natural  de 
la  villa  de  Alcantara.  Con  la  qual  dicha  Dofia  Isabel  le  prometo  y doi 
en  dote  y arras  a la  dicha  Dofia  Isabel  y sus  descendientes,  en  nombre 
de  S.  M.,  como  su  Governador  y Capitan  General  destas  partes,  y porque 
de  derecho  le  pertenece  de  su  patrimonio  y legitima,  el  Sefiorio  y na- 
turales del  Pueblo  de  Tacuba,  que  tiene  ciento  e veinte  casas  ; y Yeteve, 
que  es  estancia  que  tiene  quarenta  casas  ; y Izqui  Luca,  otra  estancia, 
que  tiene  otras  ciento  y veinte  casas  ; y Chimalpan,  otra  estancia,  que 
tiene  quarenta  casas;  y Chapulma  Loyan,  que  tiene  otras  quarenta  casas ; 
y Escapucaltango,  que  tiene  veinte  casas ; 6 Xiloango,  que  tiene  quarenta 
casas;  y otra  estancia  que  se  dice  Ocoiacaque,  y otra  que  se  dice  Castepe- 


464. 


APPENDIX. 


[Part  II. 


que,  y otra  que  se  dice  Talanco,  y otra  estancia  que  se  dice  Goatrizco,  y 
otra  estancia  que  se  dice  Duotepeque,  y otra  que  se  dice  Tacala,  que  po- 
dra  haver  en  todo  mil  y docientas  y quarenta  casas  ; las  quales  dichas 
estancias  y pueblos  son  subjetos  al  pueblo  de  Tacuba  y al  Seiior  della. 
Lo  qual,  como  dicho  es,  doy  en  nombre  de  S.  M.  en  dote  y arras  a la 
dicha  Dona  Isabel  para  que  lo  haya  y tenga  y goce  por  juro  de  heredad, 
para  agora  y para  siempre  jamas,  con  titulo  de  Seiiora  de  dicho  Pue- 
blo y de  lo  demas  aqul  contenido.  Lo  qual  le  doy  en  nombre  de  S.  M. 
por  descargar  su  Real  conciencia  y la  mia  en  su  nombre.  — Por  esta 
digo  ; que  no  le  sera  quitado  ni  removido  por  cosa  alguna,  en  ningun 
tiempo,  ni  por  alguna  manera ; y para  mas  saneamiento  prometo  y doy 
mi  fe  en  nombre  de  S.  M.,  que  si  se  lo  escriviese,  le  bare  relacion  de 
todo,  para  que  S.  M.  se  sirva  de  confirmar  esta  Merced  de  la  dicha 
Dona  Isabel  y a los  dichos  sus  herederos  y subcesores  del  dicho  Pue- 
blo de  Tacuba  y lo  demas  aqul  contenido,  y de  otras  estancias  a el 
subjetas,  que  estan  en  poder  de  algunos  Espaiioles,  para  que  S.  M. 
asimismo  se  sirva  demandarselas  dar  y confirmar  juntamente  con  las 
que  al  presente  le  doy  ; que  por  estar,  como  dicho  es,  en  poder  de  Es- 
pauoles,  no  se  las  dl  hasta  ver  si  S.  M.  es  dello  servido  ; y doy  por 
ninguna  y de  ningun  valor  y efeto  qualquier  cddula  de  encomienda  y 
deposito  que  del  dicho  pueblo  de  Tacuba  y de  las  otras  estancias  aqul 
contenidas  y declaradas  yo  aya  dado  a qualquiera  persona  ; por  quanto 
yo  en  nombre  de  S.  M.  las  revoco  y lo  restituyo  y doi  a la  dicha  Dona 
Isabel,  para  que  lo  tenga  como  cosa  suya  propia  y que  de  derecho  le 
pertenece.  Y mando  a todas  y qualesquier  personas,  vecinos  y mo- 
radores  desta  dicha  Nueva  Espafia,  estantes  y habitantes  en  ella,  que 
hayan  y tengan  a la  dicha  Dona  Isabel  por  Seiiora  del  dicho  pueblo 
de  Tacuba  con  las  dichas  estancias,  y que  no  le  impidan  ni  estorven 
cosa  alguna  della,  so  pena  de  quinientos  pesos  de  oro  para  la  c&mara 
y fino  de  S.  Magd.  — Fecho  a veinte  y siete  dias  del  mes  de  Junio  de 
mil  y quinientos  y veinte  y seis  afios.  — Don  Hernando  de  Cortds.  — 
Por  mandado  del  Governador  mi  seiior. — Alonso  Baliente. 


No.  XIII.  — See  Vol.  II.,  p.  458. 

MILITARY  CODE;  DATED  AT  TLASCALA,  DEC.  22,  1520. 

[These  Regulations,  proclaimed  by  Cortes  at  TJascala 
on  the  eve  of  the  final  march  against  Mexico,  show  the 


No.  XIII.] 


ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS. 


465 


careful  discipline  established  in  his  camp,  and,  to  some  ex- 
tent, the  nature  of  his  military  policy.  The  Code  forms 
part  of  the  collection  of  Munoz.] 

Ordenanzas  Militares. 

Este  dia  a voz  de  pregonero  publico  sus  Ordenanzas,  cuyo  proemio 
es  este. 

Porque  por  muchas  escrituras  y coronicas  autdnticas  nos  es  notorio 
e manifiesto  quanto  los  antiguos  que  siguieron  el  exercicio  de  la  guerra 
procuraron  e travaxaron  de  introducir  tales  y tan  buenas  costumbres  y 
ordenaciones,  con  las  cuales  y con  su  propia  virtud  y fortaleza  pudiesen 
alcanzar  y eonseguir  victoria  y prospero  fin  en  las  conquistas  y guer- 
ras,  que  hobiesen  de  hacer  6 seguir  ; e por  el  contrario  vemos  haber 
sucedido  grandes  infortunios,  desastres,  e muertes  a los  que  no  sigui- 
eron la  buena  costumbre  y drden  que  en  la  guerra  se  debe  tener  ; e les 
haber  sucedido  semejantes  casos  con  poca  pujanza  de  los  enemigos, 
segun  parece  claro  por  muchos  exemplos  antiguos  e modernos,  que 
aqui  se  podrian  espresar ; e porque  la  orden  es  tan  loable,  que  no  tan 
solamente  en  las  cosas  humanas  mas  aun  en  las  divinas  se  ama  y sigue, 
y sin  ella  ninguna  cosa  puede  haber  cumplido  efecto,  como  que  ello 
sea  un  principio,  medio,  y fin  para  el  buen  reximiento  de  todas  las 
cosas  : Por  ende  yo,  H.  C.,  Capitan  general  e Justicia  mayor  en  esta 
Nueva  Espaiia  del  mar  occeano  por  el  mui  alto,  mui  poderoso,  e mui 
catolico  D.  Carlos  nuestro  Sefior,  electo  Rey  de  Romanos,  futuro  Em- 
perador  semper  Augusto,  Rey  de  Espaiia  6 de  otros  muchos  grandes 
reynos  e Senorios,  considerando  todo  lo  suso  dicho,  y que  si  los  pa- 
sados  fallaron  ser  necesario  hacer  Ordenanzas  e costumbres  por  donde 
se  rigiesen  6 gobernasen  aquellos  que  hubiesen  de  seguir  y exercer  el 
uso  de  la  guerra,  a los  Espanoles  que  en  mi  compania  agora  estan  6 
estubiesen  e a mi  nos  es  mucho  mas  necesario  e conveniente  seguir  y 
observar  toda  la  mejor  costumbre  y orden  que  nos  sea  posible,  asi  por 
lo  que  toca  al  servieio  de  Dios  nuestro  Senor  y de  la  sacra  Catolica 
Magestad,  como  por  tener  por  enemigos  y contrarios  k la  mas  beli- 
cosa  y astuta  gente  en  la  guerra  e de  mas  generos  de  armas  que  nin- 
guna otra  generacion,  especialmente  por  ser  tanta  que  no  tiene  nii- 
mero,  e nosotros  tan  pocos  y tan  apartados  y destituidos  de  todo 
humano  socorro  ; viendo  ser  mui  necesario  y cumplidero  al  servieio  de 
su  Cesarea  Magestad  e utilidad  nuestra,  Mande  hacer  6 hice  las  Or- 
YOL.  III.  59 


466 


APPENDIX. 


[Part  11. 


denanzas  que  de  yuso  seran  contenidas  6 iran  firtnadas  de  mi  nombre 
i del  infrascrito  en  la  manera  siguiente. 

Primeramente,  por  quanto  por  la  experieneia  que  habemos  visto  d 
cada  dia  veinos  quanta  solicitud  y vigilancia  los  naturales  de  estas 
partes  tienen  en  la  cultura  y veneracion  de  sus  idolos,  de  que  a Dios 
nuestro  Sefior  se  hace  gran  deservicio,  y el  demonio  por  la  ceguedad 
y engano  en  que  los  trae  es  de  ellos  muy  venerado  ; y en  los  apartar 
de  tanto  error  e idolatria  y en  los  reducir  al  conocimiento  de  nuestra 
Santa  Fe  catolica  nuestro  Sefior  sera  muy  servido,  y demas  de  adquirir 
gloria  para  nuestras  animas  con  ser  causa  que  de  aqui  adelante  no  se 
pierdan  ni  condenen  tantos,  aca  en  lo  temporal  seria  Dios  siempre  en 
nuestra  ayuda  y socorro : por  ende,  con  toda  la  justicia  que  puedo  y 
debo,  exhorto  y ruego  a todos  los  Espaiioles  que  en  mi  compania  fue 
sen  a esta  guerra  que  al  presente  vamos,  y k todas  las  otras  guerras 
y conquistas  que  en  nombre  de  S.  M.  por  mi  mandado  hubiesen  de  ir, 
que  su  principal  motivo  e intencion  sea  apartar  y desarraigar  de  las 
dichas  idolatrias  a todos  los  naturales  destas  partes,  y reducillos,  6 k lo 
menos  desear  su  salvacion,  y que  sean  reducidos  al  conocimiento  de 
Dios  y de  su  Santa  Fe  catolica  ; porque  si  con  otra  intencion  se  hi- 
ciese  la  dicha  guerra,  seria  injusta,  y todo  lo  que  en  ella  se  oviese 
Onoloxio  e obligado  a restitucion,  e S.  M.  no  ternia  razon  de  mandar 
gratificar  a los  que  en  ellas  sirviesen.  E sobre  ello  encargo  la  con- 
ciencia  a los  dichos  Espanoles,  e desde  ahora  protesto  en  nombre  de 
S.  M.  que  mi  principal  intencion  e motivo  en  facer  esta  guerra  e las 
otras  que  ficiese  por  traer  y reducir  k los  dichos  naturales  al  dicho 
conocimiento  de  nuestra  Santa  Fe  e creencia  ; y despues  por  los  soz- 
jugar  e supeditar  debajo  del  yugo  e dominio  imperial  e real  desu  Sacra 
Magestad,  a quien  juridicamente  el  Sefiorio  de  todas  estas  partes. 

Yt.  En  por  quanto  de  los  reniegos  e blasfemias  Dios  nuestro  Sefior 
es  mucho  deservido,  y es  la  mayor  ofensa  que  a su  Santisimo  nom- 
bie  se  puede  hacer,  y por  eso  permite  en  las  gentes  recios  y duros 
castigos ; y no  basta  que  seamos  tan  malos  que  por  los  inmensos  bene- 
ficios  que  de  cada  dia  del  recibimos  no  le  demos  gracias,  mas  decimos 
mal  6 blasfemamos  de  su  santo  nombre  ; y por  evitar  tan  aborrecible 
uso  y pecado,  mando  que  ninguna  persona,  de  qualquiera  condicion 
que  sea,  no  sea  osado  decir,  No  creo  en  Dios,  ni  Pese,  ni  Reniego,  ni 
Del  cielo,  ni  No  ha  poder  en  Dios  ; y que  lo  mismo  se  entienda  de  Nu~ 
estra  Seiiora  y de  todos  los  otros  Santos : sopena  que  demas  de  ser 
executadas  las  penas  establecidas  por  las  leyes  del  reyno  contra  los 
blasfemos,  la  persona  que  en  lo  susodicho  incurriese  pague  15  Castel- 
lanos de  oro,  la  tercera  parte  para  la  primera  Cofradia  de  Nuestra 


No.  XIII.] 


ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS. 


467 


Senora  que  en  estas  partes  se  hiciese,  y la  otra  tercera  parte  para  el 
fisco  de  S.  M.,  y la  otra  tercera  parte  para  el  juez  que  lo  sentenciase. 

Yt.  Porque  de  los  juegos  muchas  y las  mas  veces  resultan  reniegos 
y blasfemias,  e nacen  otros  inconvenientes,  e es  justo  que  del  todo  se 
prohiban  y defiendan ; por  ende  mando  que  de  aqui  adelante  ninguna 
persona  sea  osada  de  jugar  a naypes  ni  a otros  juegos  vedados  dineros 
ni  preseas  ni  otra  cosa  alguna  ; sopena  de  perdimiento  de  todo  lo  que 
jugase  e de  20  pesos  de  oro,  la  mitad  de  todo  ello  para  la  Camara,  e 
la  otra  mitad  para  el  juez  que  lo  sentenciase.  Pero  por  quanto  en  las 
guerras  es  bien  que  tenga  la  gente  algun  exercicio,  y se  acostumbra  y 
permitese  que  jueguen  por  que  se  eviten  otros  mayores  inconvenientes  ; 
permitese  que  en  el  aposento  donde  estubiese  se  jueguen  naypes  e otros 
juegos  moderadamente,  con  tanto  que  no  sea  a los  dados,  porque  alii 
es  curarse  han  de  no  de  decir  mal,  e a lo  menos  si  lo  dixesen  seran 
castigados. 

Yt.  Que  ninguno  sea  osado  de  echar  mano  a la  espada  6 punal  o 
otra  arma  alguna  para  ofender  a ningun  Espanol ; sopena  que  el  que 
lo  contrario  hiciese,  si  fuese  hidalgo,  pague  100  pesos  de  oro,  la  mitad 
para  el  fisco  de  S.  M.,  y la  otra  mitad  para  los  gastos  de  la  Xusticia; 
y al  que  no  fuese  hidalgo  se  le  han  de  dar  100  azotes  publicamente. 

Yt.  Por  quanto  acaece  que  algunos  Espanoles  por  no  valar  e hacer 
otras  cosas  se  dexan  de  aputar  en  las  copias  de  los  Capitanes  que 
tienen  gente  : por  ende  mando  que  todos  se  alisten  en  las  Capitanias 
que  yo  tengo  hechas  e hiciese,  excepto  los  que  yo  seiialare  que  queden 
fuera  dellas,  con  apercibimiento  que  dende  agora  se  les  face,  que  el  que 
ansi  no  lo  hiciese,  no  se  le  dara  parte  ni  partes  algunas. 

Otrosi,  por  quanto  algunas  veces  suele  acaecer,  que  en  burlas  e por 
pasar  tiempo  algunas  personas  que  estan  en  una  capitania  burlan  e 
porfian  de  algunos  de  las  otras  Capitanias,  y los  unos  dicen  de  los  otros, 
y los  otros  de  los  otros,  de  que  se  suelen  recrecer  quistiones  e escanda- 
los  ; por  ende  mando  que  de  aqui  adelante  ninguno  sea  osado  de  burlar 
ni  decir  mal  de  ninguna  Capitania  ni  la  perjudicar  ; sopena  de  20  pesos 
de  oro,  la  mitad  para  la  Camara,  y la  otra  mitad  para  los  gastos  de 
Xusticia. 

Otrosi,  que  ninguno  de  los  dichos  Espanoles  no  se  aposente  ni  pose 
en  ninguna  parte,  exepto  en  el  lugar  e parte  donde  estubiese  aposen- 
tado  su  capitan  ; supena  de  12  pesos  de  oro,  aplicados  en  la  forma  con- 
tenida  en  el  capitulo  antecedente. 

Yt.  Que  ningun  capitan  se  aposente  en  ninguna  poblacion  6 villa  6 
ciudad,  sino  en  el  pueblo  que  le  fuese  senalado  por  el  Maestro  de  Campo 
sopena  de  10  pesos  de  oro,  aplicados  en  la  forma  suso  dicha. 


468 


APPENDIX. 


TPart  II. 


Yt.  Por  quanto  cada  Capitan  tenga  mejor  acaudillada  su  gente, 
mando  que  cada  uno  de  los  dichos  Capitanes  tenga  sus  cuadrillas  de 
20  en  20  Espafioles,  y con  cada  una  quadrilla  un  quadrillero  6 cabo  de 
escuadra,  que  sea  persona  habil  y de  quien  se  deba  confiar ; so  la  dicha 
pena. 

Otrosi,  que  cada  uno  de  los  dichos  quadrilleros  6 cabos  desquadra 
ronden  sobre  las  velas  todos  los  quartos  que  les  cupiese  de  velar,  so  la 
dicha  pena;  e que  la  vela  que  hallasen  durraiendo,  6 ausente  del  lugar 
donde  debiese  velar,  pague  cuatro  Castellanos,  aplicados  en  la  forma 
suso  dicha,  y demas  que  este  atado  medio  dia. 

Otrosi,  que  los  dichos  quadrilleros  tengan  cuidado  de  avisar  y avisen 
a las  velas  que  hubiesen  de  poner,  que  puesto  que  recaudo  en  el  Real 
no  desamparen  ni  dexen  los  portillos  6 calles  6 pasos  donde  les  fuese 
mandado  velar  y se  vayan  de  alii  a otra  parte  por  ninguna  necesidad 
que  digan  que  les  constrifio  hasta  que  sean  mandado  ; sopena  de  50 
Castellanos,  aplicados  en  la  forma  suso  dicha  al  que  fuese  liijo  dalgo  ; y 
sino  lo  fuese,  que  le  sean  dados  100  azotes  publicamente. 

Otrosi,  que  cada  Capitan  que  por  mi  fuese  nombrado  tenga  y traiga 
consigo  su  tambor  e bandera  para  que  rija  y acaudille  mejor  la  gente 
que  tenga  a su  cargo  ; sopena  de  10  pesos  de  oro,  aplicados  en  la  forma 
suso  dicha. 

Otrosi,  que  cada  Espafiol  que  oyese  tocar  el  atamDor  de  su  compafiia 
sea  obligado  a salir  e saiga  a acompanar  su  bandera  con  todas  sus 
armas  en  forma  y a punto  de  guerra ; sopena  de  20  castellanos,  aplica- 
dos en  la  forma  arriba  declarada. 

Otrosi,  que  todas  las  veces  que  yo  mandase  mover  el  Real  para  algu- 
na  parte  cada  Capitan  sea  obligado  de  llevar  por  el  camino  toda  su 
gente  junta  y apartada  de  las  otras  Capitanias,  sinque  se  entrometa  en 
ella  ningun  Espafiol  de  otra  Capitania  ninguna  ; y para  ello  constrifian 
e apremien  a los  que  asi  llevasen  debaxo  de  su  bandera  segun  uso  de 
guerra;  sopena  de  10  pesos  de  oro,  aplicados  en  la  forma  suso  declar- 
ada. 

Yt.  Por  quanto  acaece  que  antes  6 al  tiempo  de  romper  en  los  enemi- 
gos  algunos  Espafioles  se  meten  entre  el  fardage,  demas  de  ser  pusil- 
animidad,  es  cosa  fea  el  mal  exemplo  para  los  Indios  nuestros  amigos 
que  nos  acompafian  en  la  guerra : por  ende  mando  que  ningun  Espafiol 
se  entremeta  ni  vaya  con  el  fardage,  salvo  aquellos  que  para  ello  fuesen 
dados  6 sefialados  : sopena  de  20  pesos  de  oro,  aplicados  segun  que  de 
suso  contiene. 

Otrosi,  por  quanto  acaece  algunas  veces  que  algunos  Espafioles 
fuera  de  orden  y sin  les  ser  mandado  arremeten  6 rompen  en  algun 


No.  XIII.] 


ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS. 


469 


esquadron  de  los  enemigos,  e por  se  desmandar  ansi  se  desbaratan  y 
salen  fuera  de  ordenanza,  de  que  suele  recrecerse  peligro  a los  mas : 
por  ende  mando  que  ningun  Capitan  se  desmande  a romper  por  los 
enemigos  sin  que  primeramente  por  mi  le  sea  mandado  ; sopena  de 
muerte.  En  otra  persona  se  desmanda,  si  fuese  hijodalgo,  pena  de  100 
pesos,  aplieados  en  la  forma  suso  dicha  ; y si  no  fuese  hidalgo,  le  sean 
dados  100  azotes  publicamente. 

Yt.  Por  quanto  podria  ser  que  al  tiempo  que  entran  a tomar  por 
fuerza  alguna  poblacion  6 villa  6 ciudad  a los  enemigos,  antes  de  ser 
del  todo  echados  fuera,  eon  codicia  de  robar,  algun  Espafiol  se  entrase 
en  alguna  casa  de  los  Enemigos,  de  que  se  podria  seguir  daiio : por 
ende  mando  que  ningun  Espanol  ni  Espanoles  entren  a robar  ni  a otra 
cosa  alguna  en  las  tales  casas  de  los  enemigos,  hasta  ser  del  todo  echa- 
dos fuera,  y haber  conseguido  el  fin  de  la  victoria  ; sopena  de  20  pesos 
de  oro,  aplieados  en  la  manera  que  dicha  es. 

Yt.  Si  por  escusar  y evitar  los  hurtos  encubiertos  y fraudes  que  se 
hacen  en  las  cosas  habidas  en  la  guerra  6 fuera  de  ella,  asi  por  lo  que 
toca  al  quinto  que  dellas  pertenece  a su  catolica  Magestad,  como  porque 
han  de  ser  repartidas  conforme  a lo  que  cada  una  sirve  e merece  : 
por  ende  mando  que  todo  el  oro,  plata,  perlas,  piedras,  plumage,  ropa, 
esclavos,  y otras  cosas  qualesquier  que  se  adquieran,  hubiesen,  6 toma- 
sen  en  qualquier  manera,  ansi  en  las  dichas  poblaciones,  villas,  6 ciuda- 
des,  como  en  el  campo,  que  la  persona  6 personas  a cuyo  poder  viniese 
6 la  hallasen  6 tomasen,  en  qualquier  forma  que  sea,  lo  traigan  luego 
incontinente  e manifiesten  ante  mi  6 ante  otra  persona  que  fuese  sin  lo 
meter  ni  llevar  a su  posada  ni  a otra  parte  alguna ; sopena  de  muerte  e 
perdimiento  de  todos  sus  bienes  para  la  Camara  e fisco  de  S.  M. 

E por  quanto  lo  suso  dicho  e cada  una  cosa  e parte  dello  se  guarde  e 
cumpla  segun  e de  la  manera  que  aqui  de  suso  se  contiene,  y de  ningu- 
na  cosa  de  lo  aqui  contenida  pretendan  ignorancia,  mando  que  sea 
apregonado  publicamente,  para  que  venga  a noticia  de  todos : Que 
fueron  hechas  las  dichas  Ordenanzas  en  la  ciudad  y provincia  de  Tax- 
clateque  selado  22  dias  del  mes  de  Diciembre,  ailo  del  nascimiento  de 
nuestro  Salvador  Jesu  Christo  de  1520  aims. 

Pregonaronse  las  dichas  Ordenanzas  desuso  contenidas  en  la  ciudad 
e provincia  de  Taxelatecle,  miercoles  dia  de  San  Esteban,  que  fuesen 
26  dias  del  mes  de  Diciembre,  ano  del  nacimiento  de  nuestro  Salvador 
Jesu  Christo  de  1520  aims ; estando  presente  el  magnifico  Seiior  Fer- 
nando Cortes,  capitan  general  e Justicia  mayor  de  esta  Nueva  Espafia 
del  mar  Occeano  por  el  Emperador  nuestro  Seiior,  por  ante  mi,  Juan  de 
Rivera,  escribano  e Notario  publico  en  todos  los  Reinos  e Seiiorios  de 


470 


APPENDIX. 


[Part  II 


Esparia  por  las  Autoridades  apostdlica  y Real.  Lo  qual  pregond  en 
voz  alta  Anton  Garcia  pregonero,  en  el  Alarde  que  la  gente  de  a 
caballo  e de  a pie  que  su  merced  mando  facer  e se  fizo  el  dicho  dia.  A 
lo  qual  fudron  testigos  que  estaban  presentes,  Gonzalo  de  Sandoval,  Al- 
guacil  mayor,  e Alonso  de  Prado,  contador,  e Rodrigo  Alvarez  Chico 
veedor  por  S.  M.,  6 otras  muchas  personas.  — Fecho  ut  supra. — Juan 
de  Rivera. 


No.  XIV.  — See  Vol.  III.,  p.  304. 

TRANSLATION  OF  PASSAGES  IN  THE  HONDURAS  LETTER  OF  CORTES 

[I  have  noticed  this  celebrated  Letter,  the  Carta  Quinta 
of  Cortes,  so  particularly  in  the  body  of  the  work,  that  little 
remains  to  be  said  about  it  here.  I have  had  these  passages 
translated  to  show  the  reader  the  circumstantial  and  highly 
graphic  manner  of  the  general’s  narrative.  The  latter  half 
of  the  Letter  is  occupied  with  the  events  which  occurred  in 
Mexico,  in  the  absence  of  Cortes,  and  after  his  return.  It 
may  be  considered,  therefore,  as  part  of  the  regular  series  of 
his  historical  correspondence,  the  publication  of  which  was 
begun  by  archbishop  Lorenzana.  Should  another  edition  of 
the  Letters  of  Cortes  be  given  to  the  world,  this  one  ought, 
undoubtedly,  to  find  a place  in  it.] 

A lake  of  great  width  and  proportionate  depth  was  the  difficulty 
which  we  had  to  encounter.  In  vain  did  we  turn  to  the  right  and  to 
the  left  ; the  lake  was  equally  wide  in  every  direction.  My  guides 
told  me  that  it  was  useless  to  look  for  a ford  in  the  vicinity,  as  they 
were  certain  the  nearest  one  was  towards  the  mountains,  to  reach 
which  would  necessarily  be  a journey  of  five  or  six  days.  I was  ex- 
tremely puzzled  what  measure  to  adopt.  To  return  was  certain  death  ; 
as,  besides  being  at  a loss  for  provisions,  the  roads,  in  consequence  of 
the  rains  which  had  prevailed,  were  absolutely  impassable.  Our  situ- 


No.  XIV.] 


ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS. 


471 


ation  was  now  perilous  in  the  extreme ; on  every  side  was  room  for 
despair,  and  not  a single  ray  of  hope  illumined  our  path.  My  follow- 
ers had  become  sick  of  their  continual  labor,  and  had  as  yet  reaped  no 
benefit  from  their  toils.  It  was  therefore  useless  for  me  to  look  to 
them  for  advice  in  our  present  truly  critical  position.  Besides  the 
primitive  band  and  the  horses,  there  were  upwards  of  three  thousand 
five  hundred  Indians  who  followed  in  our  train.  There  was  one 
solitary  canoe  lying  on  the  beach,  in  which,  doubtless,  those  whom  I 
had  sent  in  advance  had  crossed.  At  the  entrance  of  the  lake,  and  on 
the  other  side,  were  deep  marshes,  which  rendered  our  passage  of 
the  lake  considerably  more  doubtful.  One  of  my  companions  entered 
into  the  canoe,  and  found  the  depth  of  the  lake  to  be  five  and  twenty 
feet,  and,  with  some  lances  tied  together,  I ascertained  that  the  mud 
and  slime  were  twelve  feet  more,  making  in  all  a depth  of  nearly 
forty  feet.  In  this  juncture,  I resolved  that  a floating  bridge  should 
be  made,  and  for  this  purpose  requested  that  the  Indians  would  lend 
their  assistance  in  felling  the  wood,  whilst  I and  my  followers  would 
employ  ourselves  in  preparing  the  bridge.  The  undertaking  seemed 
to  be  of  such  magnitude,  that  scarcely  any  one  entertained  an  idea  of 
its  being  completed  before  our  provisions  were  all  exhausted.  The 
Indians,  however,  set  to  work  with  the  most  commendable  zeal.  Not 
so  with  the  Spaniards,  who  already  began  to  comment  upon  the  labors 
they  had  undergone,  and  the  little  prospect  which  appeared  of  their 
termination.  They  proceeded  to  communicate  their  thoughts  one  to 
another,  and  the  spirit  of  disaffection  had  now  attained  such  a height, 
that  some  had  the  hardihood  to  express  their  disapprobation  of  my 
proceedings  to  my  very  face.  Touched  to  the  quick  with  this  show  of 
desertion  when  I had  least  expected  it,  I said  to  them,  that  I needed 
not  their  assistance  ; and,  turning  toward  the  Indians  who  accompanied 
me,  exposed  to  them  the  necessity  we  lay  under  of  using  the  most 
strenuous  exertions  to  reach  the  other  side,  for,  if  this  point  were  not 
effected,  we  should  all  perish  from  hunger.  I then  pointed  in  the  op- 
posite direction,  in  which  the  province  of  Acalan  lay,  and  cheered  their 
spirits  with  the  prospect  of  there  obtaining  provisions  in  abundance, 
without  taking  into  consideration  the  ample  supply  which  would  be 
afforded  us  by  the  caravels.  I also  promised  them,  in  the  name  of  your 
Majesty,  that  they  should  be  recompensed  to  the  fullest  extent  of  their 
wishes,  and  that  not  a person  who  contributed  his  assistance  should  go 
unrewarded.  My  little  oration  had  the  best  possible  effect  with  the 
Indians,  who  promised,  to  a man,  that  their  exertions  should  only  ter- 
minate with  their  lives.  The  Spaniards,  ashamed  of  their  previous 


472 


APPENDIX. 


[Part  II 


conduct,  surrounded  me  and  requested  that  I would  pardon  their  late 
act ; alleging,  in  extenuation  of  their  offence,  the  miserable  position  in 
which  they  were  placed,  obliged  to  support  themselves  with  the  unsa- 
vory roots  which  the  earth  supplied,  and  which  were  scarcely  suffi- 
cient to  keep  them  alive.  They  immediately  proceeded  to  work,  and, 
though  frequently  ready  to  fall  from  fatigue,  never  made  another  com- 
plaint. After  four  days’  incessant  labor  the  bridge  was  completed,  and 
botli  horse  and  man  passed  without  the  slightest  accident.  The  bridge 
was  constructed  in  so  solid  a manner,  that  it  would  be  impossible  to 
destroy  it  otherwise  than  by  fire.  More  than  one  thousand  beams 
were  united  for  its  completion,  and  every  one  of  them  was  thicker  than 
a man's  body,  and  sixty  feet  long. 

At  two  leagues’  distance  from  this  place,  the  mountains  commenced. 
From  no  words  of  mine,  nor  of  a more  gifted  man,  can  your  Majesty 
form  an  adequate  idea  of  the  asperity  and  unevenness  of  the  place 
which  we  were  now  ascending.  He,  alone,  who  has  experienced 
the  hardships  of  the  route,  and  who  himself  has  been  an  eyewitness, 
can  be  fully  sensible  of  its  difficulty.  It  will  be  sufficient  for  me  to 
say,  in  order  that  your  Majesty  may  have  some  notion  of  the  labor 
which  we  had  to  undergo,  that  we  were  twelve  days  before  we  got 
entirely  free  of  it,  — a distance  altogether  of  eight  leagues  ! Sixty- 
eight  horses  died  on  the  passage,  the  greater  part  having  fallen  down 
the  precipices  which  abounded  on  every  side  ; and  the  few  that  es- 
caped seemed  so  overcome,  that  we  thought  not  a single  one  would 
ever  afterwards  prove  serviceable.  More  than  three  months  elapsed 
before  they  recovered  from  the  effects  of  the  journey.  It  never  ceased 
to  rain  day  or  night,  from  the  time  we  entered  the  mountain  until  we 
left  it ; and  the  rock  was  of  such  a nature,  that  the  water  passed  away 
without  collecting  in  any  place  in  sufficient  quantity  to  allow  us  to  drink. 
Thus,  in  addition  to  the  other  hardships  which  we  had  to  encoun- 
ter, was  that  most  pressing  of  all,  thirst.  Some  of  the  horses  suffered 
considerably  from  the  want  of  this  truly  necessary  article,  and,  but 
for  the  culinary  and  other  vessels  which  we  had  with  us,  and  which 
served  to  receive  some  of  the  rain,  neither  man  nor  horse  could  possi- 
bly have  escaped.  A nephew  of  mine  had  a fall  upon  a piece  of 
sharp  rock,  and  fractured  his  leg  in  three  or  four  places ; thus  was 
our  labor  increased,  as  the  men  had  to  carry  him  by  turns.  We  had 
now  but  a league  to  journey  before  we  could  arrive  at  Tenas,  the 
place  which  I mentioned  as  belonging  to  the  chief  of  Tayco  ; but  here 
a formidable  obstacle  presented  itself,  in  a very  wide  and  very  large 


No.  XIV.] 


ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS. 


473 


river,  which  was  swollen  by  the  continued  rains.  After  searching 
for  some  time,  one  of  the  most  surprising  fords  ever  heard  of  was 
discovered.  Some  huge  jutting  cliffs  arrest  the  progress  of  the  river, 
in  consequence  of  which  it  extends  for  a considerable  space  around. 
Between  these  cliffs  are  narrow  channels,  through  which  the  water 
rushes  with  an  impetuosity  which  baffles  description.  From  one 
of  these  rocks  to  another  we  threw  large  trunks  of  trees,  which  had 
been  felled  with  much  labor.  Ropes  of  bass-weed  were  affixed  to 
these  trunks  ; and  thus,  though  at  imminent  risk  of  our  lives,  we 
crossed  the  river.  If  any  body  had  become  giddy  in  the  transit,  he 
must  unavoidably  have  perished.  Of  these  passes  there  were  up- 
wards of  twenty,  and  we  took  two  whole  days  to  get  clear,  by  this 
extraordinary  way. 

It  were,  indeed,  an  arduous  task  for  me  to  describe  to  your  Majesty 
the  joy  which  pervaded  every  countenance,  when  this  truly  inspiring 
account  was  received.  To  be  near  the  termination  of  a journey  so 
beset  with  hardships  and  labor,  as  ours  had  been,  was  an  event  that 
could  not  but  be  hailed  with  rapture.  Our  last  four  days’  march  sub- 
jected us  to  innumerable  trials  ; as,  besides  being  without  any  certainty 
of  our  proceeding  in  the  right  direction,  we  were  ever  in  the  heart 
of  mountains  abounding  with  precipices  on  every  side.  Many  horses 
dropped  on  the  way ; and  a cousin  of  mine,  Juan  Davilos  by  name, 
fell  down  a precipice  and  broke  an  arm.  Had  it  not  been  for  the  suit 
of  armor  which  he  wore,  he  would  have  been  infallibly  dashed  to 
pieces.  As  it  was,  besides  having  his  arm  broken,  he  was  dreadfully 
lacerated.  His  horse,  upon  which  he  was  mounted,  having  no  pro- 
tection, was  so  wounded  by  the  fall,  that  we  were  obliged  to  leave  him 
behind.  With  much  difficulty  we  succeeded  in  extricating  my  cousin 
from  his  perilous  situation.  It  would  be  an  endless  task  to  relate  to 
your  Majesty  the  many  sufferings  which  we  endured  ; amongst  which 
the  chief  was  from  hunger ; for,  although  we  had  some  swine  which  we 
had  brought  from  Mexico,  upwards  of  eight  days  had  elapsed  without 
our  having  tasted  bread.  The  fruit  of  the  palm-tree  boiled  with 
hogs’  flesh,  and  without  any  salt,  which  we  had  exhausted  some  time 
previous,  formed  our  only  sustenance.  They  were  alike  destitute  of 
provisions  at  the  place  at  which  we  had  now  arrived,  where  they  lived 
in  constant  dread  of  an  attack  from  the  adjoining  Spanish  settlement. 
They  needed  not  to  fear  such  an  event ; as,  from  the  situation  in  which 
I found  the  Spaniards,  they  were  incapable  of  doing  the  slightest  mis- 
chief. So  elated  were  we  all  with  our  neighbourhood  to  Nico,  that  all 
VOL.  III.  60 


474 


APPENDIX. 


[Part  II. 


our  past  troubles  were  soon  forgotten,  as  are  the  dangers  of  the  sea  by 
the  weather-beaten  sailor,  who,  on  his  arrival  in  port,  thinks  no  more 
of  the  perils  he  has  encountered.  We  still  suffered  greatly  from  hun- 
ger ; for  even  the  unsavory  roots  were  procured  with  the  greatest  dif- 
culty  ; and,  after  we  had  been  occupied  many  hours  in  collecting  them, 
they  were  devoured  with  the  greatest  eagerness,  in  the  shortest  space 
of  time  imaginable. 


No.  XY.  - See  Yol.  III.,  p.  343. 

LAST  LETTER  OF  CORTES  TO  THE  EMPEROR. 

[I  give  this  Letter  of  Cortes  entire,  Ultima  y Sentidisima 
Carta,  his  “ Last  and  most  touching  Letter,”  as  it  is  styled 
by  Vargas  Pon^e,  who  has  embraced  it  in  his  important  col- 
lection from  the  archives  of  Seville.  It  may  be  called  touch- 
ing, when  we  consider  the  tone  of  it,  as  compared  with  the 
former  correspondence  of  its  author,  and  the  gloomy  cir- 
cumstances under  which  it  was  written.  Yet  we  are  not  to 
take  the  complaints  contained  in  it  of  his  poverty  too  literal- 
ly ; since,  at  his  death,  but.  three  years  after,  he  left  im- 
mense estates.  But  these  estates  were  so  much  embarrassed 
by  his  expensive  and  disastrous  expeditions  in  the  South 
Sea,  that  his  income  during  the  rest  of  his  life  seems  to 
have  been  scarcely  sufficient  to  meet  his  ordinary  expendi- 
ture. The  last  days  of  Cortes,  wasted  in  ineffectual  at- 
tempts to  obtain  redress  from  the  Court  whom  he  had  so 
signally  served,  remind  us  of  the  similar  fate  of  Columbus. 
The  history  of  both  may  teach  us,  that  the  most  brilliant 
career  too  often  leads  only  to  sorrow  and  disappointment, 
as  the  clouds  gather  round  the  sun  at  his  setting.] 

Pens6  que  haber  trabajado  en  la  [uventud  me  aprovechara  para  que 
en  la  vejez  tubiera  descanso,  y as!  a quarenta  aiios  que  me  he  ocupado 


No.  XV.] 


ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS. 


475 


tn  no  dormir,  mal  comer,  y a las  veces  lii  bien  ni  mal  traer  las  armas 
a cuestas,  poner  la  persona  en  peligro,  gastar  mi  hacienda  y edad  todo 
en  servicio  de  Dios,  trayendo  obejas  a su  corral  muy  remotas  de  nues- 
tro  imperio,  ignotas,  y no  escriptas  en  nuestras  Escrituras,  y acrecen- 
tando  y dilatando  el  nombre  y patrimonio  de  mi  Rey,  ganandole  y tray- 
endole  a su  yugo  y Real  cetro  muchos  y muy  grandes  reynos  y seiiorios 
de  muchas  barvaras  naciones  y gentes,  ganado  por  mi  propia  persona 
y espensas,  sin  ser  ayudado  de  cosa  alguna,  hantes  muy  estorvado  por 
nuestros  muchos  emulos  y invidiosos,  que  como  sanguijuelas  han  re- 
ventado  de  artos  de  mi  sangre.  De  la  parte  que  a Dios  cupo  de  mis 

trabajos  y vigilias  asad  estoy  pagado,  porque la  obra  suya  quiso 

tomarme  por  medio,  y que  las  gentes  me  atribuyesen  alguna  parte  ; 
aunquv.  quien  conociere  de  mi  lo  que  yo  bere  claro,  que  no  sin  causa  la 
divina  providencia  quiso  que  una  hobra  tan  grande  se  acavase  por  el 
mas  flaco  e inutil  medio  que  se  pudo  haber,  porque  seyendo  dios  fuese 
el  atributo.  De  lo  que  a mi  rey  quedo,  la  remuneracion  siempre 
estuve  satisfecho  que  ceteris  paribus  no  fuera  menor,  por  ser  su  tiem- 
po  de  V.  M.,  que  nunca  estos  reynos  despues  donde  yo  soy  natural  y 
a quien  cupo  este  beneficio  fueron  poseydos  de  tan  grande  Catolico 
principe  magnanimo  y poderoso  Rey  ; y asi  V.  M.,  la  primera  vez  que 
vese  las  manos  y entregue  los  frutos  de  mis  servicios,  mostro  recono- 
cimiento  de  ellos,  comenzo  a mostrar  voluntad  de  me  hacer  gratifica- 
cion,  honrrando  mi  persona  con  palabras  y hobras,  que  pareciendome  a 
mi  que  no  se  equiparaban  a mis  meritos,  V.  M.  sabe  que  yo  reuse  de 
recibir.  V.  M.  me  dijo  y mando  que  las  aceptase,  porque  pareciese 
que  me  comenzaba  ha  hacer  alguna  merced,  y que  no  las  reciviese 
por  pago  de  mis  servicios ; porque  V.  M.  se  queria  haber  con  migo, 
como  sean  los  que  se  muestran  a tiron  de  ballesta,  que  los  primeros 
tiros  dan  fuera  del  terrero,  y enmendando  dan  en  el  y en  el  bianco  y 
fiel ; que  la  merced  que  V.  M.  me  hacia  hera  dar  fuera  del  terrero,  y 
que  iria  enmendando  hasta  dar  en  el  fiel  de  lo  que  yo  merecia ; y pues 
que  no  se  me  quitava  nada,  de  lo  que  tenia,  ni  se  me  habia  de  quitar 
que  reciviese  lo  que  me  dava  ; y ansi  vese  las  manos  a V.  M.  por  ello, 
y enbolviendo  las  espaldas  quitoseme  lo  que  tenia  todo,  y no  se  me 
cumplio  la  merced  que  V.  M.  me  hizo.  Y demas  destas  palabras  que 
V.  M.  me  dijo,  y otras  que  me  prometid,  que,  pues  tiene  tan  buena  me- 
moria,  no  se  le  habran  olvidado,  por  cartas  de  V.  M.  firmadas  de  su 
real  nombre  tengo  que  muy  mayores.  Y pues  mis  servicios  hechos 
hasta  aqui  son  benemeritos  de  las  obras  y promesas  que  V.  M.  me 
hizo,  y despues  aca  no  lo  han  desmerecido  ; antes  nunca  ecesado  de 
servir  y acrecentar  el  Patrimonio  de  estos  reynos,  con  mil  estorvos,  que 


476 


APPENDIX. 


[Part  II. 


si  no  obiera  tenido  no  fuera  menos  lo  acrecentado,  despues  que  la 
merced  se  me  hizo  : lo  hecho  porque  las  merece,  no  sd  porque  no 
se  mo  cumple  las  promesas  de  las  mercedes  ofrecidas,  y se  me  quitan 
las  hechas.  Y si  quieren  decir  que  no  se  me  quitan,  pues  poseo  algo  ; 
cierto  es  que  nada  inutil  sera,  una  mesma  cosa  y lo  que  tengo,  estan 
sin  fruto,  que  me  fuera  arto  mejor  no  tenerlo,  porque  obiera  entendido 

en  mis  grangerias,  y no  gastado  el  s de  ellas  por  defenderme 

del  fiscal  de  V.  M.,  que  a sido  y es  mas  difieultoso  que  ganar  la  tierra 
de  los  enemigos ; asi  que  mi  trabajo  aprovecho  para  mi  contentamiento 
de  haber  hecho  el  dever,  y no  para  conseguir  el  efecto  del,  pues  no 

solo me  siguio  reposo  a la  vejez,  mas  trabajo  hasta  la  muerte ; y 

pluguiese  a Dios  que  no  pasase  adelante,  sino  que  con  la  corporal  se 
acabase,  y no  se  estendiese  a perpetua,  porque  quien  tanto  trabajo  tiene 
en  defender  cuerpo  no  pueda  dejar  de  ofender  al  anima.  Suplico  a 
V.  M.  no  permita  que  a tan  notorios  servicios  haya  tan  poco  mira- 
miento,  y pues  es  de  creer  que  no  es  a culpa  de  V.  M.  que  las  gentes 
lo  sepan  ; porque  como  esta  obra  que  Dios  hizo  por  mi  medio  es  tan 

grande  y maravillosa,  y se  ha  estendido  la  fama  de  ella  por  todos  los 

reynos  de  V.  M.  y de  los  otros  reyes  cristianos  y aun  por  algunos  in- 
fieles,  en  estos  donde  hay  noticias  del  pleito  de  entre  el  fiscal  y mi  no 
se  trata  de  cosa  mas ; y unos  atribuyen  la  culpa  al  fiscal,  otros  a culpas 
mias  ; y estas  no  las  hayan  tan  grandes,  que  si  bastase  para  por  ellas 
negarme  el  servicio,  no  bastasen  tambien  para  quitarme  la  vida,  honrra, 
y hacienda ; y que  puesto  no  se  hace  que  no  deve  ser  mia  la  culpa,  a 
V.  M.  ninguna  se  atribuye  ; porque  si  V.  M.  quisiese  quitarme  lo  que 
me  dio,  poder  tiene  para  ejecutarlo,  pues  al  que  quisiere  y puede  nada 
hay  imposible  ; decir  que  se  Tuscan  formas  para  colorar  la  obra,  y que 
no  se  sienta  el  intento,  ni  caven  ni  pueden  caber  en  los  reyes  unjidos 

por  Dios  tales  medios,  porque  para  con  el  no  hay  color  que  no  sea 

transparente,  para  con  el  mundo  no  hay  para  que  colorarlo,  por  que  asi 
lo  quiero,  asi  lo  mando,  es  el  descargo  de  lo  que  los  reyes  hacen.  Yo 
suplique  a V.  M.  en  Madrid  fuese  servido  de  aclarar  la  boluntad  que 
tubo  de  hacerme  merced  en  pago  de  mis  servicios,  y le  traje  a la  me- 
moria  algunos  de  ellos  ; dijome  V.  M.  que  mandaria  a los  del  su  consejo 
que  me  despachasen,  pues  que  se  les  dejava  mandado  lo  que  abian 
de  hacer;  porque  V.  M.  me  dijo  que  no  queria  que  trajese  pleyto  ccn 
el  fiscal,  quando  quise  saberlo  dijeronme,  que  me  defendiese  de  la  de- 
manda  del  fiscal  ; porque  havia  de  ir  por  tela  de  justicia,  y por  ella 
se  habia  de  sentenciar,  sentilo  por  grave,  v escribi  a V.  M.  a Barcelona, 
suplicandole  que  pues  era  servido  de  entrar  en  juicio  con  sus  siervos, 
lo  fuese,  sin  que  obiese  Juezes  sin  sospecha ; y V.  M.  manddme  que 


No.  XV.] 


ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS. 


477 


con  los  del  Consejo  de  las  Indias  se  juntasen  algunos  de  los  otros, 
pues  todos  son  criados  de  V.  M.,  y que  juntos  lo  determinasen,  no  fud 
V.  M.  servido  que  no  puedo  alcanzar  la  causa,  pues  quantos  mas  los 
biesen  mejor  alcanzarian  lo  que  se  devia  hacer.  Veome  viejo  y pobre  y 
empenado  en  este  reyno  en  mas  de  veinte  mil  ducados,  sin  mas  de 
ciento  otros,  que  he  gastado  de  los  que  traje ; 6 me  han  enviado  que 
algunos  de  ellos  devo,  tambien  que  los  an  tornado  prestados  para  en- 

viarme  y Correcambios ; y en  cinco  aims  poco  menos  que  ha  que 

sail  de  mi  casa  no  es  mucho  lo  que  he  gastado,  pues  nunca  ha  salido  de 
la  Corte,  con  tres  hijos  que  traygo  en  ella,  con  letrados,  procuradores, 
y solicitadores ; que  todo  fuera  mejor  empleado  que  V.  M.  se  sirviera 
de  ello  y de  lo  que  yo  mas  hoviera  adquirido  en  este  tiempo  ; ha 
ayudado  tambien  la  ida  de  Argel.  Pareceme  que  al  cojer  del  fruto  de 
mis  trabajos  no  devia  hecharse  en  basijas  rotas,  y dejarlo  en  juicio  de 
pocos,  sino  tornar  a suplicar  a V.  M.  sea  servido  que  todos  quantos 
jueces  V.  M.  tiene  en  sus  Consejos  conozcan  de  esta  causa,  y conforme 
a justicia  la  sentencia  sea.  — Yo  he  sentido  del  obispo  de  Cuenca  que- 
dasen,  que  obiese  para  esto  otros  jueces  demas  de  los  que  hay ; porque  61 
y el  licenciado  Salmeron,  nuebo  Oidor  en  este  Consejo  de  Indias,  son  los 
que  me  despojaron  sin  hoyrme  de  hecho,  siendo  jueces  en  la  nueva  Espa- 
fia,  como  lo  tengo  provado,  y con  quien  yo  tengo  pleito  sobre  el  dicho 
despojo,  y les  pido  cantidad  de  dineros  de  los  intereses  y renta  de  lo  que 
me  despojaron  ; y esta  claro  que  no  han  de  sentenciar  contra  si.  No  les  he 
querido  recusar  en  este  caso,  porque  siempre  crey  que  Y.  M.  fuera  servi- 
do que  no  llegara  a estos  terminos ; y no  seyendo  V.  M.  servido  que  hayan 
mas  jueces  que  determinen  esta  causa,  se  me  a forjado  recusar  al  Obispo 
de  Cuenca  y a Salmeron,  y pesarme  ya  en  el  anima  porque  no  podra  ser 
sin  alguna  dilacion  ; que  para  mi  no  puede  ser  cosa  mas  danosa,  porque 
he  sesenta  aims,  y anda  en  cinco  que  sali  de  mi  casa,  y no  tengo  mas  de 
un  hijo  V aron  que  me  suceda ; y aunque  tengo  la  muger  moza  para  poder 
tener  mas,  mi  hedad  no  sufre  esperar  mucho ; y si  no  tubiera  otro,  y dios 
dispusiera  de  este  sin  dejar  sucesion,  j,que  me  habria  aprovechado  lo 
adquirido  1 pues  subcediendo  hijas  se  pierde  la  memoria ; otra  y otra  vez 
tornar  a suplicar  & V.  M.  sea  servido  que  con  los  Jueces  del  Consejo 
de  Indias  se  junten  otros  jueces  de  estos  otros  Consejos ; pues  todos  son 
criados  de  V.  M.,  y le  fia  la  governacion  de  sus  reynos  y su  real  con- 
ciencia,  no  es  inconveniente  fiarles  que  determinen  sobre  una  escriptura 
de  merced,  que  V.  M.  hizo  4 un  su  vasallo  de  una  partecica  de  un  gran 
todo  con  que  se  sirvio  a V.  M.,  sin  costar  trabajo  ni  peligro  de  real 
persona,  ni  cuidado  de  espiritu  de  proveer  como  se  hiciese,  ni  costa  de 
dineros  para  pagar  la  gente  que  lo  hizo,  y que  tan  limpia  y lealmente 


478 


APPENDIX. 


\ Part  II 


sirvio,  no  solo  en  la  tierra  que  gano,  pero  con  mucha  cantidad  de  oro  y 
plata  y piedra  de  los  despojos  que  en  ella  ubo  ; y que  V.  M.  mande  a 
los  jueces  que  fuere  servido  que  entiendan  en  ello,  que  en  cierto  tiempo, 
que  V.  M.  les  sefiale,  lo  determinen  y sentencien  sin  que  liaya  esta 
dilacion  ; y esta  sera  para  mi  muy  gran  merced  ; porque  adilatarse,  dejar- 
lo  e perder  y bolverme  a mi  casa ; porque  no  tengo  ya  edad  para  andar 
por  mesones,  sino  para  recogerme  a aclarar  mi  cuenta  con  Dios,  pues  la 
tengo  larga,  y poca  vida  para  dar  los  descargos,  y sera  mejor  dejar  per- 
der la  acienda  que  el  anima.  Dios  Nuestro  Sefior  guarde  la  muy 
Real  persona  de  V.  M.  con  el  acrecentamiento  de  Reynos  y estados 
que  V.  M.  desea.  De  Valladolid,  a tres  de  Febrero  de  quinientos  quaren- 
ta  y quatro  aims.  De  V.  S.  M.  muy  humilde  siervo  y vasallo,  que  sus 
muy  reales  pies  y manos  besa.  — Marques  de  Valle. 

Cuvierta  a la  S.  C.  C.  M.,  El  Emperador  y Rey  de  las  Esparias. 

Tiene  este  decreto  : — A su  Mag.  del  Marques  del  Valle,  3 de  Febre- 
ro de  44  : — Nay  que  responder  : parece  letra  de  Covos. 

Original.  Archivo  de  Indias. 


No.  XVI.  — See  Vol.  III.,  p.  350. 

FUNERAL  OBSEQUIES  OF  CORTES. 

[The  original  of  this  document  is  in  the  Hospital  of  Jesus, 
at  Mexico  ; and  the  following  literal  translation  was  made 
from  a copy  sent  to  me  from  that  capital.] 

The  Interment  of  the  Marquess  of  the  Valley  of  Oajaca,  Hernan 
Cortes,  and  of  his  Descendant,  Don  Pf.dro  Cortes,  which  took 
PLACE  IN  THIS  ClTY  OF  MEXICO,  FeB.  24,  1629. 

The  remains  of  Don  Hernan  Cortes,  (the  first  Marquess  of  the 
Valley  of  Oajaca,)  which  lay  in  the  monastery  of  St.  Francis  for  more 
than  fifty  years  since  they  had  been  brought  from  Castilleja  de  la  Cues- 
ta,  were  carried  in  funeral  procession.  It  also  happened,  that  Don 
Pedro  Cortds,  Marquess  of  the  Valley,  died  at  the  court  of  Mexico,  Jan. 
30,  1G29.  The  Lord  Archbishop  of  Mexico,  D.  Francisco  Manso  de 
Zuniga,  and  his  Excellency  the  Viceroy,  Marquess  of  Serralbo,  agreed 
that  the  two  funerals  should  be  conducted  together,  paying  the  great- 


No.  XVI.] 


ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS. 


479 


est  honor  to  the  ashes  of  Hernando  Cortes.  The  place  of  interment 
was  the  church  of  St.  Francis  in  Mexico.  The  procession  set  forth 
from  the  palace  of  the  Marquess  of  the  Valley.  In  the  advance  were 
carried  the  banners  of  the  various  associations  ; then  followed  the  dif- 
ferent orders  of  the  religious  fraternities,  all  the  tribunals  of  Mexico, 
and  the  members  of  the  Audience.  Next  came  the  Archbishop  and 
the  Chapter  of  the  cathedral.  Then  was  borne  along  the  corpse  of 
the  Marquess  Don  Pedro  Cortes  in  an  open  coffin,  succeeded  by  the 
remains  of  Don  Hernando  Cortes,  in  a coffin  covered  with  black  velvet. 
A banner  of  pure  white,  with  a crucifix,  an  image  of  the  Virgin  and 
of  St.  John  the  Evangelist,  embroidered  in  gold,  was  carried  on  one 
side.  On  the  other  were  the  armorial  bearings  of  the  King  of  Spain, 
also  worked  in  gold.  This  standard  was  on  the  right  hand  of  the 
body.  On  the  left  hand  was  carried  another  banner,  of  black  velvet, 
with  the  arms  of  the  Marquess  of  the  Valley  embroidered  upon  it  in 
gold.  The  standard-bearers  were  armed.  Next  came  the  teachers  of 
divinity,  the  mourners,  and  a horse  with  sable  trappings,  the  whole 
procession  being  conducted  with  the  greatest  order.  The  members  of 
the  University  followed.  Behind  them  came  the  Viceroy  with  a large 
escort  of  cavaliers  ; then  four  armed  captains  with  their  plumes,  and 
with  pikes  on  their  shoulders.  These  were  succeeded  by  four  com- 
panies of  soldiers  with  their  arquebuses,  and  some  with  lances.  Be- 
hind them  banners  were  trailed  upon  the  ground,  and  muffled  drums 
were  struck  at  intervals.  The  coffin  enclosing  the  remains  of  the 
Conqueror  was  borne  by  the  Royal  Judges,  while  the  knights  of  the 
order  of  Santiago  supported  the  body  of  the  Marquess  Don  Pedro  Cor- 
tes. The  crowd  was  immense,  and  there  were  six  stations  where  the 
coffins  were  exposed  to  view,  and  at  each  of  these  the  responses  were 
chanted  by  the  members  of  the  religious  fraternities. 

The  bones  of  Cortes  were  secretly  removed  from  the  church  of  St. 
Francis,  with  the  permission  of  his  Excellency  the  Archbishop,  on  the 
2nd  of  July,  1794,  at  8 o’clock  in  the  evening,  in  the  carriage  of  the 
Governor,  the  Marques  de  Sierra  Nevada,  and  were  placed  in  a vault, 
made  for  this  purpose,  in  the  church  of  Jesus  of  Nazareth.  The  bones 
were  deposited  in  a wooden  coffin  inclosed  in  one  of  lead,  being  the 
same  in  which  they  came  from  Castilleja  de  la  Cuesta,  near  Seville. 
This  was  placed  in  another  of  crystal,  with  its  crossbars  and  plates  of 
silver  ; and  the  remains  were  shrouded  in  a winding-sheet  of  cambric, 
embroidered  with  gold,  with  a fringe  of  black  lace  four  inches  deep. 


f 


f 


( I 


* 


INDEX. 


VOL.  III. 


61 


V. 


INDEX 


A. 

Abderahman,  on  the  palm-tree,  i. 
174,  note. 

Ablutions  at  table,  i.  153,  n.  126. 

Aborigines  of  America,  origin  of  the, 
in.  371,  374,  397  ; of  their  civili- 
zation, 376.  Peculiarities  in  their 
organization,  400.  See  Indians 
and  Mankind. 

Absolution,  Aztec  rite  o£  i.  63. 

Achilles,  shade  of,  cited,  i.  62,  note. 

Acolhuans.  See  Tezcucans. 

Acolman,  in.  77.  Dispute  there,  98. 

Aculan,  Spaniards  at  the  capital  of, 
hi.  290. 

Adelantado,  i.  250,  note,  ii.  222. 

Adrian  of  Utrecht,  regent  of  Spain, 
ni.  78,  242.  Warrant  by,  243. 
Pope,  247. 

Adultery7,  charge  respecting,  m.424. 

Agave  Americana,  or  aloe,  or  ma- 
guey, i.  8.  Paper  from  the,  100, 
136.  Various  uses  made  of  the, 
100,  note,  136,156.  Dresden  Co- 
dex made  of  the,  105,  note.  Ac- 
count of  it,  136.  Nezahualcoyotl 
concealed  under  fibres  of,  165. 

Agriculture,  tax  on,  among  the  Az- 
tecs, i.  39,  134.  Remarks  on,  132. 
Of  North  American  Indians,  133. 
Among  the  Mexicans,  134.  Arti- 
cles of  Aztec,  135.  Encouraged 
by  Nezahualcoyotl,  176.  Tlasca- 
lan,  413.  Cholulan,  ii.  11.  Near 
the  lake  of  Chaleo,  61.  Attention 
to,  after  the  Conquest,  hi.  269,  332. 

Aguilar,  Jeronimo  de,  a Christian 
captive,  account  of,  i.  273.  Cortes’ 


reception  of,  275.  An  interpreter, 
275.  In  the  retreat  from  Mexico, 
ii.  372.  At  Chaleo,  in.  49. 

Ahualco,  crossed  by  Spaniards,  ii.  50 

Ahuitzotl,  i.  20,  81,  note. 

Ajotzinco,  city  of,  ii.  58. 

Alaminos,  Antonio  de,  chief  pilot  of 
the  armada,  i.  261,324.  Despatch- 
ed to  Spain,  368.  Anchors  at 
Cuba,  369. 

Alderete,  Julian  de,  royal  treasurer, 
in  47  At  Tacuba,  74.  Advice 
of,  as  to  attack,  136.  His  division 
for  assaulting  Mexico,  137,  133, 
note.  Too  eager  and  in  peril,  139, 
141.  Urges  the  torture  of  Guate- 
mozin,  234,  249. 

Alexander  the  Great,  ii.  412,  note. 

Alexander  VI.,  Pope,  bull  of  parti- 
tion by,  ii.  31,  note.  Enjoins  con- 
version of  the  heathen,  32,  note. 

Algiers,  expedition  against,  in.  340 

Alms-giving,  Aztec,  i.  71. 

Aloe.  See  Agave  Americana, 

Alphabet,  Egyptian,  l.  91,  note 
Nearest  approach  to,  93.  Euro- 
pean, introduced  into  Mexico,  97. 

Alvarado,  Jorge  de,  in.  137. 

Alvarado,  Pedro  de,  enters  the  river 
Alvarado,  i.  225,  293.  His  return 
to  Cuba  with  treasures,  227,  228, 
243.  Joins  Cortes,  256.  Marches 
across  Cuba,  257.  Reprimanded, 
267.  In  the  battles  near  the  Ta- 
basco, 281,  283.  On  a foraging 
party,  336.  Cuts  down  the  body 
of  Morla,  356.  Despatched  to 
Cempoalla,  371.  Troops  put  un- 
der, 339.  At  Tlascala,  430.  Doria 


484 


INDEX. 


Luisa  given  to,  483.  Visits  Mon- 
tezuma with  Cortes,  n,  84.  Aids 
in  seizing  Montezuma,  164.  Mon- 
tezuma pleased  with,  184.  Takes 
command  at  Mexico,  238.  In- 
structions to,  238.  Forces  under, 
239, 289,  note.  Assault  on,  273, 281, 
283.  Blockaded,  278,  287.  Joined 
by  Cortes,  280.  Aztecs  massacred 
by,  282,  hi.  169.  Character  of,  ii. 

288.  Cortes’  dissatisfaction  with, 

289.  Chivalrous,  313.  Storms  the 
great  temple,  324.  Overpowered 
at  the  Mexican  bridges,  339.  Acts 
at  the  evacuation  of  Mexico,  359, 
372.  Unhorsed,  363,  369.  At  the 
battle  of  Otumba,  399.  Accom- 
panies Duero  and  Bermudez  to 
Vera  Cruz,  437.  Sandoval  and, 
hi.  20.  Reconnoitres  Mexico,  27. 
Conspiracy  against,  81.  To  com- 
mand the  point  Tacuba,  91.  De- 
molishes the  aqueduct,  97,  99. 
Enmity  of  Olid  and,  98.  Opera- 
tions of,  117.  Protects  breaches, 
124.  Sandoval  to  join,  136.  His 
neglect  to  secure  a retreat,  138. 
Rebuked,  138.  His  fortune  at  the 
assault,  147.  Cortes’  opinion  of, 
151.  Temple  burnt  by,  178.  Meet- 
ing of  Cortes  and,  181.  In  the 
murderous  assault,  191,  195.  To 
occupy  the  market-place,  198.  De- 
tached to  Oaxaca,  238.  Conquers 
Guatemala,  273. 

Alvarado’s  Leap,  n.  369,  370. 

Amadis  de  Gaula,  n.  62,  note. 

Amaquemecan,  Spaniards  at,  n.  58. 

Ambassadors,  persons  of,  held  sa- 
cred, i.  44. 

Ammunition,  in.  164.  See  Gun- 
powder. 

Amnesty,  granted  by  Nezahualco- 
yotl,  i.  168. 

Anaglyphs,  i.  96,  note. 

Anahuac,  i.  11.  Extent  of,  11,  note. 
Meaning  of  the  word,  12,  note. 
Forms  of  government  in,  23.  The 


I golden  age  of,  59.  Number  of  hu- 
man sacrifices  in,  79,  note , 81. 
See  Aztecs  and  Mezico. 

Animals,  collection  of,  n.  117.  Of 
the  New  World  and  the  Old,  dif- 
ferent, hi.  371.  Origin  of,  in  the 
New  World,  372.  No  useful  do- 
mesticated, among  the  Aztecs,  416. 
See  Draught-cattle. 

Animals,  artificial,  i.  140,  note,  178, 
319,  364,  note,  n.  39,  135. 

Antigua  or  Vera  Cruz  Vieja,  i.  353, 
note,  ui.  259. 

Antiquities,  i.  185,  hi.  410.  Of  Co- 
zumel, i.  269,  note. 

Aqueducts,  conducting  to  Tezcotzin- 
co,  i.  182.  At  Iztapalapan,  n.  65. 
From  Chapoltcpec,  85,  109,  note, 
114;  destroyed,  hi.  97,  99. 

Arabic  manuscripts  destroyed,  1. 101. 

Architecture,  refinement  and,  i.  172. 
Of  the  Tezcucans,  177,  185.  In 
Yucatan,  223,  225.  Of  Cozumel, 
268.  At  Cempoalla,  343,  345.  Of 
Tlascala,  474.  Marine, at  Ajotzin- 
co,  ii.  58.  At  Cuitlahuac,  62.  Of 
Iztapalapan,  64.  On  the  Tezcu- 
can  lake,  69.  At  Mexico,  76.  En- 
couragement of,  by  Montezuma, 
115.  After  the  Conquest,  in.  256 
Coincidences  with  Aztec,  402,407 
Of  Palenque,  407. 

Archives  at  Tezcuco,  i.  172,  177. 

Argensola,  on  the  house  of  Cortes,  i. 
230,  note.  On  the  detention  of 
Cortes  in  Spain,  233,  note. 

Arithmetic  among  the  Aztecs,  i. 
109. 

Ark,  coincidences  with  the,  in.  379. 

Armada,  intrusted  to  Cortes,  i.  245. 
The  fitting  out  of  the,  246,  247 
Expense  of  it,  247, 255,  333.  Sails, 
253.  Equipment  of  it,  253,  255, 
256.  Joined  by  volunteers,  255, 
256.  Sails  from  Havana,  261.  Its 
strength,  261.  Chief  pilot  of  the, 
261.  Encounters  a storm,  266.  At 
Cozumel,  266,  273.  Sails,  266, 273, 


INDEX. 


485 


276.  At  the  Rio  de  Tabasco,  276. 
Wounded  sent  back  to  the,  283. 
Sails  for  Mexico,  292.  At  San 
Juan  de  Ulua,  Villa  Rica,  and  Vera 
Cruz,  294,  299,  324,  348.  One 
vessel  joins  the,  362.  One  vessel 
of  the,  despatched  to  Spain,  368, 
370.  Juan  Diaz  attempts  to  escape 
with  one  of  the,  370.  Sunk,  373, 
375,  376,  note.  See  Brigantines. 

Annies,  account  of  Aztec,  i.  46. 

Armor,  tribute  of,  i.  39,  40,  note. 

Arms  of  Montezuma,  ii.  85.  See  Ar- 
rows. 

Arrows,  defence  against,  i.  258,  285. 
Burnt,  ii.  172.  Discharge  of,  at 
the  assault  in  Mexico,  303. 

Art,  few  works  of  Aztec,  found,  in. 
405. 

Artillery.  See  Cannon. 

Artisans,  Montezuma’s,  ii.  128. 

Astrology,  i.  118,  note , 121.  Origin 
of,  120. 

Astronomy,  Mexican,  i.  122,  123. 
Studied,  194,  203. 

Atlantis  of  Plato,  in.  372. 

Audience,  giving  of,  by  Montezuma, 
ii.  127. 

Auditors  of  accounts,  Aztec,  i.  30, 
note. 

Auxiliaries.  See  Indian  allies. 

Aviary,  Aztec,  n.  65, 117,  in.  121, 
256. 

Avila,  Alonso  de,  joins  Cortes,  i. 
256.  Fights,  277,  279,  283.  Aids 
to  seize  Montezuma,  n.  164  ; Nar- 
vaez, 254.  Before  Cortes,  in  be- 
half of  the  soldiers,  271.  Tries 
to  calm  Cortes,  290.  In  the  re- 
treat from  Mexico,  360,  372.  At 
the  battle  of  Otumba,  399.  De- 
spatched to  St.  Domingo,  444,  note  ; 
to  Spain,  in.  242.  Captured  by 
the  French,  242. 

Axayacatl,  Aztec  sovereign,  Tlas- 
calans  oppose,  i.  416.  His  treas- 
ure, ii.  155,  200,  201.  See  Treas- 


Axayacatl’s palace,  n.  79,  80,  301, 
m 113.  Spaniards  quartered  in 
ii.  79,  80.  Chapel  in,  155.  Mon 
tezuma’s  confinement  in,  169.  Re- 
turn of  Cort6s  to,  280.  Spaniards 
besieged  there,  287.  Assaulted  by 
Aztecs,  302.  Fired,  305.  Com- 
manded by  the  temple  of  the  war 
god,  322.  Destroyed,  m.  120. 

Ayllon,  the  licentiate,  sent  to  stay  Ve 
lasquez’s  expedition,  n.  224.  Joins 
the  fleet,  226.  Seized  and  sent 
back,  228.  His  report,  228.  Re- 
leased, in.  79. 

Ayotlan,  siege  and  capture  of,  i. 
148. 

Azcapozalco,  a slave-market,  1. 147, 
168,  in.  30,  note. 

Aztecs,  or  Mexicans,  civilization  of 
the,  i.  3,  49,  204,  n.  139,  in.  371. 
Extent  of  their  country,  i.  4,  in. 
215.  Time  of  their  arrival  at  Ana- 
huac,  i.  15,  17,  note,  410,  in.  214. 
Their  migratory  habits,  i.  16,  hi. 
387.  Settlement  of,  at  Mexico,  i. 
16.  Domestic  feuds  and  secession 
among  them,  17.  Extent  of  their 
territory  just  before  the  arrival  of 
the  Spaniards,  20.  Form  of  gov- 
ernment among  the,  23.  Election 
and  installation  of  sovereigns,  23. 
Legislative  and  judicial  system 
among  them,  28.  Great  aim  of 
their  institutions,  43.  Compared 
with  Saxons  of  the  time  of  Alfred, 
49.  On  calling  them  barbarians, 
49,  note.  Comparison  of  modern 
Mexicans  and,  50.  Their  mythol- 
ogy, 54.  Cycles,  61,  112,  note, 
114,  m.  378,  391.  Ideas  of  future 
life,  i.  62.  Their  claims  to  civi- 
lization, 83,  hi.  215.  Compared 
with  Europeans  of  the  sixteenth 
century,  i.  83.  Their  law  of 
honor,  84,  note.  Their  manu- 
scripts, 99.  The  Teoamoxtli,  or 
divine  book  of  the,  107,  note. 
Their  literary  culture,  108.  Meas- 


ure. 


486 


INDEX. 


urement  of  time,  109.  Their  cy- 
cle called  “ an  old  age,”  113,  note. 
Astrology,  121.  Astronomy,  122. 
Their  festival  at  the  termination 
of  the  great  cycle,  125.  Their 
agriculture,  134.  Acquaintance 
of,  with  plants,  138 ; with  mine- 
rals, 138;  with  the  mechanical 
arts,  139,  143.  Their  domestic 
manners,  150.  Differ  from  North 
American  Indians,  157,  hi.  400, 
note.  Character  of  the,  original 
and  unique,  i.  158.  Nezahual- 
coyotl  unites  his  forces  with  the, 

167,  Beat  and  sacrifice  Maxtla, 

168.  Transfer  of  power  to,  from 
the  Tezcucans,  203.  The  first 
communication  with  them,  225, 
226,  227.  Orders  to  Cortes  re- 
specting the  treatment  of  them, 
248.  Their  condition,  and  disgust 
with  Montezuma,  at  the  time  of 
Cortes'  arrival,  311.  Defeated  by 
Tlascalans,  416.  Aid  in  a Cholu- 
lan  conspiracy,  H.  16, 19.  Number 
of,  in  the  Mexican  market,  139. 
Enraged  at  the  profanation  of  their 
temples,  213.  Aid  in  building 
vessels  at  Vera  Cruz,  214,  231. 
Insurrection  by  the,  287.  Their 
assaults  on  the  Spanish  quarters, 
302,  315.  Sally  against  them,  308. 
Addressed  by  Montezuma,  317. 
Insult  Montezuma,  319.  Their 
spirit  at  the  storming  of  the  great 
temple,  324,  325.  Cortes’  address 
to,  330.  Their  reply,  331.  Their 
combatant  spirit,  337,  339.  As- 
sault the  retreating  Spaniards, 
364.  Measures  for  rallying,  418. 
Tlascalan  alliance  with,  rejected, 
421.  Guatemozin  emperor  of  the, 
450.  Proceeded  against  as  rebels, 
452.  Want  of  cohesion  among 
them,  in.  17.  Deride  Cortes,  36. 
Fights  with,  on  the  Sierra,  51. 
At  Xochimilco,  67.  Defend  the 
aqueduct  of  Chapoltepec,  99.  At 


Iztapalapan,  102.  Defeat  of  their 
flotilla,  103.  Fight  on  the  cause- 
ways, 109.  Their  exasperation, 
122.  Their  hatred  of  white  men, 
134,  176.  Their  bravery  at  the 
general  assault,  141.  Attack  Al- 
varado and  Sandoval,  147.  Their 
spirit  and  sufferings,  165,  171, 176, 
187,  198.  Sortie  of,  170.  Do  not 
bury  their  dead,  175,  189.  As- 
sault on,  at  the  market-place,  194. 
Effect  of  Guatemozin’s  capture  on, 
203.  Evacuate  the  city,  209.  Re- 
marks on  the  fall  of  their  empire, 
215.  Essay  on  the  origin  of  the 
civilization  of  the,  371.  Tradi 
tions  respecting  their  origin,  397. 
See  Guatemozin  and  Montezuma 


B. 

Babel,  coincidences  of  the  tower  of, 
and  the  temple  of  Cholula,  ill.  381. 

Bachelors  subject  to  penalties,  ill. 
261. 

Badajoz,  British  atrocities  at,  ii.  34. 

Badajoz,  Gutierre  do,  storms  the 
great  teocalli , in.  178. 

Bahama  Islands,  i.  217.  Expedition 
to,  for  slaves,  222. 

Balboa,  Nunez  de,  i.  21 7, 239.  Trans- 
ports brigantines,  in.  25,  note. 

Banana,  1. 135.  The  forbidden  fruit, 
135,  note. 

Banner  of  Cortes,  l.  258,  456,  note. 
Lost  and  recovered,  m.  146.  See 
Standard. 

Biinners,  River  of,  i.  225,  293. 

Baptism,  Aztec  and  Pagan,  i.  64, 
hi.  385,  387. 

Barante,  on  a disclosure  in  the  reign 
of  Louis  the  Eleventh,  in.  85. 

Barha,  Don  Pedro,  governor  of  Ha- 
vana, ordered  to  seize  Cortes,  I. 
260. 

Barba,  Pedro,  killed,  hi.  128. 

Barbers,  Aztec,  i.  475,  n.  137. 


INDEX. 


487 


Barca,  Madame  Calderon  de  la,  on 
Mexican  love  of  flowers,  i.  342, 
note.  On  Tacuba,  hi.  98,  note. 
On  Cuernavaca,  332,  note. 

Barks  at  Ajotzinco,  n.  58.  See  Ca- 
noes. 

Barracks  built  at  Mexico,  ill.  130. 

Barrio  de  San  Jago,  ill.  183. 

Barter,  Grijalva’s,  at  the  River  of 
Banners,  i.  226,  293.  Object  of 
Cortes’  expedition,  248.  At  Co- 
zumel, 267.  With  the  Tabascans, 
289.  See  Traffic. 

Basque  language,  m.  396,  note. 

Bas-reliefs  destroyed,  i.  142,  ii.  121. 

Baths  of  Montezuma,  i.  183,  n.  122. 

Battles,  Aztecs  avoided  slaying  their 
enemies  in,  i.  81.  Of  Tabasco,  279, 
281.  Of  Ceutla,  285.  Between 
Aztecs  and  TIascalans,  416,418; 
Spaniards  and  TIascalans,  422, 
423,  426,  428,  438;  443,  451 ; Esca- 
lante and  Q,uauhpopoca,  ii.  162 ; 
Cortes  and  Narvaez,  259.  At  the 
Aztec  insurrection,  303,  310.  At 
the  great  temple,  325.  On  leaving 
Mexico,  337,  339.  Of  the  Melan- 
choly Night,  364.  Of  Otumba, 
393.  Of  Quauhquechollan,  429. 
Of  Iztapalapan,  in.  8, 9, 102.  Near 
Chaleo,  12.  At  Xaltocan,28.  At 
Tlacopan,  32.  Of  Jacapichtla,  42. 
On  tlie  rocks  of  the  Sierra,  50,  51. 
At  Cuernavaca,  58.  At  Xochi- 
milco,  61,  67.  At  the  aqueduct 
of  Chapoltepec,  99.  Naval,  witli 
the  Indian  flotilla,  103.  On  the 
Mexican  causeways,  110.  With 
Alderete’s  division,  142.  With 
the  Panuchese,  245. 

Beetles,  Cortes  aided  by,  ii.  261. 

Beggary,  not  tolerated,  i.  192. 

Bejar,  Duke  de,  befriends  Cortes, 
hi.  246,  321.  His  reception  of 
him,  318. 

Belus,  on  the  tower  of,  hi.  402, 
note. 

Benavente,  Count  of,  i.  215,  note. 


Bermudez,  Agustin,  ii.  263,  436. 

Bernaldez  on  devils,  i.  58,  note. 

Bilious  fever.  See  Vdmito. 

Bird,  Dr.,  on  mantas , ii.  336,  note. 

Birds,  artificial,  1. 140,  note , 178,319, 
364,  note , ii.  39,  135.  See  Jlvian/. 

Births,  consultation  at,  i.  121. 

Bishop’s  Pass,  i.  397. 

Bison,  domesticated,  ill.  416,  note. 

Blanc,  Mont,  height  of,  ii.  45,  note. 

Blasphemy,  prohibited,  n.  456. 

Blumenbach,  on  American  skulls, 
hi.  402,  note. 

Bodies  ef  the  TIascalans,  painted,  i. 
438,  439.  See  Dead. 

Bodleian  library,  roll  and  Codex  in 
the,  i.  40,  note , 103,  note. 

Body-guard  of  Montezuma,  i.  122 
Of  Cortes,  hi.  86.  See  Quinones 

Booty,  law  on  appropriating,  n.  45S. 
Little  found  in  Mexico,  iii.  211, 
213,  234.  See  Gold  and  Treasure 

Borunda,  the  Mexican  Champollion, 
i.  107,  note. 

Botanical  garden,  n.  66,  note,  119 
See  Floating. 

Botello  urges  night  retreat,  n.  356. 

Boturini,  Benaduci,  Chevalier,  his 
writings  and  collection  of  manu- 
scripts, 1. 12,  note,  20,  note , 22,  27, 
note , 99,  note , 102,  note,  106,  note, 
158,  note,  160,  173,  note,  n.  79, 
note,  391,  note,  hi.  381,  note. 

Bradford’s  American  Antiquities,  im 
369. 

Branding  of  slaves,  n.  425,  hi.  22. 

Brass  substituted  for  iron,  i.  139, 
note. 

Brazil  secured  to  Portugal,  n.  31, 
note. 

Breaches  in  the  causeways,  made 
and  filled,  iii.  110,  111,  112,  119, 
124,139,140,166,180.  Neglect- 
ed by  Alderete,  140,  141.  Meas- 
ures for  filling,  164. 

Bread  and  wine,  consecrated,  iii. 
386,  note. 

Bridges,  at  Mexico,  ii.  72,  78,  109, 


488 


INDEX. 


Ill,  158,  in.  100.  Removed,  ii. 
280,  292.  Demolished,  331,  332, 
337, 339.  Restored,  339.  Leaped 
by  Cortes,  340.  Portable,  360, 
362,  363,  364.  Arched,  at  Tlas- 
cala,  471.  At  Cuernavaca,  m.  57, 
58.  In  the  expedition  to  Hondu- 
ras, 280,  282,  296.  See  Breaches 
and  Canals. 

Brigantines,  built  on  Lake  Tezcuco, 
ii.  180.  Burnt,  273,  434.  Built 
and  transported  to  Lake  Tezcuco, 
434,  446,  455,  465,  in.  5,  20,  22, 
45,  48,  86,  90.  Attempts  to  de- 
stroy, 46.  Launched,  77, 87.  Ca- 
nal for  transporting,  87.  Remains 
of,  preserved,  87,  note , 257.  Co- 
operate with  the  army,  102,  103, 
105,  107,  109,  137,  148,  201.  De- 
coyed and  destroyed,  128.  Sail 
from  Honduras  to  Truxillo,  297. 
See  Fleet. 

British  atrocities,  ii.  34. 

Budh,  incarnation  of,  i.  59,  note. 

Buffalo  ranges,  in.  416. 

Buffoons,  Aztec,  i.  156,  note.  See 
Jesters. 

Bullock,  W.,  on  Tezcuco,  i.  179, 
note , ii.  189,  note.  On  a basin  at 
Tezcotzinco,  i.  183,  note.  On  an- 
tiquities at  Tezcotzinco,  185,  note. 
On  Puebla  de  los  Angeles,  ii.  10, 
note.  On  the  pyramids  of  Teoti- 
huacan,  388,  note,  390,  note.  On 
a banner  in  the  Hospital  of  Jesus, 
hi.  146,  note. 

Bulls  for  the  Conquerors,  in.  47,  312, 
note. 

Burials,  i.  64,  note.  See  Dead. 

Bustamante,  editor  of  Sahagun ’s  U ni- 
versal  History,  i.  88,  95,  106,  note, 
130,  hi.  183,  note,  220,  note,  229. 

C. 

Cabot,  Sebastian,  i.  217. 

Cacama,  king  of  Tezcuco,  rival  for 


the  crown,  i.  311,  ii.  188,  473. 
Favors  a friendly  reception  of  Cor- 
tes, i.  317,  ii.  187.  Counsels 
Montezuma,  57,  187.  Mission  of, 
to  Cortes,  58,  60.  Accompanies 
Montezuma,  73.  His  plan  for  lib 
erating  Montezuma,  181>.  Negotia- 
tions with,  190, 191.  Seizure  of, 
and  of  his  confederates,  192,  193, 
466,  in.  169.  Brought  away  from 
Mexico,  ii.  359,  466.  Fate  of, 
466. 

Cacao,  i.  135,  176,  note.  A circu- 

• lating  medium,  145,  ii.  140. 

Csesar,  Julius,  order  by,  I.  287,  note. 

Calderon,  Seiior  de,  n.  351,  note. 
See  Barca. 

Calendar,  Aztec,  1. 112,113,  and  113, 
note,  114.  Of  the  lunar  reckon- 
ing, 117,  119.  Coincidences  with 
the  Aztec,  in.  393. 

Calendar-stone,  1. 123, 142, 143,  note, 
n.  115. 

Calmecac  school,  i.  69. 

Calpulli,  or  tribes,  distribution  into, 
I.  39,  note. 

Camargo,  Diego  Mufios,  i.  479,  note. 
Account  of,  and  of  his  writings, 
ii.  296.  Cited,  344,  note,  370, 
note,  in.  446. 

Campeachy,  Bay  of,  i.  276. 

Canals,  for  irrigation,  i.  135,  284,  ii 
12,61.  Instead  of  streets,  58.  In 
the  gardens  at  Iztapalapan,  65.  In 
Mexico,  106, 110.  Filled  up,  107 
337,  366.  For  transporting  brigan- 
tines, in.  87.  See  Breaches  and 
Bridges. 

Cannibalism,  i.  78,  84,  155,  274. 
During  the  siege,  in.  129,  167. 
Of  the  allies,  132.  Of  Spanish 
captives,  153.  Coincidences  as  to, 
389. 

Cannon,  landed  from  the  ships,  i. 
283.  Command  of,  given  to  Mesa, 
283.  Effect  of,  at  the  battle  of 
Ceutla,  285.  Mounted  on  the  Vera 
Cruz  hillocks,  299.  Effect  of,  on 


INDEX. 


489 


Aztec  visiters,  304.  Sent  to  the 
fleet,  338.  At  Cempoalla,  345. 
Effect  of,  on  the  Tlascalans,  430, 
443,  444.  At  Cholula,  ii.  24. 
Effect  of,  at  Mexico,  84,  303,  304, 
310.  On  board  Narvaez’s  fleet, 
226.  At  Cempoalla,  256,  259. 

Turned  against  Narvaez,  261.  Ef- 
fect of,  at  the  retreat,  368.  All 
lost  in  the  retreat,  378.  For  at- 
tacking Mexico,  452.  In  the  fleet 
on  Lake  Tezcuco,  in.  90.  Effects 
of,  at  the  siege  of  Mexico,  112, 
146,  148.  Cast  in  Mexico,  257. 

Cano,  Don  Thoan,  ii.  285,  note.  Mar- 
ried Montezuma’s  daughter,  285, 
note,  321,  note,  351,  note,  in.  287, 
note.  Cited,  ii.  321,  note,  376, 378, 
note,  406,  note,  in.  452. 

Canoes,  n.  58,  70, 112,  in.  99,  103, 
107. 

Captives.  See  Christians  and  Pris- 
oners. 

Caribbee  Islands,  i.  217. 

Carli,  Count,  cited,  i.  27,  note,  124, 
note,  144,  note,  145,  note,  in.  372, 
note , 386,  note,  389,  note,  417,  note. 

Carpets,  cotton,  at  Vera  Cruz,  i.  299. 

Carreri,  Gemelli,  chart  of,  hi.  398, 
note. 

Casa  de  Contratacion,  i.  215,  ii.  218. 

Casa,  Giovanni  della,  ii.  Ill,  note. 

Casas  Grandes,  ruins  of,  in.  399, 
note. 

Castes  in  Mexico,  i.  146. 

Catalina.  See  Xuarez. 

Catalogue  of  Mexican  historians,  i. 
97,  note. 

Catapult,  built,  hi.  184. 

Cathedrals,  i.  141,  ii.  105,  141,  in. 
255,  256. 

Catherwood's  illustrations,  in.  369. 

Catholics,  Protestants  and,  i.  291, 
361.  Views  of,  as  to  infidels,  n. 
30,  31. 

Catoclie,  Cape,  i.  223,  276. 

Cattle,  i.  242,  note,  in.  332. 

Causeways,  dividing  Chaleo  from 

VOL.  III.  62 


Xochicalco,  n.  61,  69.  The  three, 
at  Mexico,  108.  Present  state  of 
the,  in.  259.  See  Cojohuacan , 
Iztapalapan,  Tepejacac,  and  Tlaco 
pan. 

Cavaliers,  i.  256,  269. 

Cavallero,  superintendent  of  ma- 
rine, ii.  272. 

Cavalry,  i.  283,  286,  287.  Indian 
ideas  respecting,  287.  In  Narvaez’s 
armada,  n.  226,  261.  Effect  of,  at 
Mexico,  310,  367,  371,  383.  Loss 
of,  378.  At  the  battle  of  Otumba, 
396,  397.  For  attacking  Mexico, 
452.  At  Tlacopan,  in.  32.  Am- 
buscade with,  38,  73.  At  the 
siege  and  summder  of  Mexico, 
116,  146.  See  Horses. 

Cavo,  on  Cortes’  bigotry,  in.  361, 
note. 

Cempoalla,  i.  329,  338,  343.  Re- 
ception of  Cortes  at,  344.  Caci- 
que of,  at  Chiahuitztla,  349.  Cor- 
tes’ second  visit  to,  352,  357.  Ca- 
cique of,  aided  by  Cortes,  356. 
Arrests  there,  359.  Proceedings 
there,  389.  Narvaez  at,  n.  235, 
254.  Sick  and  wounded  left  at, 
274. 

Cempoallan  allies,  i.  391,  392,  note. 
Perish  from  cold,  397.  Distrust 
Cholulans,  406.  Four,  sent  to  the 
Tlascalans,  406,  424,  425.  Fight 
Tlascalans,  429.  Enter  Cholula, 
ii.  12.  Detect  a conspiracy,  15. 
Withdraw,  40.  At  Mexico  with 
Cortes,  69,  note,  289,  note. 

Centaurs,  Spaniards  thought  to  be, 
i.  287. 

Ceremonies,  religious,  i.  73. 

Ceutla,  battle  of,  i.  283,  288. 

Chalcas,  i.  180,  note,  in.  49. 

Chalchuites,  resembling  emeralds,  i. 
325. 

Chaleo,  in.  12.  Sandoval’s  expedi- 
tions to,  40,  48.  Cortes’  expedi- 
tion in  favor  of,  48.  Indian  levies 
join  Spaniards  at,  90,  102. 


490 


INDEX. 


Chaleo,  lake  of,  i 142,  n.  58,  61, 
147. 

Challenges,  hi.  172. 

Champollion,  i.  95, 96,  note,  106,  note. 

Chapoltepec,  carved  stones  at,  de- 
stroyed, i.  123,  note.  Residence 
of  Mexican  monarchs,  it.  52,  120. 
Aqueduct  front,  85,  109,  note,  m. 
97,  99,  114.  Account  of,  it.  120. 
Views  from,  121. 

Charles  V.,  Spain  under,  i.  213. 
Discovery  by  the  beginning  of  his 
reign,  217.,  Title  of,  332,  note. 
Cortes’  First  Letter  to,  364,  1 1.443. 
Discussion  before,  on  the  civiliza- 
tion of  Indians,  i.  379.  Montezu- 
ma's gifts  to,  ii.  199,  200,  202,203. 
His  first  visit  to  Spain  after  his  ac- 
cession, 218.  His  treatment  of  en- 
voys from  Cortes,  219,  221.  Sec- 
ond Letter  to,  by  Cortes,  440. 
Absent,  hi.  76,  242.  Grant  by,  to 
Co/tes,  for  capturing  Guatemozin, 
204,  note.  Third  Letter  to,  from 
Cortes,  and  one  from  the  army, 
241.  In  Spain,  247.  Board  by, 
respecting  Cortes,  247.  Powers 
given  by,  to  Cortes,  250.  Fifth 
Letter  to,  279,  note,  470.  Appoints 
a juez  de  residencin,  305.  Writes 
to  Cortes,  306  ; orders  him  to  re- 
turn to  Spain,  309.  Gives  audi- 
ence to  him,  318.  Confides  in 
Cortes,  318.  Visits  him,  319. 
Honors  and  rewards  Cortes,  320. 
Goes  to  Italy,  324.  Absence  of, 
339.  Applications  to,  by  Cortes, 
and  the  result,  341.  Last  Letter 
to,  by  Cortes,  342,  474. 

Chase,  Montezuma’s  fondness  for 
the,  it.  186,  187. 

Chastity,  injunctions  as  to,  hi.  423. 

Chess,  i.  320. 

Chiahuitztla,  visit  to,  i.  348. 

Chiapa,  resemblances  to  architecture 
in,  hi.  404,  407. 

Chiapa,  Bishop  of,  i.  382.  See  Las 
Casas. 


Chichemecatl,  a Tlascalan  chief,  hi. 

I 23,  90,  157. 

Chichemecs,  i.  14,  17,  note,  in.  398. 
Children,  baptizing  and  naming  of, 

i. 64,m.385.  Education  and  dis- 
cipline of,  i.  69,  150.  Sacrificed, 

ii.  15.  Cortes’  treatment  of,  27. 
Stew  of,  for  Montezuma,  124, 
note. 

Chimalpopoca,  sacrificed,  i.  84,  note. 
China,  i.  43,  note,  59,  note,  146,  note. 
See  Chinese. 

Chinantla,  lances  from,  ii.  238,  244. 
Chinantlan  allies  aid  Cortes,  ii.  238, 
269. 

Chinese,  i.  132.  Their  language 
and  the  Othomi,  iii.  396.  Iron 
among  the,  417,  note.  See  Chi- 
na. 

Chivalry,  spirit  of,  in  the  troops,  in. 
64,  172. 

Chocolate,  i.  40,  note,  135,  155,  156, 
ii.  125. 

Cholula,  traditions  connected  with 
Qnetzalcoatl  at,  i.  60,  312,  ii.  5, 
196,  199,  471.  Account  of,  3,  10, 
13.  Pilgrims  to,  8.  Entered  by 
the  Spaniards,  12.  Junction  of 
Cortes  and  Velasquez  de  Leon  at, 
237,241.  Olid's  countermarch  on, 
428.  Coincidences  of  the  tower  of 
Babel  and  the  temple  of,  in.  380. 
Cholulan  allies,  ii.  428,  454,  in.  157. 
Cholulans,  i.  406.  Distrust  of,  406, 

485,  467.  Summons  to  the,  485, 

486.  Embassy  from  the,  486,  467. 
Their  reception  of  the  Spaniards, 
ii.  12.  Conspiracy  of  the,  14. 
To  aid  Cortes,  19,  22.  Massa- 
cred, 23.  Efforts  to  convert,  37. 

Christianity,  ideas,  rites,  and  usages 
not  unlike  to,  among  the  Mexicans, 
i.  57,  64,  68,  ii.  154,  m.  389. 
Measures  for  conversion  to,  i.  219, 
269  - 272,  290,  361,  396,  402,  404, 
478,  ii.  37,  in.  291,  294.  Simi- 
larity of  Onetzalcoatl's  teachings 
to,  ii.  5,  note.  On  conquest  for 


INDEX. 


491 


conversion  to,  30,  176.  Duty  to 
convert  to,  31,  note,  177.  Attempts 
to  convert  Montezuma  to,  82,  87, 
185,  208,  343;  Maxixca,  436;  his 
son,  and  Xicotencatl,  445.  After 
the  Conquest,  in.  256,  266.  Rapid 
spread  of,  267.  See  Cortes. 

Christians,  in  captivity,  i.  248,  267, 
273.  See  Christianity. 

Chronology,  i.  110,  114,  ii.  95. 

Churches,  n.  382,  390,  in.  180, 
256. 

Cihuaca,  cacique,  killed,  n.  399. 

Cimatlan,  phonetic  sign  for,  i.  96. 

Cioacoatl,  Eve  and,  in.  381. 

Circulating  medium,  i.  145,  n.  140. 

Cities,  division  of,  i.  68.  See  Towns. 

Civilization,  Mexican  claim  to,  i.  83. 
Of  the  Tezcucans  over  the  rest 
of  Anahuac,  204.  In  Yucatan, 
223,  225.  In  Cozumel,  268.  At 
Tabasco,  284.  Of  Tlascala,  311, 
415.  As  shown  in  Indian  manu- 
scripts, 368,  note.  Of  Indians,  dis- 
cussed, 379.  At  Iztapalapan,  ii. 
64  - 66.  In  Mexico,  92.  Essay  on 
the  origin  of  Mexican,  hi.  371, 
376 ; similarity  and  dissimilarity 
of,  in  the  two  continents,  377 ; two 
general  conclusions  respecting  it, 
418.  See  Refinement. 

Claudian,  cited,  ii.  45,  note. 

Clavigero,  i.  4,  note,  11,  note.  On 
Boturini’s  authorities,  12,  note. 
Dates  from,  17,  note.  Notices  of, 
and  of  his  Storia  Antica  del  Messi- 
co,  22,  52.  On  the  high-priest, 
67,  note.  On  the  number  of  human 
sacrifices,  80,  note.  Catalogue  of 
Mexican  historians  by,  97,  note. 
On  Aztec  fairs,  111,  note.  On  the 
population  of  Tlascala,  427,  note. 
On  Mexican  dialects,  in.  395,  note. 

Clemencin,  on  coins,  i.  321,  note. 

Clement  VII.,  pope,  in.  312,  note. 

Cloths,  Mexican,  i.  144,  n.  4.  See 
Cotton , Feather-work,  and  Mantles. 

Coanaco,  made  cacique  of  Tezcuco, 


ii.  466.  Joins  the  Aztecs,  466. 
Puts  Spaniards  to  death,  467.  De- 
stroys his  brother,  467.  Escapes 
from  Tezcuco,  470.  Captured,  hi. 
203. 

Coatepec,  town  of,  ii.  465. 

Coatzacualco,  ii.  194,  237,  272,  in 
278,  279. 

Cochineal,  i.  143,  393,  n.  136,  note. 

Cocotlan,  i.  399,  400. 

Code,  military,  ii.  455,  hi.  464.  See 
Laws. 

Codex  Telleriano-Remensis,  i.  81, 
note,  105,  note. 

Cofre  de  Perote,  a volcano,  i.  397 

Cogolludo  on  ruins  in  America,  in. 
412,  note. 

Cojohuacan,  in.  71,  91,  100,  207, 
238.  Cortes’  residence  at,  308. 
Provisions  respecting,  in  Cortes’ 
will,  344. 

Cojohuacan  causeway,  in.  72,  99, 
105. 

Colhuacan,  hospital  at,  i.  309. 

Colhuans,  i.  16,  note. 

Coliman  founded,  in.  259. 

Colonial  administration  of  Spain,  un- 
der Charles  V.,  i.  215. 

Colonization,  progress  of,  by  the  be- 
ginning of  the  reign  of  Charles  V., 
i.  218.  Not  attempted  by  Grijalva, 
226,  227,  249.  Velasquez  obtains 
authority  for,  250,  note.  Plan  of, 
at  Vera  Cruz,  332.  At  Coatza- 
cualco, ii.  194. 

Color  of  Mexican  hieroglyphics,  i. 
94. 

Columbus,  Christopher,  i.  58,  note, 
220,  in.  313. 

Columbus,  Diego,  i.  220. 

Columbus,  Ferdinand,  i.  229,  note. 

Commission.  See  Hieronymile  com- 
mission. 

Communion,  Aztec  and  Pagan,  in. 
384,  386. 

“Companions,”  the,  i.  118,  note. 

Compostella,  Castilian  cortes  at,  n. 
219. 


492 


INDEX. 


Concubines  of  Tezcucan  princes,  i. 
185. 

Confession,  Aztec,  l.  68.  Among 
Tartars,  ill.  389,  note. 

Conquerors,  distribution  of  Indians 
among  the  Spanish,  i.  218. 
Conquests,  not  always  partitioned,  i. 
41,  note.  On  the  right  of,  n.  30, 
176. 

Conspiracy,  i.  371,  n.  15,  in.  80. 
Constant,  Benjamin,  i.  120,  note. 
Continency  of  Aguilar,  i.  274. 
Convent,  of  St.  Francis,  i.  395,  note, 
hi.  304.  Cortes  and  Columbus  at 
La  Rabida  in  Spain,  313. 
Conversion,  Las  Casas  on  forced,  i. 
272,  note,  m.  439.  Object  of  the 
Spaniards,  ii.  456.  See  Christian- 
ity. 

Cook,  James,  Captain,  in.  374,  note. 
Copal,  tribute  of,  i.  40,  note. 

Copan,  city  of,  in.  296. 

Copper,  weapons  headed  with,  i. 

441.  Tools  of,  hi.  406. 

Cora  language,  in.  399,  note. 
Cordillera  mountains,  i.  8,  136. 
Cordova,  Gonsalvo  de,  hi.  351. 
Cordova,  Hernandez  de,  i.  222,  261 
Corn.  See  Indian  corn. 

Coronation  of  Montezuma,  i.  307. 
Corral,  ensign,  in.  51,  146. 

Cortes,  Hernando,  i.  81.  Velasquez 
selects  him  for  an  expedition,  229, 
243,  245.  Birth  and  genealogy  of, 

230,  in.  313.  His  early  years,  i. 

231.  In  Hispaniola,  235.  In  Cu- 
ba, 236.  Marriage  of,  with  Cata- 
lina Xuarez,  237,  241,  243.  His 
difficulties  with  Velasquez,  237, 
241.  Put  in  irons,  238,  240.  Es- 
capes twice,  240,  241.  The  Ar- 
mada intrusted  to  him  as  Captain- 
general,  245,  250,  255.  Applies 
all  his  money  to  fitting  out  the 
fleet,  246,  247,  255,  333.  Instruc- 
tions to,  by  Velasquez,  248,  in. 
434.  His  clandestine  embarkation, 
i.  253.  His  measures  for  equipment, 


253,  255,  256.  Described,  258. 
Strength  of  his  armament,  261, 

262.  His  address  to  his  soldiers, 

263.  At  Cozumel,  266.  Endeav- 
ours to  liberate  captive  Christians, 
267.  His  zeal  to  convert  the  na- 
tives, 270,  290,  325,  345,  357,  396, 
402,  ii.  37,  147,  150,  445,  456,  in. 
75,  264,  344.  At  Tabasco,  i.  277, 
280.  His  first  interview  with 
Mexicans,  298.  His  presents  and 
demand  to  see  Montezuma,  302. 
Embassy  returns  to,  with  presents 
from  Montezuma,  318.  (See  Mon- 
tezuma.) His  second  message  to 
Montezuma,  322, 323.  The  reply, 
325.  First  made  acquainted  with 
the  condition  of  Mexico,  329,  347. 
His  resignation  and  reappoint- 
ment, 335,  ii.  248.  His  policy 
with  the  Totonacs  and  Montezu- 
ma, i.  350.  Another  Aztec  embas- 
sy to,  354.  Aids  the  cacique  of 
Cempoalla,  356.  Hangs  up  Mor- 
la,  356.  Reconciles  Totonacs, 
357.  His  despatches  to  Spain, 
363,  364,  368.  Condemns  conspi- 
rators, 371.  Destroys  his  ships, 
373,  375,  376,  note.  (See  Arma- 
da.)  His  embassy  to  TIascala, 
406.  His  vigilance,  407,  425,  450, 
477,  ii.  21,  43,  81,  216,  iii.  15 
His  march  to  TIascala,  i.  408,  424, 
471.  Ill  of  a fever,  455,  469. 
Malecontents  expostulate  with, 
458.  Mutilates  Tlascalan  spies, 
462,  463.  Montezuma  discoura- 
ges his  visit  to  Mexico,  468.  Call- 
ed Malinche,  483,  n.  330.  Invited 
to  Mexico,  i.  483.  Massacre  by, 
at  Cholula,  ii.  23,  29,  34.  Prohi- 
bition of  wanton  injuries  by,  27, 
33.  Encourages  the  disaffection 
of  the  Aztecs,  54.  His  entrance 
into  Mexico,  68-78.  Visited  by 
Montezuma,  71,  72,  75.  His 
quarters,  79,  80.  His  visit  to 
Montezuma,  85.  Descendants  of, 


INDEX. 


493 


now  in  Mexico,  85.  (See  Monte- 
leone.)  Visits  the  market,  133 ; 
the  great  temple,  141,  144;  its 
sanctuaries,  148.  Chapel  granted 
to,  155.  Discovers  hidden  treas- 
ures, 155.  His  seizure  of  Monte- 
zuma, 161 ; fetters  him,  172 ; un- 
fetters him,  173.  Seizes  Cacama, 
192.  Willing  to  relinquish  his 
share  of  Montezuma’s  gift,  206. 
On  profaning  Mexican  temples, 
213.  Learns  Narvaez’s  arrival, 
231.  His  treatment  of  envoy 
prisoners,  232.  His  letter  to 
Narvaez,  233 ; marches  against 
him,  237,  240.  His  parting  with 
Montezuma,  240.  His  strength, 
245.  Met  by  Guevara  and  Duero, 
as  envoys,  246,  249,  250.  Sum- 
mons Narvaez,  249 ; assaults  and 
defeats  him,  251,  259 ; his  treat- 
ment of  him,  264 ; of  the  captives 
and  his  own  troops,  270.  His  re- 
turn to  Mexico,  274.  His  forces, 
276,  289.  In  ill-humor,  290.  Re- 
leases Cuitlahua,  291.  Rehorses 
Duero,  313.  Wounded,  314,  323, 
341,  386,  398,  408,  in.  62,  143. 
Leads  in  storming  the  great  tem- 
ple, n.  323.  Addresses  the  Az- 
tecs through  Marina,  329.  Builds 
a manta , 335.  Deceived  and  re- 
leases priests,  338.  Exposures 
and  hardihood  of,  340.  Montezu- 
ma’s last  conversation  with,  345. 
His  respect  for  Montezuma’s  mem- 
ory, 353.  His  retreat  from  Mex- 
ico, 359,  360.  At  Popotla,  371. 
Loss  of  his  Diary,  378.  Kills 
Cihuaca  at  the  battle  of  Otumba, 
399.  At  Tlascala,  408.  Remon- 
strance with,  by  the  troops,  412. 
His  expedition  against  Tepeacans, 
424 ; against  Q,uauhquechollan, 
429.  At  Itzocan,  431.  Increase 
of  his  authority,  432.  His  plans 
for  recovering  Mexico,  433,  446, 
452,  460,  in.  90,  91.  His  Second 


Letter  to  the  Emperor,  ii.  440. 
His  despatches  to  St.  Domingo, 
443.  Triumphal  return  of,  to 
Tlascala,  444.  His  forces,  452. 
Enters  Tezcuco,  467.  His  mis- 
sion to  Guatemozin,  hi.  5.  Re- 
conciles Indian  allies,  16.  His 
reception  of  brigantines  from  Tlas- 
cala, 24.  Reconnoitres  the  capi- 
tal, 27,  37,  48.  Seized  and  res- 
cued, 62.  At  Xochimilco,  65 
At  Cojohuacan,  71.  Orders  of, 
respecting  his  bones,  71,  note , 344. 
Dejected,  73,  74.  Proceedings  in 
Spain  in  regard  to,  78.  Conspira- 
cy against,  in  the  camp,  80.  His 
body-guard,  86.  His  forces,  89. 
Makes  three  divisions,  91,  92, 
note.  With  his  fleet  at  Iztapala- 
pan,  102.  Takes  post  at  Xoloc, 
106.  His  movements  on  the 
causeway,  109.  Levels  buildings, 
111,  120,  165,  173.  His  proffers 
to  Guatemozin,  133,  163,  191, 
192,  193,  194,  199.  Assaults  the 
city,  138.  Reconnoitres  Alde- 
rete’s  route,  140.  Seized  and  res- 
cued, 143.  Anxiety  respecting, 
148,  149.  Gives  the  command  to 
Sandoval,  151.  His  entries  into 
the  lianguez,  183,  184.  Murder- 
ous assault  by,  195.  His  last  as- 
sault, 199.  His  reception  of  Gua- 
temozin, 205 ; permits  him  to  be 
tortured,  234.  Sends  detachments 
to  the  Pacific  Ocean,  237.  Re- 
building of  Mexico  by,  239,  249, 
255.  His  Third  Letter,  and  one 
from  the  army,  241.  Complaints 
against,  in  Spain,  242.  Board  ap- 
pointed respecting,  247.  The 
charges  against,  and  the  replies, 
248,  305,  327.  Commission  and 
powers  given  to,  250.  Founds 
settlements,  259.  Joined  by  his 
wife,  261.  The  ordinances  made 
by,  261,  note.  His  scruples  about 
slavery,  262,  263,  345.  His  de 


494 


INDEX. 


sire  of  religious  teachers,  264. 
His  regulations  respecting  agricul- 
ture, 269.  Voyages  and  expedi- 
tions of,  270.  Ilis  instructions  for 
expeditions,  273.  Looks  into  the 
resources  of  the  country,  273,  277, 
299.  Ilis  expedition  to  Honduras, 
277,  304,  no/e,  413,  note.  His 
Fifth  Letter,  279,  note,  310,  471. 
At  Trnxillo,  297.  Further  plans 
of  conquest  by,  298.  Embarks 
and  returns,  301.  Sick  and  de- 
spondent, 302,  303.  Driven  to 
Cuba,  302.  At  San  Juan  de  Ulua 
and  Medellin,  302.  Triumphal 
return  of,  to  Mexico,  303.  Super- 
seded by  a juez  de  residcncia,  305. 
Further  faction  against,  in  Spain, 
305,  308,  319.  Urged  to  assert 
his  authority,  307.  Ordered  to 
leave  Mexico,  308.  Ordered  to 
Spain,  309.  Arrival  of,  in  Spain, 
313.  Meets  Pizarro,  313.  At 
Guadaloupe,  316.  His  reception, 
317.  His  interview  with  the  Em- 
peror, 318.  Marquess  of  Oaxaca, 
320.  Gift  of  land  to,  320.  Not 
reinstated  in  government,  321. 
Captain-General  of  New  Spain, 
322.  Second  marriage  of,  323. 
Embarks  for  New  Spain,  326. 
An  investigation  of  his  conduct  by 
the  Royal  Audience,  327.  Ac- 
cused of  murdering  his  first  wife, 
327.  To  keep  ten  leagues  from 
Mexico,  330.  Welcome  to,  at 
Tezeuco,  330.  Retires  to  Cuer- 
navaca, 331.  Expeditions  of,  for 
discovery,  333,  337.  Ilis  final  re- 
turn to  Castile,  339.  His  attend- 
ance on  the  Council  of  the  Indies, 
339.  Joins  an  expedition  against 
Algiers,  340.  Wrecked,  340.  His 
applications  to  the  Emperor,  341. 
His  last  letter  to  him,  342,  474. 
Prepares  to  return  to  Mexico,  343. 
Sick,  343.  His  will,  343.  Dies, 
347.  Obsequies  of,  348,  349,  478. 


His  children  and  descendants, 
351.  His  character,  352.  As- 
cendency over  his  soldiers,  355. 
Compared  to  Hannibal,  356.  As 
a conqueror,  357.  Not  cruel,  358. 
In  private  life,  359.  His  bigotry, 

361.  His  dress  and  appearance, 

362.  His  education,  363.  See 
Spaniards. 

Cortes,  Don  Luis,  hi.  351. 

Cortes,  Don  Martin,  n.  218.  Exer- 
tions of,  for  his  son,  m.  246. 
Death  of,  31 1 . 

Cortes,  Don  Martin,  son  of  Marina, 
i.  297,  hi.  293,  351. 

Cortes,  Don  Martin,  son  of  Cortes 
by  his  second  marriage,  in.  339. 
Wrecked,  340.  Provision  for,  344. 
Present  at  his  father’s  death,  347. 
Persecuted,  351. 

Cosmogony,  Humboldt  on,  i.  61, 
note. 

Cottons,  given  to  Cortes,  i.  302,  320, 
355. 

Cotton  dresses,  I.  39,  II.  39,  83 
Cotton  mail,  or  escaupil,  or  jackets 
quilted  with  cotton,  i.  45,  257, 
285,  441,  442. 

Council,  of  finance,  i.  170.  Of  jus 
tice,  170.  Of  music,  170.  Of 
state,  170.  Of  war,  170. 

Council  of  the  Indies,  i.  215.  Ordi- 
nances by  the,  hi.  79,  243.  Re 
ception  of  Cortes  by  the,  339. 
Couriers,  i.  42,  43,  note , 127,  ii.  50 
Courts,  Aztec,  t.  29,  32,  33.  Mer 
chants  allowed  to  have,  149.  At 
the  Mexican  market,  ii.  140. 
Coxcox  survived  the  Deluge,  in 
379. 

Cozumel,  i.  225,  266,  273. 

Cozumel  Cross,  in.  384,  note. 
Crimes,  punishments  for,  i.  35. 
Crosses  of  stone,  in  Yucatan,  i.  225 
In  Cozumel,  268.  At  Tabasco, 
292.  At  Cempoalla,  361.  At 
Naulinco,  396.  Frequency  of, 
396,  397,  note,  in.  384  On  rais- 


INDEX. 


495 


ing,  at  Tlatlauqnitepec,  or  Cocot- 
lan,  i.  403.  At  Tlascala,  481, 
482.  Upon  (iuetzalcoatl's  temple, 
at  Cholula,  n.  38.  At  Mexico, 
147,  150,  210,  325.  Pulled  down, 
328,  hi.  114.  Cruz  del  Marques, 
60.  At  Palenque,  384.  Cozumel, 
384,  note.  Antiquity  and  gener- 
ality of,  among  Pagans,  386. 

Crowning  of  Aztec  sovereigns,  i. 
24. 

Cruz  del  Marques,  mountain,  hi. 
60. 

Cuba,  i.  220.  Expeditions  from,  to 
Yucatan,  222  - 224.  Cortes  in, 
236,  242.  Propositions  in  the 
army  to  return  to,  323,  320,  331, 
458.  Cortes’  emissaries  land  at, 

369.  Las  Casas’  labors  in,  378. 
Cortes’  apprehensions  from,  n.  41. 
Sailing  of  Narvaez’s  fleet  from, 
226.  Desire  of  troops  to  return  to, 
411,  in.  81.  Return  of  some  to,  ii. 
436.  Cortes  driven  to,  hi.  302.  See 
St.  Jago  de  Cuba , and  Velasquez. 

Cuernavaca,  or  Q,uauhnahuac,  cap- 
ture of,  in.  55.  Asks  aid,  162. 
Cortes’  residence  at,  331.  Re- 
marks on,  331. 

Cuicuitzca,  made  cacique  of  Tezcuco, 
ii.  192,  193,  note , 466.  Absent, 
278.  Put  to  death,  467. 

Cuitlahua,  lord  of  Iztapalapan,  n. 
57.  Interview  of,  with  Cortes, 
64,  hi.  6.  Accompanies  Monte- 
zuma, ii.  73.  Released,  291,  418. 
Supplies  Montezuma’s  place,  292, 
316,  note.  Arouses  the  Aztecs  for 
the  battle  of  Otumba,  393,  418. 
Notice  of,  417.  Dies  of  small- 
pox, 435,  447.  Succeeded  by 
Guatemozin,  450. 

Cuitlahuac,  Spaniards  at,  n.  62. 

Culinary  science,  Aztec,  ii.  123, 124. 

Currency,  Mexican,  l.  145,  n.  140. 

Cycles,  Aztec,  i.  61,  112,  note , 114. 
Persian,  112,  note.  Etruscan,  113, 
note.  Wheels  of,  116,  note.  Of 


the  lunar  reckoning  by  the  priests, 
117,  note.  Analogies  respecting, 
in  the  Old  and  the  New  World, 
iii.  378,  391. 

Cypress,  Cortes',  I.  404.  Size  of,  n 

121. 


D. 

Dancing,  Mexican,  i.  156,  and  note 

Dante,  1. 55,  63,  note , 77,  note , ii.  30, 
note. 

Darien,  Isthmus  of,  crossed,  i.  217. 
Colony  there,  218,  273.  Ovieda 
there,  n.  293,  note. 

Dates,  on  Mexican,  1.  114. 

Daughters,  counsels  to,  i.  151,  in. 
421. 

Days,  Aztec  arrangement  of,  i.  110, 
111.  Hieroglyphics  for,  110.  Di- 
vision of  civil,  123,  note.  Coin- 
cidences as  to  the  signs  of,  hi. 
392. 

Dead,  burnt,  i.  63,  204,  note.  Buried, 
64,  note.  Carried  oft’  in  battle, 
430,  432.  Spanish,  buried,  446. 
Unburied  during  the  siege,  ill.  175, 
189,  207.  Buried,  210.  Coin- 
cidences as  to  the  obsequies  of  the, 
389,  390.  See  Funeral  ceremonies. 

Death,  a penalty,  i.  29.  Judges  pun- 
ished with,  32.  For  crimes,  33. 
Inflicted  on  soldiers,  47.  Two 
sons  put  to,  by  a Tezcucan  prince, 
47. 

Defaulters,  liable  to  slavery,  i.  41. 

Deities,  Mexican,  i.  56, 57,  81.  Days 
and  festivals  appropriated  to,  57, 
73.  On  unity  and  plurality  of,  57, 
note.  Huitzilopotchli,  the  Mexi- 
can Mars,  58.  Quetzalcoatl,  the 
god  of  the  air,  59.  Penates,  61, 
125.  Tezcatlipoca,  75,  n.  149 
Presiding  over  agriculture,  i.  134 
Images  of,  140,  141.  See  Uuitzi • 
lopotchli,  Idols,  Quetzalcoatl,  and 
Tezcatlipoca. 


496 


INDEX. 


Delafield’s  Antiquities,  map  in,  hi. 
397,  note. 

Deluge,  coincidences  as  to  the,  in  the 
Old  and  New  World,  in.  378. 

Denon,  on  an  Egyptian  temple,  i. 
91,  note. 

Devil,  Mexican,  i.  58,  note,  81,  note. 
Cortes  possessed  with  the,  337, 
note.  His  delusion  of  the  Aztecs, 
in.  387,  note , 388. 

Diary  of  Cort6s,  lost,  ii.  378. 

Diaz,  Bernal,  errors  of,  i.  484,  note. 
His  way  of  life,  ii.  215,  note.  His 
share  of  spoil,  270,  note.  Letter  not 
signed  by,  442,  note.  Account  of, 
and  of  his  writings,  476.  Ravine 
crossed  by,  in.  58,  note.  Leaves 
his  farm  to  accompany  Cortes  to 
Honduras,  278,  note.  On  the 
Christianity  of  Guatemozin  and 
the  prince  of  Tacuba,  286,  note. 
On  Cortes  at  Honduras,  302.  His 
character  of  Cortes,  362. 

Diaz,  Juan,  the  licentiate,  efforts  of, 
to  convert  natives,  i.  271,  ii.  185. 
His  conspiracy,  i.  370.  Performs 
mass  in  the  great  temple,  ii.  156, 
210. 

Dikes  opened  upon  the  Spaniards  at 
Iztapalapan,  in.  8,  9.  See  Cause- 
ways and  Breaches. 

Diodorus,  i.  181,  note. 

Discovery,  i.  132,  216.  Progress  of, 
by  the  beginning  of  the  reign  of 
Charles  V.,  217.  Catholic  and 
Protestant  views  as  to,  ii.  30,  32, 
note.  Progress  of,  under  Cortes, 
in.  238,  259,  271,  333,  337. 

Dishes  of  Montezuma,  ii.  123,  124. 

Divine  book,  or  Teoamoxtli,  i.  107, 
note. 

Domestic  manners  of  the  Aztecs,  i. 
150. 

Dominican  friars,  i.  218,  379,  380. 

Dove,  on  the  topmast,  i.  234.  Coin- 
cidences with  Noah’s,  in.  379, 
380. 

Drain  of  Iluehuetoca,  ii.  107. 


Draught-cattle,  want  of,  i.  143,  m. 
240. 

Draw-bridges,  Mexican,  ii.  72,  109, 
158,  292. 

Dresden  Codex,  1. 104, 105,  note,  in. 
409. 

Dresses,  of  Aztec  warriors,  I.  45. 
Owls  embroidered  on,  58,  note. 
Of  Cholulans,  ii.  13.  Of  Aztec 
chiefs,  71.  Of  Montezuma,  73, 
122,  317.  Of  Mexicans,  134,  135, 
308,  365.  Of  Indian  allies,  454. 

Drought  at  Tezcuco,  ii.  97. 

Drum,  the  Tlascalan,  i.  428.  The 
huge  Mexican,  n.  145,  362.  Of 
the  war-god,  sounded  for  the  sac- 
rifice of  Spaniards,  hi.  152. 

Ducat,  value  of  the,  i.  321,  note. 

Duero,  Andres  de,  i.  244,  252.  In 
Narvaez’s  armada,  ii.  234.  Envoy 
to  Cortes,  246,  249.  To  share  in 
the  profits,  249.  At  Cempoalla, 
263.  Unhorsed  and  rehorsed,  313. 
Remonstrates,  413.  Returns  to 
Cuba,  436.  In  Spain,  sustaining 
Velasquez,  437. 

Dupaix,  i.  122,  note,  in.  370,  404, 
note.  On  Mexican  tools,  406,  note. 
On  antediluvian  buildings,  412, 
note. 

Du  Ponceau,  P.  S.,  in.  394,  note.  On 
the  synthetic  structure  of  the  In- 
dian dialects,  395,  note. 

Dyes,  and  dye-woods,  Mexican,  i. 
143,  218. 


E. 

Eagle,  on  a standard,  i.  439,  in.  91. 
Earthen  ware,  Aztec,  I.  143. 
Earthquake,  i.  95. 

Ebeling,  collection  of  maps  by,  ill. 
280,  note. 

Eclipses,  Aztec  knowledge  as  to,  i. 

122. 

Education,  Aztec,  i.  69,  150,  ii.  153. 
For  the  profession  of  hieroglyph 


INDEX. 


497 


ical  painting,  i.  98.  The  council 
of  music  virtually  a board  of,  171. 
Of  the  Tezcucan  royal  household, 
180. 

Egyptians,  temples  of,  r.  91,  note. 
Hieroglyphics  of,  93,  94.  Sothic 
period  of,  118,  note.  Sophocles  on 
the,  134,  note.  Addresses  to  their 
kings  by  priests,  181.  Their  rep- 
resentations of  the  human  frame, 
hi.  408. 

Elphinstone,  W.,  on  mythology,  i. 
56,  note. 

Emeralds,  Mexican  use  of,  i.  139. 
One  of  the,  sent  to  Spain,  in.  241. 
Given  by  Cortes  to  his  second 
wife,  hi.  323,  324,  note. 

Emperor,  i.  25,  332,  note. 
Entertainments,  style  of  Mexican,  i. 
152. 

Era,  the  Mexican,  i.  114. 

Ercilla,  cited,  ii.  383,  note , 398, 
note. 

Escalante,  Juan  de,  i.  38$,  390. 
Forces  intrusted  to,  392,  ii.  161. 
Instructions  to,  from  Cholula,  41. 
Treachery  towards,  161.  Mortal- 
ly wounded,  162. 

Escobar,  a page,  i.  336,  ii.  322. 
Escudero,  Juan,  i.  240.  Executed, 
371. 

Estates,  held  by  Aztec  nobles,  i.  27. 
Estrada,  juez  de  residencia,  hi.  307, 
308,  309,  311. 

Estrada,  Maria  de,  a heroine,  ii.  365. 
Estrella’s  manuscript,  cited,  i.  221, 
note,  234,  note,  236,  note,  241,  note, 
242,  note,  252,  note.  Account  of  it, 
265. 

Etruscans,  cycles  of  the,  i.  113, 
note. 

Eucharist,  rite  analogous  to  the,  in. 
385. 

Euripides  on  purification,  in.  387, 
note. 

Eve,  Aztec  coincidences  as  to,  in. 
382. 

Everett,  Edward,  in.  415,  note. 

VOL.  III.  63 


F. 

Fairs,  days  for,  i.  111,145,11.139, 
140.  Traffic  at,  i.  145.  For  the 
sale  of  slaves,  147.  At  Tlascala, 
474.  See  Market. 

Falsehood,  a capital  offence,  i.  171. 

Famine,  in  Mexico,  in.  129,  135, 
160,  167,  174,  175.  At  Honduras, 
297. 

Fans  given  by  Montezuma,  i.  364, 
note. 

Farfan  grapples  with  Narvaez,  ii. 
260. 

Feather-work,  mantles  of,  for  tribute, 
i.  39,  40,  note.  Worn  by  warriors, 
45.  Manufacture  of,  144.  Made 
by  the  royal  household  of  Tezcuco, 
180.  Given  to  Cortes,  302,  319, 
320,  355,  364,  note,  468,  ii.  55. 
Beauty  and  warmth  of,  133.  Worn 
by  Tlascalans,  440. 

Females.  See  Women. 

F erdinand  and  Isabella,  state  of  Spam 
at  the  close  of  the  reign  of,  i.  211. 

Festivals,  for  deities,  i.  57,  73.  At 
the  termination  of  the  great  cycle, 
125. 

Festivities,  style  of,  i.  152. 

Feudal  system,  in  Analiuac,  i.  28, 
411. 

Fever.  See  Vomilo. 

Fiefs,  origin  of,  in  Analiuac,  i.  27, 
note. 

Figurative  writing,  i.  92.  See  Hie- 
roglyphics. 

Fire-arms,  i.  285,  448.  All  lost  in 
the  retreat  from  Mexico,  n.  378 
Supply  of,  439. 

Fires  always  burning,  i.  72,  n.  9, 145, 
151. 

First-fruits  for  the  priests,  i.  71. 

Fish,  reservoirs  of,  n.  65.  Tanks 
of,  120. 

Fleet  fitted  out  by  Velasquez  against 
Cortes,  i.  369,  ii.  222,  224.  Nar 
vaez  commander  of  the,  223.  Its 
strength,  226.  At  San  Juan  de 


498 


INDEX. 


Ulua,  226.  Dismantled,  272. 
See  Armada,  Brigantines , Flotilla , 
and  Ships. 

Fleets  for  discovering  a strait,  hi. 
238,  259, 270,  271.  Ruined  by  the 
Royal  Audience,  333. 

Flemings  in  Spain,  i.  213,  378. 
Floating  gardens,  or  chinampas,  II. 

61,  70, 107.  See  Gardens. 

Florida,  i.  217,  hi.  271. 

Flotilla,  Indian,  destroyed,  in.  103. 
Flowers,  fondness  for,  i.  342,  ii.  13, 
51,  138.  In  the  Iztapalapan  gar- 
dens, 65. 

Folii,  incarnation  of  the,  i.  59, 
note. 

Fonseca,  Juan  Rodriguez  de,  Bishop 
of  Burgos,  notices  of,  i.  379,  ii. 
220.  His  hostility  to  Columbus, 
to  his  son,  and  to  Cortes,  221,  443, 
hi.  249, 252.  Exertions  of,  against 
Cortes  and  his  envoys,  ii.  221,  in. 
78,  243,  249.  Orders  Cortes  to 
Spain  for  trial,  n.  437.  Procures 
the  passing  of  ordinances,  in.  79, 
243.  Interdiction  of,  246,  250. 
End  of  his  influence,  251.  His 
death,  251. 

Forbidden  fruit,  the,  I.  135,  note. 
Forests,  destroyed,  i.  9, 405,  and  note, 
ii.  52.  Penalties  for  destroying,  i. 
135.  Laws  on  gathering  wood  in, 
189,  190.  See  Fuel. 

Fractions,  arithmetical,  of  Aztecs,  i. 

110. 

Franciscan  friars,  in  New  Spain,  in. 
265. 

Francis  I.,  of  France,  envious  of  the 
Emperor  Charles  V.,  in.  242. 
Franklin,  Benjamin,  on  the  turkey, 
1. 154,  note. 

French  atrocities,  ii.  34. 

Fruit-trees  not  allowed  in  Montezu- 
ma’s gardens,  ii.  119,  note. 

Fuel,  on  gathering,  i.  190. 

Funeral  ceremonies,  Aztec,  i.  63. 
For  Nezahualpilli,  204,  note.  See 
Dead. 


Funeral  piles,  i.  204,  note.  Of  arms, 
ii.  172. 

Future  life,  Aztec  views  of,  i.  62. 

G. 

Galindo,  Colonel,  on  civilization  in 
Palenque,  in.  411. 

Gallatin,  Albert,  in.  396,  note,  416, 
note. 

Gallejo,  Don  Pedro,  ii.  351,  note. 

Galvez,  castle  of,  ii.  120. 

Gaina,  Antonio,  on  hieroglyphics, 
i.  94,  95,  note.  Bustamante’s 
continuation  of  his  work,  95,  note. 
On  Mexican  notation,  109,  note. 
On  intercalation,  112,  note.  On 
the  beginning  of  the  year  of  the 
new  cycle,  114,  note.  On  the  lu- 
nar reckoning  of  the  priests,  117, 
note.  On  the  nine  companions, 
118,  note.  1 1 is  astrological  alman- 
ac, 122,  note.  Can  ed  stones  seen 
by,  123,  note.  Account  of,  and  of 
his  writings,  130.  On  a night  in 
Cholula,  ii.  21,  note. 

Gaining,  n.  182,  207,457. 

Gante,  Pedro  de,  convent  by,  m.  256. 

Gantlet  run  by  Spaniards,  ii.  170, 
note. 

Garay,  Francisco  de,  his  squadron,  i. 
390,  ii.  438.  Crews  of,  join  Cor- 
tes, 438. 

Gardens  of  plants,  i.  138.  Of  Izta- 
palapan, ii.  65.  First  European, 
66,  note.  Montezuma’s,  119,  121. 
At  Huaxtepec,  hi.  41.  See  Float- 
ing gardens. 

Garrisons,  in  the  larger  cities,  i.  41. 

Geology,  conjectures  confirmed  by, 
i.  62,  note. 

Gerolt,  Federico  de,  ii.  49,  note. 

Gestures,  Indian,  i.  295. 

Gibbon,  Edward,  i.  376,  note. 

Girls,  counsels  given  to,  i.  151,  m. 
421. 

Gladiatorial  sacrifices,  i.  78,  note. 


INDEX. 


499 


Glass,  sent  to  Montezuma,  i.  202. 

Gold,  tribute  of,  i.  39,  40,  note , 139. 
From  a tomb,  64,  note.  Said  to 
be  found  in  temples,  73,  note. 
Traffic  with,  145.  Mines  of, 
worked  in  Cuba,  222,  242.  Curi- 
ously wrought  specimens  of,  from 
Yucatan,  224.  Plates  of,  given  to 
Grijalva,  225.  Trade  for  orna- 
ments and  vessels  of,  226.  De- 
spatched to  Spain  by  Velasquez, 
228.  Barter  for,  at  Cozumel,  267. 
Spanish  desire  of,  280,  289,  299, 
303,  n.  42,  205.  Given  to  Cor- 
tes, by  Teuhtlile,  i.  302.  Bits 
of,  obtained  by  the  soldiers,  318. 
Presented  by  Montezuma,  319, 
320,  355,  364,  note , 467,  n.  39, 55, 
83,  91.  Relinquished  by  the  Con- 
querors, i.  363,  ii.  207.  Sent  by 
Cortes  to  Spain,  i.  363.  Four 
loads  of,  offered  as  a bribe  to 
Cortes,  ii.  55.  Present  of,  at  Ama- 
quemecan,  58.  Worn  by  Monte- 
zuma, 73.  Place  of  getting,  194. 
Sent  by  Montezuma  to  the  Castili- 
an sovereign,  199,  200,  202,  203. 
Comparison  of,  with  silver,  203, 
note.  Converted  into  chains,  207, 
357.  Effect  of  the  arrival  of,  in 
Spain,  219.  Given  to  Narvaez’s 
soldiers,  270.  Fate  of,  on  the  evac- 
uation of  Mexico,  358,  378,  note , 
385.  Spaniards  killed  while  trans- 
porting, 409,  466.  Given  for  maize 
bread,  410,  note.  Cannon  of,  sent 
to  Spain,  m.  273,  note.  Carried 
to  Spain  by  Cortes,  312.  Drawn 
from  Tehuantepec  by  Cortes,  332. 
See  Treasure. 

Golden  Fleece,  i.  215,  note. 

Goldsmiths,  skill  of  Mexican,  i.  140, 
note , ii.  79.  See  Animals. 

Golfo  Dolce,  hi.  296. 

Gomara,  Francisco  Lopez  de,  i.  81, 
226,  note,  260,  note.  Authority 
for  Cortes’s  First  Letter,  366.  On 
firing  at  the  Aztecs,  ii.  303,  note. 


On  the  baptism  of  Montezuma, 
344,  note.  On  losses  at  the  retreat, 
376.  Account  of,  and  of  his  writ- 
ings, 475.  On  protecting  Guate- 
mozin,  in.  290.  On  Cortes’ 
precious  stones,  324,  note.  On  do- 
mesticated bisons,  416,  note. 

Goods,  sale  and  transportation  of,  i. 
145,  148. 

Government  in  Anahuac,  i.  23. 
Under  Nezahualcoyotl,  170.  Of 
the  Tlascalans,  411.  Of  Cholula, 
n.  4. 

Grado,  Alonso  de,  at  Villa  Rica,  ii. 
179. 

Granaries,  i.  41,  135. 

Grijalva,  Juan  de,  expedition  of,  to 
Yucatan,  i.  224,  293.  Returns  to 
Cuba  and  is  censured,  227,  228. 
Cortes  to  join,  248.  Volunteers 
from,  join  Cortes,  255.  Chief  pi- 
lot of^261.  Effect  of  his  landing, 
on  Montezuma,  316. 

Grijalva,  River  of,  i.  225,  276. 

Guadaloupe,  in  Spain,  hi.  316. 

Guadaloupe,  our  Lady  of,  i.  159. 

Gualipan,  n.  406,  note. 

Guatemala,  conquered,  hi.  273.  Set- 
tlement of  Toltecs  in,  413. 

Guatemozin,  Montezuma’s  nephew, 
ii.  310,  note.  Tecuichpo,  wife  of, 
351,  note,  450,  hi.  206,  287,  note. 
Elected  emperor,  n.  450.  Rallies 
for  defence  of  his  capital,  451 
Missions  to,  in.  5,  18.  Ilis  ani- 
mosity to  the  Spaniards,  18,  19. 
His  application  to  Tangapan,  19, 
note.  Cortes’  desire  of  an  inter- 
view with,  35.  Attempts  the  re- 
covery of  Chaleo,  44  ; to  relieve 
Xochimilco,  65.  His  policy,  69, 
126.  Decoys  brigantines,  128. 
Proffers  to,  133,  163, 191,  192, 193, 
194,  199.  Distributes  heads  of 
Spaniards  and  of  horses,  155. 
Effect  of  his  machinations,  162. 
Council  called  by,  169.  Vill  not 
surrender,  170,  199.  H.  fe'ace, 


500 


INDEX 


173.  Declines  meeting  Cortes, 
193,  194,  199.  Efforts  of,  to  es- 
cape, 200,  202.  Captured,  202. 
Intercedes  for  his  wife  and  follow- 
ers, 203.  His  interview  with 
Cortes,  205.  On  a monument  to, 
220,  note.  Torture  of,  234,  246, 
248,  249.  Regarded  as  a rebel, 
246.  Suspected,  284.  Executed, 
286.  Remarks  on,  286. 

Guevara,  Narvaez's  envoy  to  San- 
doval, ii.  229.  Cortes’  reception 
of,  232.  llis  return,  233,  234. 
Envoy  to  Cortes,  246,  249. 

Gulf  of  California,  ill.  238,  334. 
Penetrated  by  Ulloa,  336.  Called 
Sea  of  Cortes,  338. 

Gulf  of  Mexico,  i.  217,  n.  194. 

Gunpowder,  manufactured,  n.  446, 
m.  257. 

Guns.  See  Cannon  and  Fire-arms. 

Guzman,  captured,  hi.  145.  Sacri- 
ficed, 158. 

Guzman,  Nunez  de,  at  the  head  of 
the  Royal  Audience  of  New  Spain, 
iii.  326,  330.  Cortes’  expedition 
against,  334. 

H. 

Hanging  gardens  of  Nezahualcoyotl, 
i.  182.  See  Floating  gardens. 

Hannibal,  n.  52,  note , m.  356. 

Hardy,  Lieutenant,  on  Casas  Gran- 
des,  iii.  399,  note. 

Harems,  royal,  i.  178,  ii.  54,  121. 

Harvard  University  Library,  maps 
in,  iii.  280,  note. 

Hatuey,  on  Spaniards  and  heaven, 

i.  221. 

Havana,  i.  222,  note.  The  armada 
at,  257,  260.  Orders  respecting 
Cortes  at,  260.  See  Cuba. 

Head  of  a Spaniard  sent  to  Monte- 
zuma, ii.  162. 

Heaven,  the  Aztec,  i.  62,  63,  note. 
Hatuey’s  remark  on,  221. 


Heckewelder,  John,  i.  58,  note. 

Heeren,  A.  H.  L.,  i.  55,  note , 91,  96, 
note. 

Helmet,  the  Aztec,  i.  45.  Filled 
with  gold  dust,  303,  320. 

Henry  IV.  of  France,  treasury  of,  n. 
204,  note. 

Hernandez,  Fr.,  on  maize,  i.  136, 
note.  On  the  species  of  the  ma- 
guey, 137,  note.  Panegyrizes  to- 
bacco, 154,  note.  Takes  models, 
178.  His  work  on  natural  histo- 
ry, 178,  note.  On  the  gardens  of 
Huaxtepec,  iii.  42,  note. 

Herodotus,  i.  43,  note , 55. 

Heron,  an  heraldic  emblem,  i.  439. 

Herrera,  Ant.  de,  i.  220,  note , 228, 
note.  On  Cortes’  escape  on  a 
plank,  241,  note.  On  Aguilar’s 
temptations,  274,  note.  Gives  a 
speech  by  Marina,  430,  note.  On 
the  Spaniards  at  Cholula,  n.  14, 
note.  On  canoes  in  lake  Tezcuco, 
70,  note.  Account  of,  and  of  his 
writings,  94,  note.  On  humming- 
birds, 117,  note.  On  cochineal, 
136,  note.  On  arrows  at  the  Az- 
tec assault,  303,  note.  On  gold 
thrown  away,  385,  note.  On 
stewed  human  flesh,  425,  note. 

Herrick,  cited,  i.  175,  note. 

Hesiod,  i.  55.  On  brass  and  iron, 
139,  note. 

Hidalguia,  privileges  of  the,  in.  90, 
note. 

Hieroglyphics,  i.  91.  Egyptian  and 
Aztec,  compared,  94,  iii.  410. 
Chiefly  representative,  among  the 
Mexicans,  i.  97.  Education  re- 
specting, 98.  Of  the  Mendoza 
Codex,  104,  note.  Of  the  Dresden 
Codex,  104,  105,  note,  iii.  409. 
On  interpreting,  i.  105,  note,  107. 
For  months  and  days,  110.  For 
half  centuries,  114.  For  years, 
114-116,  note,  iii.  392.  In  the 
lunar  calendar,  i.  118.  Of  the 
Aztec  calendar,  iii.  392,  note 


INDEX. 


501 


On  Oriental  coincidences  with 
Aztec,  409.  See  Paintings. 
Hieronymite  commission  to  redress 
Indian  grievances,  i.  219,  378. 
Their  authority  for  the  expedition 
under  Cortes,  228,  249.  Redress 
asked  of  the,  369.  Their  discre- 
tion, 378. 

High-priests,  Aztec,  i.  66,  67,  note. 
One  of  the,  liberated,  ii.  338. 
Prayer  of  the,  at  the  election  of 
Guatemozin,  448. 

Hill  of  Otoncalpolco,  or  Hill  of  Mon- 
tezuma, ii.  373,  hi.  31.  The  temple 
there,  n.  374.  Church  there,  362. 
Hispaniola,  Las  Casas  in,  i.  377,  380. 
Despatches  to,  by  Cortes,  n.  444. 
Detention  of  Cortes  at,  hi.  326, 
329.  See  Royal  Audience. 
Historians,  four,  of  the  house  of 
Nezahualcoyotl,  i.  172,  note. 
Holguin,  captures  Guatemozin,  hi. 
202.  Quarrels  with  Sandoval, 
204. 

Homer,  and  the  theogony  of  the 
Greeks,  i.  55.  Cited,  62,  note , 
153,  note. 

Honduras,  expeditions  to,  in.  272, 
277,  304,  note , 413,  note. 

Honor,  Aztec  law  of,  i.  84,  note. 
Horn  of  Guatemozin,  sounded,  hi. 
141,  147. 

Horse,  homage  to  the,  at  Peten,  in. 
294. 

Horses,  in  Cortes’  expedition,  i.  262. 
Dearness  of,  262,  note , in.  150, 
note.  Landing  of,  at  Tabasco,  i. 
283.  Loss  of,  at  Tlascala,  422, 
428,  451.  Buried,  428.  All, 
wounded,  446.  Give  out,  455. 
Effect  of,  at  Mexico,  n.  77.  Az- 
tecs cling  to,  311,  367.  Eaten, 
384.  New  supply  of,  438.  Loss 
of,  at  the  general  assault,  in.  150. 
See  Cavalry. 

Hospitals,  i.  48,  309. 

Hours,  astrological  symbols  for,  in. 
593,  note. 


Household  gods,  i.  61.  Broken,  125 

Huacachula,  ii.  427,  note.  See 
QuauliqucchoUan. 

Huaxtepec,  hi.  40,  54. 

Huehuetoca,  drain  of,  ii.  107. 

Huejotlipan,  ii.  406. 

Huematzin  composed  the  Teoamox- 
tli  or  divine  book,  i.  107,  note. 

Huexotzinco,  meaning  of,  i.  96. 

Huitzilopotchli,  the  Mexican  Mars, 
account  of,  and  of  his  image,  i. 
58,  ii.  148.  Incensing  of,  281. 
Image  of,  thrown  down,  328. 
New  image  of,  in.  114.  View  of 
Spaniards  sacrificed  to,  153.  Pre- 
diction respecting,  156,  157,  161. 

Huitzilopotchli’s  temple,  human  sac- 
rifices at  the  dedication  of  it,  i.  80. 
Ashes  of  Nezahuilpilli  in  the,  204, 
note.  Spaniards  there,  ii.  79. 
Cathedral  on  its  site,  79,  105,  141, 
in.  255.  Visited  by  Cortes,  n. 
141.  Described,  142,  322.  View 
from  it,  146.  Christian  chapel  in, 
210,  281,  325.  Mexicans  quarter- 
ed in,  322.  Stormed,  322,  324 
Funeral  pyre  of,  328. 

Human  monsters  at  Mexico,  II.  119. 

Human  sacrifices,  at  the  installation 
of  monarchs,  i.  24,  80,  308.  Of 
prisoners,  36,  43,  81.  To  Huitzi- 
lopotchli, 58,  in.  153.  At  the  fu- 
nerals of  the  rich,  i.  63.  At  con- 
fession and  absolution,  68,  note. 
Origin  of,  in  Anahuac,  74.  For 
the  god  Tezcatlipoca,  75.  Of 
women,  78.  Gladiatorial,  78, 
note.  Extent  of,  79,  358,  note. 
At  the  dedication  of  the  temple  of 
Huitzilopotchli,  80.  Measures  for 
procuring  victims  for,  82,  and  note. 
Influence  of,  on  the  Aztecs,  82, 
85,  note,  hi.  217.  Compared  with 
the  Inquisition,  i.  83.  Volun- 
tary, 83.  At  the  kindling  of  the 
new  fire,  126.  Of  Maxtla,  168. 
By  Nezahualcoyotl,  192.  Neza- 
hualcoyotl’s  ideas  respecting,  192, 


502 


INDEX. 


200.  At  the  obseauies  of  Nezahu- 
alpilli,  204,  note.  At  the  Isla  de 
]os  Sacrificios,  227.  Not  offered 
at  Cozumel,  271.  Of  Christians 
wrecked  at  Yucatan,  274.  At  the 
coronation  of  Montezuma,  308 ; 
during  his  administration,  312, 
Remains  of,  near  Vera  Cruz,  340. 
Victims  for,  demanded  of  the  To- 
tonacs,  350.  Among  Tlascalans, 
415.  Of  captives  in  the  Aztec 
and  Tlascalan  wars,  416.  Cein- 
poallan  envoys  seized  for,  425. 
Victims  for,  released,  481.  Fruits 
and  flowers  instead  of,  n.  5.  Num- 
ber of,  at  Cholula,  9.  Of  chil- 
dren, 15.  Condemned  in  Monte- 
zuma’s presence,  87.  Stench  of, 
in  the  great  temple,  149.  Promise 
from  Montezuma  respecting,  185. 
Of  Spaniards,  328,  365,  451,  467, 
hi.  68,  153,  158,  179.  Among  the 
Mongols,  389.  See  Cannibalism 
and  Prisoners. 

Humboldt,  maps  of,  i.  xxxiii,  10,  note. 
On  the  extent  of  the  Aztec  empire, 

5,  note.  On  the  extent  of  Ana- 
huac,  11,  note.  On  the  Aztec 
cosmogony  and  that  of  Eastern 
Asia,  61,  note.  On  the  Aztec  an- 
nals, 98,  note.  On  the  Dresden 
Codex,  104,  note.  On  the  publica- 
tion of  Aztec  remains,  128,  note. 
His  obligations  to  Gama,  130.  On 
Indian  corn,  133,  note.  On  the 
musa,  135,  note.  On  the  Ameri- 
can agave,  137,  note.  On  silk 
among  the  Aztecs,  144,  note.  On 
the  peopling  of  a continent,  208, 
note,  hi.  377,  note.  On  diseases  in 
Mexico,  i.  300,  note.  On  the  vol- 
cano Orizaba,  339,  note.  On  the 
Cofre  de  Perote,  397,  note.  On 
the  mound  to  Qnetzalcoatl,  n. 

6,  note,  7,  note.  On  the  word  vol- 
cano, 45.  On  Montano’s  ascent, 
49,  note.  Identifies  localities,  85, 
note.  On  the  drain  of  Iluehueto- 


ca,  107,  note.  On  the  comparative 
quantities  of  silver  and  gold,  203, 
note.  On  the  pyramids  of  Teoti- 
huacan,  389,  note.  On  the  avenue 
to  Iztapalapan,  in.  72,  note.  On 
launching  brigantines,  88,  note.  On 
scientific  analogies,  392.  Ilis  defi- 
nition of  Occlotl,  393,  note.  On 
Mexican  languages,  395,  note.  On 
Mexican  beards  and  moustaches, 
400,  note.  On  the  color  of  the  Ab- 
origines, 401,  note. 

Ilumnling-birds,  n.  117,  iii.  380. 

Husbands,  on  duties  to,  iii.  424. 

Hymns.  See  Songs. 

I. 

Iceland,  early  colonization  of,  m. 
374. 

Idols,  treatment  of,  at  Cozumel,  i. 
271,272;  at  Cempoalla,  360.  Of 
the  war-god,  thrown  down,  ii.  328. 
Destroyed  at  Peten,  iii.  294.  See 
Cathedrals. 

Immortality.  See  Future  life. 

Impressments  for  manning  the  fleet, 
iii.  90. 

Incense,  compliments  of,  i.  348,  464. 
In  Montezuma’s  palace,  ii.  86. 

Incensing  of  Huitzilopotchli,  n.  281. 

India,  Epic  poets  of,  i.  55,  note. 

India  House,  i.  215,  n.  218. 

Indian  allies,  i.  425.  Value  of  the, 
429.  On  the  march  against  Mexi- 
co, ii.  453,  460.  Reconciled  by 
Cortes,  iii.  16.  Join  Spaniards 
at  Mexico,  130.  Desert,  156,  157. 
Return,  161.  In  the  expedition 
to  Honduras,  278.  See  Cempo 
allan,  Clunantlan,  Cholulan,  Tc- 
peaean,  Tezcucans,  Tlascalan,  and 
Totonacs. 

Indian  corn,  i.  133,  136,  284.  See 
Maize. 

Indians,  Aztecs  and,  differ,  in  do- 
mestic manners,  i.  157.  Reparti- 
mientos  in  regard  to,  218,  378. 


INDEX. 


503 


Commission  respecting,  219.  Held 
in  slavery  that  they  may  be  Chris- 
tianized, 219.  Las  Casas  insists 
upon  the  entire  freedom  of  the, 
219.  Treatment  of,  at  Cozumel, 
267.  Fight  the  Spaniards,  at  Ta- 
basco, 277 ; at  Ceutla,  285.  Inter- 
view with,  at  San  Juan  de  Ulua, 
294.  Aid  the  Spaniards,  299.  On 
the  civilization  of,  379.  Taken 
by  Spaniards,  435.  Find  Spanish 
new-comers  to  be  enemies  of  the 
old,  ii.  227,  235.  See  Aborigines , 
Christianity , Indian  allies,  and 
Reparlimientos. 

Indies.  See  Council  of  the  Indies. 

Indulgences,  papal,  for  the  troops, 
in.  47,  312,  note. 

Infidelity,  on  persecution  for,  n.  30, 
note. 

Inquisition,  Aztec  sacrifices  com- 
pared to  the,  i.  83,  84.  Brought 
to  Mexico,  86. 

Intemperance,  i.  35,  157. 

Intercalation,  among  the  Aztecs,  i. 

111,  112,  note,  114,  note.  Persian, 

112,  note,  hi.  393. 

Interpreters.  See  Aguilar,  Marina, 
and  Melchorejo. 

Iron,  not  known  to  the  Aztecs,  i. 
139,  hi.  405,  415.  Substitutes  for, 
1. 139.  On  the  table-land  in  Mexi- 
co, 416, 417.  The  early  use  of,  417, 
note. 

Irrigation,  i.  135.  See  Canals. 

Irving,  Washington,  i.  274,  note,  in. 
252,  note. 

Isabella,  suppressed  reparlimientos, 
i.  218. 

Isla  de  los  Sacrificios,  i.  227,  293. 

Israelites,  1. 129,  n.  89,  note,  154,  hi. 
387. 

Itzalana,  in.  404. 

Itzocan,  conquered,  ii.  431. 

Itztli,  tools  made  of,  i.  140.  Weap- 
ons pointed  with,  439, 441.  Blades 
of,  442. 


Ixtlilxocliitl,  son  of  Nezahualpilli, 
rival  for  the  Tezcucan  crown,  i. 
311,  485,  ii.  188.  Embassy  from, 
to  Cortes,  i.  485. 

Ixtlilxochitl,  cacique  of  Tezcuco,  ac- 
count of,  ii.  471.  Instructed  and 
watched,  in.  4.  Procures  allies, 
46, 118.  Efficiency  of,  118,  122. 
Kills  the  Aztec  leader,  123.  Does 
not  desert,  157. 

Ixtlilxochitl,  the  historian,  on  the  ex- 
tent of  Anahuac,  i.  12,  note.  On 
feudal  chiefs,  27,  note.  On  halls 
of  justice  and  judgments  in  Tez- 
cuco, 33.  On  the  cycles,  61,  note. 
On  sacrifices  at  the  dedication  of 
the  temple  of  Huitzilopotchli,  80, 
note.  On  measures  for  procuring 
victims,  82,  note.  On  Mexican 
hieroglyphical  writers,  99,  note. 
On  the  divine  book,  107,  note. 
Story  by,  149,  note.  Notices  of, 
and  of  his  writings,  161,  206,  note. 
Source  of  the  materials  of  his 
works,  173,  note.  Translation  by, 
of  a poem  of  Nezahualcoyotl,  173, 
hi.  424.  Cited,  1. 175,  note.  On 
the  population  of  Tezcuco,  176, 
note.  On  Nezahualcoyotl’s  resi- 
dence, 182,  hi.  430.  On  Indian 
antiquities,  i.  185,  note.  On  Nez- 
ahualcoyotl’s advice  to  his  son, 
198,  note.  His  character  of  Nez- 
ahualcoyotl, 199.  On  the  Lady  of 
Tula,  202, note.  On  Nezahualpilli’s 
punishment  of  his  wife,  202,  note, 
hi.  432.  Account  of,  and  of  his 
writings,  i.  206,  note.  On  Monte- 
zuma’s conversion,  208,  note.  On 
the  massacre  by  Alvarado,  285, 
note.  On  a statue  of  the  Sun,  n. 
391,  note.  Authority  for  Tecocol, 
470,  note,  471,  note.  On  head- 
quarters at  Tezcuco,  hi.  3,  note. 
On  Tangapan’s  6ister  and  her 
vision,  19,  note.  Termination  of 
his  works,  112.  note.  On  the  res- 


504 


INDEX. 


cue  of  Cortes  by  a Tlascalan  chief, 
144,  note.  On  the  Toltec  migra- 
tion, 413. 

Iztaccihuatl,  n.  9,  44,  45,  49,  note, 
50,  461. 

Iztaes,  destruction  of  idols  by,  in. 
294,  note. 

Iztapalapan,  n.  64.  Gardens  of,  65, 
hi.  6.  Sack  of,  7.  Sandoval’s 
expedition  against,  92,  102.  See 
Cuitlahua. 

Iztapalapan  causeway,  first  crossed 
by  Spaniards,  n.  69.  Described, 
69,  108.  Advance  on  the,  hi.  72. 
At  the  junction  of  the  Cojohuacan, 

105.  Cannon  placed  upon  the, 

106.  Fighting  there,  115,  119. 
Alderete  on  the,  139. 

Iztapan,  hi.  280,  281. 


J. 

Jacapichtla,  expedition  against,  in. 
42. 

Jackets.  See  Cotton. 

Jalap,  i.  395,  note. 

Jauhtepec,  m.  54. 

Java,  market-days  and  weeks  in,  i. 
Ill,  note. 

Javelin,  the  Tlascalan,  i.  441. 
Jesters,  i.  251,  n.  126. 

Jewels,  i.  204,  note,  226,  in.  241, 312. 
Jews.  See  Israelites. 

Jomard,  on  the  new  fire,  i.  125,  note. 
Judges,  Aztec,  i.  29.  In  Tezcuco, 
31.  Collusions  of,  punishable  with 
death,  32.  Details  respecting,  32. 
Montezuma  tries  the  integrity  of, 
309.  Twelve,  at  the  Mexican 
market,  II.  140. 

Jugglers,  i.  156,  note,  n.  126,  128, 
in.  312. 

Julian,  fleet  burned  by,  i.  376,  note. 
Julian  year,  i.  113,  note. 

Juste,  Juan,  inscriptions  by,  n.  410, 
note,  hi.  21. 


K. 

Kings,  Egyptian,  i.  24,  note.  Use 
of  the  word  among  the  Aztecs, 
25.  See  Sovereigns. 

Kingsborough,  Lord,  publishes  Sa- 
hagun's  Universal  History,  i.  83. 
Manuscripts  in  his  work,  103, 104, 
note.  Identifies  the  Teoamoxtli 
and  the  Pentateuch,  107,  note.  On 
the  scientific  instruments  of  the 
Mexicans,  122,  note.  Account  of 
his  publication  of  the  remains  of 
the  Aztec  civilization,  128.  On  the 
Aztec  knowledge  of  the  Scrip- 
tures, hi.  382,  note.  His  Aztec 
and  Israelitish  parallelisms,  387, 
note.  On  the  words  Mexico  and 
Messiah,  388,  note. 

Knight-errantry  of  Cortes,  hi.  353. 

Knighthood,  i.  45,  413,  n.  445,  in. 
446. 

Knotted  strings,  i.  99,  note. 

L. 

Lances,  instructions  by  Cortes  re- 
specting, i.  287,  425,  438,  n.  395. 
For  the  Spaniards,  238,  244,  454, 
hi.  172. 

Lands,  revenues  from,  i.  38.  Held 
in  common,  39,  note.  For  the 
maintenance  of  priests,  71.  Cho- 
lulan  cultivation  of,  n.  11.  See 
Agriculture. 

Languages,  in  Anahuac,  i.  108,  173. 
Tlascalan,  415.  On  coincidences 
as  to,  in  the  Old  and  New  World, 
iii.  394.  Remarks  on  the  Indian, 
394;  on  the  Othomi,  396;  on  the 
Cora,  399,  note. 

Lares,  Amador  de,  i.  244,  252. 

Las  Casas,  Bartolomc  de,  on  human 
sacrifices  in  Anahuac,  i.  80,  note. 
Procures  a commission  to  redress 
Indian  grievances,  219, 378.  Pro- 


INDEX. 


506 


tects  the  natives  of  Cuba,  221.  On 
the  censure  of  Grijalva,  228,  note. 
On  the  father  of  Cortes,  231,  note. 
On  Cortes  and  Velasquez,  242, 
note,  254,  260.  On  property  ac- 
quired by  Cortes,  243.  On  the 
etymology  of  adelanlndo,  250,  note. 
His  charity  and  friendship  for  the 
Indians,  270,  378.  On  forced  con- 
versions, 272,  note,  hi.  430.  On 
the  proclamation  at  Tabasco,  i. 
278,  note.  On  Tabasco,  280.  On 
the  loss  at  the  battle  of  Ceutla, 
288,  note.  On  Indian  gestures, 

295,  note.  On  traditions  and  Mon- 
tezuma, 313,  note.  Account  of, 
and  of  his  writings,  376,  note,  n. 

296.  His  connexion  with  Negro 
slavery,  i.  378.  Bishop  of  Chiapa, 

382.  His  death  and  character, 

383.  Biographies  of,  386.  On  the 
population  of  Cholula,  n.  3,  note. 
On  the  massacre  at  Cholula,  29, 
note.  Herrera  borrows  from,  95. 
His  portrait  of  Velasquez,  in.  255. 
On  ruins  in  Yucatan,  413,  note. 
Extract  from,  439. 

Las  Tres  Cruzes,  village  of,  in.  281. 
Latrobe,  his  descriptions,  i.  7,  note. 
On  the  calendar-stone,  143,  note. 
Describes  two  baths,  183,  note.  On 
Indian  antiquities,  185,  note.  On 
Tacuba,  ii.  373,  note.  On  the  in- 
terposition of  the  Virgin,  382,  note. 
Describes  a cavity  in  a pyramid, 
389,  note. 

Law  of  honor,  the  Aztec,  i.  84, 
note. 

Lawrence,  on  animals  in  the  New 
World,  hi.  371,  note. 

Laws,  Aztec,  i.  35.  Military  codes 
of,  47,  ii.  455,  iii.  464.  Neza- 
hualcoyotl’s  code  of,  i.  169. 

Lead,  from  Tasco,  i.  138. 

League.  See  Mexico. 

Legerdemain,  i.  156,  note,  157,  note, 
ii.  126. 

Legislative  power,  i.  28. 

VOL.  III. 


Le  Noir,  M.,  i.  104,  note,  in.  410, 
note. 

Leon,  Juan  Velasquez  de,  joins  Cor- 
tes, i.  256.  At  Tabasco,  283.  In 
irons,  336,  337.  At  Tlascala,  480. 
Aids  in  seizing  Montezuma,  n. 
164,  167.  Guards  him,  170.  Mon 
tezuma’s  pleasure  in  his  company, 
184.  To  plant  a colony  at  Coatza 
cualco,  194.  Charged  with  pur 
loining  plate,  205.  Narvaez’s  let 
ter  to,  237.  Joins  Cortes  at  Cho 
lula,  237,  242.  Fidelity  of,  252, 
265,  note,  266.  To  secure  Panuco, 
272.  Joins  Cortes  at  Tlascala,  274 
Tries  to  calm  his  anger,  290.  Chiv 
alrous,  313.  At  the  evacuation  of 
Mexico,  359.  Killed,  379.  Fate 
of  gold  collected  by,  409. 

Leon,  Luis  Ponce  de,  juez  de  resi- 
dencia,  iii.  306,  307. 

Lerma  defends  Cortes,  iii.  144. 

Lieber,  Francis,  on  punishment,  i. 
169,  note. 

Lime,  i.  40,  note,  223,  268,  343. 

Litters,  i.  349,  ii.  60,  73,  76,  168, 
171,  240,  399. 

Livy,  cited,  i.  208,  note,  in.  356,  note. 

Llorente’s  Life  of  Las  Casas,  i.  386. 

Lopez,  Martin,  ship-builder,  ii.  180, 
372,  434,  446,  iii.  22. 

Lord’s  Supper,  rite  like  the,  iii.  384, 
386. 

Lorenzana,  on  a tribute  roll,  i.  40, 
note.  On  the  seizure  of  Monte- 
zuma, n.  176,  note.  Cited,  328, 
note,  hi.  137,  note. 

Louis  XI.,  disclosure  in  his  reign, 
m.  85. 

Lucan,  cited,  i.  287,  note,  315,  note. 

Lucian,  on  the  Deluge,  in.  379,  note 

Lucretius,  cited  on  iron,  m.  417, 
note. 

Luisa,  Dona,  given  to  Alvaiado,  i. 
483. 

Lujo,  Francisco  de,  i.  281,  ii.  164. 
Encourages  Cortes,  252.  At  the 
evacuation  of  Mexico,  359. 


64 


506 


INDEX. 


Lunar  calendars,  i.  117,  in.  392, 
note. 

Lyell,  Charles,  on  the  spread  of 
mankind,  ill.  375,  note. 

M. 

Macaca,  armada  at,  i.  254,  255. 

Machiavelli,  i.  21,  note , 85,  note , 315, 
note. 

Magarino,  at  a bridge,  n.  360,  363. 

Magellan,  discoveries  by,  ill.  271. 

Magistrates,  Aztec,  i.  29.  Neza- 
liualpilli  the  terror  of  unjust,  202, 
note. 

Maguey.  See  Agave  Americana. 

Mahometan  belief  as  to  martyrs,  i. 
63,  note. 

Maize,  the  word,  1. 136,  note.  Year- 
ly royal  expenditure  of,  in  Tezcu- 
co,  176,  note.  See  Indian  corn. 

Majesty,  the  title,  i.  332,  note. 

Malinche,  Cortes  called,  i.  483,  n. 
330. 

Malinche,  the  mountain,  i.  476. 

Malinche,  i.  483.  See  Marina. 

Manifesto  to  the  Indians,  i.  278,  note. 

Mankind,  origin  of,  in  America,  in. 
371,  373.  Two  great  families  of, 
in  America,  375.  See  Aborigines. 

Mantas,  use  and  description  of,  n. 
335. 

Mantles  of  feather-work.  See  Feath- 
er-work. 

Manuscripts,  scarcity  of,  among  the 
Toltecs,  i.  12,  note.  Materials  of 
the  Mexican,  99.  Their  shape, 
100.  Destruction  of,  101,  102. 
Collected  at  Mexico  and  perished, 
102,  160.  Mendoza  Codex,  103. 
Dresden  Codex,  104.  With  inter- 
pretations, 105,  note.  No  clue  to 
the,  106,  107.  Report  of  a key  to 
them,  107,  note.  The  Teoamoxtli, 
or  divine  book,  107,  and  note.  No- 
tice of  the  Aztec,  in  Europe,  128. 
Estrella’s,  265.  Collection  of,  by 


Vega,  hi.  424.  See  Hieroglyphics 
and  Paintings. 

Maps,  i.  xxxiii.  For  the  revenue,  41. 
Ebeling  collection  of,  in.  280,  note. 
In  Delafield’s  Antiquities,  397, 
note. 

Marina,  or  Malinche,  a female  slave 
and  interpreter,  account  of,  i.  295, 
iii.  291.  Cortes  and,  i.  296.  Don 
Martin  Cortes,  son  of,  297,  iii.  293. 
Moratin  cited  on,  i.  297,  note.  In- 
terprets, 345,  349,  359.  Cheers  a 
Cempoallan  chief,  429.  Value  of 
her  services,  452.  Discovers  Tlas- 
calan  spies,  462.  Cortes  called 
Malinche  from,  483,  n.  330.  Dis- 
covers a conspiracy  at  Cholula,  16. 
Interpreter  between  Cortes  and 
Montezuma,  82,  88.  Urges  Mon- 
tezuma to  go  to  the  Spanish  camp, 
167.  Finds  out  Cuitlaliua,  316,  note. 
Interprets  Cortes’  address  to  the 
Aztecs,  329.  In  the  retreat  from 
Mexico,  372.  At  Chaleo,  in.  49. 
At  the  interview  between  Cortes 
and  Guatemozin,  205.  Meets  her 
mother,  292.  Marriage  of,  293. 

Marineo,  Lucio,  on  gaming,  ii.  457, 
note. 

Market,  Mexican,  n.  134.  Closed, 
287. 

Market-days.  See  Fairs. 

Market-place,  n.  134.  See  Tlatelolco. 

Marquess  of  Oaxaca,  iii.  320. 

Marriage,  among  the  Aztecs,  i.  36, 
151.  Among  the  Tezcucans,  185. 
Of  Nezahualcoyotl,  187.  Of  Span- 
iards with  Tlascalans,  478,  482. 

Martin,  Benito,  chaplain,  n.  218. 

Martin  of  Valencia,  iii.  266. 

Martyr,  Peter,  on  maps  and  manu- 
scripts, i.  100,  note,  128,  142,  note, 
368,  note.  On  cacao  as  a circu- 
lating medium,  146.  On  a huge 
beam,  184,  note.  On  Flemings  in 
Spain,  213,  note.  On  Tabasco, 
280,  note.  On  a fabric,  320,  note. 
On  the  gold  and  silver  wheels, 


INDEX. 


507 


321,  note.  Account  of,  n.  99.  On 
the  dwellings  in  Mexico,  110,  note. 
On  the  calendar-stone,  115,  note. 
On  Mexican  trinkets,  136,  note , 
200,  note.  On  the  pusillanimity 
of  Montezuma,  174,  note.  On 
the  insurrection  against  Alvarado, 
266,  note.  On  firing  Mexico,  329, 
note.  On  cannibalism,  hi.  132, 
note.  On  an  emerald,  241,  note. 

Martyrs,  Mexican  idea  respecting, 
1.43.  Mahometan  belief,  63,  note. 

Masks,  in  the  Aztec  plays,  i.  109. 

Massacre,  at  Cholula,  n.  23.  By 
Alvarado,  284.  At  Iztapalapan, 
hi.  8. 

Matadero,  fortress  in  the,  hi.  257. 

Matanzas,  i.  222,  note. 

Maundeville,  Sir  John,  i.  140,  note. 

Maximilian,  poverty  of,  n.  204,  note. 

Maxixca,  cacique  of  Tlascala,  i.  449, 
ii.  275.  Welcomes  Cortes  from 
Mexico,  406.  Cortes  quartered  in 
his  palace,  408.  Present  to,  409. 
Averse  to  an  alliance  with  Aztecs, 
420.  Dies  of  small-pox,  434.  01- 
medo  with,  436.  Spaniards  in 
mourning  for,  445.  Son  of,  con- 
firmed in  the  succession,  445.  Son 
of,  goes  to  Spain,  hi.  312. 

Maxtla,  Tepanec  empire  bequeathed 
to,  i.  163.  His  treatment  and 
jealousy  of  Nezahualcoyotl,  163, 
164.  Oppressions  by,  167,  168. 
Conquered  and  sacrificed,  168. 

McCulloh,  i.  61,  note , 99,  note , 113, 
note.  Notice  of  his  work,  m.  391, 
note. 

Meals,  1. 153.  Montezuma’s,  n.  123. 

Mechanical  arts,  Aztec,  i.  139,  140, 
143. 

Medellin,  hi.  259,  302. 

Medicinal  plants  in  Mexico,  n.  119. 

Melancholy  night,  n.  364  - 380,  hi. 
91. 

Melchorejo,  interpreter,  i.  267,  281. 

Menagerie,  at  Mexico,  n.  117. 

Mendicity,  not  tolerated,  i.  192. 


Mendoza  Codex,  i.  40,  note.  His- 
tory of  the,  103.  With  an  inter- 
pretation, 105,  note.  Examined 
by  the  Marquess  Spineto,  128. 
The  arrangement  of,  129. 

Mendoza,  Don  Antonio,  viceroy  of 
New  Spain,  in.  336.  Interferes 
with  Cortes,  338. 

Merchandise,  sale  and  transporta- 
tion of,  1. 145, 148. 

Merchants,  Aztec,  i.  147. 

Merida,  Cozumel  Cross  at,  in.  384, 
note. 

Mesa,  commander  of  artillery,  i.  283. 

Messiah,  the  words  Mexico  and,  in. 
388. 

Metals,  in  Ithaca  and  Mexico,  i. 
153,  note.  Early  exportations  of, 
from  the  Spanish  colonies,  219 
See  Gold,  Mines,  and  Silver. 

Mexia  charges  Leon  with  purloining 
plate,  ii.  205. 

Mexican  Gulf,  i.  217.  Explored,  n 
194. 

Mexicans.  See  Aztecs. 

Mexico,  interest  and  importance  of, 
i.  3.  Ancient  and  modern  extent 
of,  4.  Climate  and  products  of, 
5.  Primitive  races  of,  11,  in. 
398.  Legislative  power  in,  i.  28. 
Predictions  and  prodigies  connect- 
ed with  the  downfall  of,  60,  204, 
313,  314,  315,  465,  467,  n.  36,  37, 
note,  196,  199,471.  On  the  coloni- 
zation of,  by  the  Israelites,  i.  129. 
Apathy  of,  respecting  antiquities, 
185,  note.  Hostility  to  Montezu- 
ma in,  310.  Languages  of,  in.  395 

Mexico,  Tezcuco,  and  Tlacopan, 
league  of,  i.  18,  163.  Extend 
their  territory,  20. 

Mexico,  city,  situation  of,  1. 11.  Call- 
ed Tenochtitlan,  16.  Settlement 
of  the  Aztecs  at,  16,  17,  note. 
Derivation  of  the  name,  17.  Map 
of,  referred  to,  20.  Images  spread 
throughout,  141.  Terror  there,  at 
the  landing  of  Cortes,  316.  The 


508 


INDEX. 


cacique  of  Cocotlan's  account  of, 
401.  Spanish  route  to,  n.  50. 
First  view  of,  by  the  Spaniards, 
51.  Seen  from  Iztapalapan,  67. 
Entrance  of  the  Spaniards  into,  68 
- 78.  Environs  of,  70.  Streets  in, 
77,  110.  Population  of,  77,  112. 
Comparison  of  ancient  and  mod- 
ern, 105,  114,  note.  Description 
of,  109,  134.  View  of,  from  the 
great  temple,  146.  Alvarado  takes 
command  of,  238,  239.  Insurrec- 
tion in,  273,  278,  281,  287.  Cor- 
tes reenters,  279.  Massacre  there 
by  Alvarado,  282.  Assault  on  the 
Spanish  quarters  at,  302.  Sally 
of  the  Spaniards,  308.  Fired, 
311,  329.  Storming  of  the  great 
temple  at,  322,  324.  Evacuation 
of,  by  the  Spaniards,  338,  355, 
359.  Cuitlahua’s  acts  there  after 
the  evacuation,  418.  Guatemo- 
zin’s  measures  for  defending,  451. 
Second  expedition  to,  460.  Re- 
connoitred, in.  27,  48,  76.  Siege 
of,  90,  91,  100.  Assaults  on  the 
causeways  of,  109.  Famine  in, 
129,  135,  160,  167,  174,  175,  188. 
General  assault  on,  137.  Meas- 
ures for  securing  retreat  there, 
133,  164.  Destruction  of  build- 
ings at,  165,  166,  173.  Want  of 
water  in,  174.  Seven  eighths  of, 
in  ruins,  182.  Pestilence  in,  190. 
Murderous  assault  there,  195. 
Last  assault  on,  199.  Tempest 
there,  208.  Evacuation  of,  per- 
mitted, 209.  Purification  of,  210. 
Loss  during  the  siege  of,  210. 
Remarks  on  the  conquest  of,  217. 
Rebuilding  of,  239,  249,  255.  Pop- 
ulation for,  258.  At  the  present 
day,  259.  Disturbances  in,  300. 
Cortes’  triumphal  return  to,  303. 
Cortes  ordered  to  leave,  308 ; to 
keep  ten  leagues  from,  330.  De- 
serted to  visit  Cortes  at  Tezcuco, 
330. 


Michuacan,  in.  19,  note.  Embassy 
from,  236.  Visited,  237.  Coliman 
in,  founded,  259.  Tradition  there, 
connected  with  the  Deluge,  379. 

Midwives,  baptism  by,  in.  385,  note. 

Mier,  Dr.,  i.  60,  note,  ii.  5,  note. 

Military  institutions,  Aztec,  i.  43. 

Milk,  on  the  use  of,  in.  415,  416. 

Milman,  on  Budh,  i.  59,  note. 

Milton’s  Paradise  Lost,  i.  55. 

Mines, and  minerals,  1. 138.  Wrought, 
in.  268,  332. 

Minstrels,  entertained,  i.  156,  note. 

Mirrors,  Aztec,  ii.  137. 

Missionaries  to  New  Spain  in  the 
time  of  Cortes,  in.  265.  Leave 
Mexico,  301.  Provision  for,  in 
Cortes’  will,  344.  Charity  for 
their  religious  analogies,  383.  See 
Dominican,  Las  Casas,  Olmedo , 
and  Toribio. 

Mitla,  ruins  of,  n.  195,  note,  in.  404. 

Mixtecapan,  n.  432. 

Monastic  institutions  among  Pagans, 
in.  389,  note. 

Money,  substitutes  for,  i.  145,  146, 
note.  See  Currency. 

Montano,  Francisco,  ascends  Popo- 
catepetl, ii.  48. 

Montejo,  Francisco  de,  i.  283.  Ex- 
plores the  coast,  324,  326,  329, 
348.  Alcalde  of  Villa  Rica,  332. 
In  the  expedition  to  Honduras,  in 
278. 

Montejo  and  Puertocarrero,  mis- 
sion of,  to  Spain,  i.  367.  Touch 
at  Cuba,  369,  ii.  217.  On  the  de- 
struction of  the  fleet,  i.  376,  note. 
Prosecuted  before  the  Royal  India- 
IIouse,  n.  218.  Treatment  of,  by 
Charles  V.,  219,  221.  Influence 
of  Fonseca  against,  221. 

Monteleone,  dukes  of,  descendants 
of  Cortes,  i.  xxxiii.,  ii.  85,  in.  256, 
352. 

Monterey,  founds  Vera  Cruz,  i.  299, 
note,  in.  260,  note. 

Montesinos,  old  ballad  of,  i.  293. 


INDEX. 


509 


Montezuma,  I.,  i.  20.  Bas-relief  of, 
destroyed,  142,  ii.  121. 

Montezuma  II.,  i.  23,83.  Bas-relief 
of,  destroyed,  142,  ii.  121.  The 
orthography  of,  i.  298,  note.  Mes- 
sage to,  by  Cortes,  302.  Ac- 
counts of,  306,  400,  484,  ii.  348. 
Meaning  of  the  word,  i.  306,  note , 
ii.  199.  His  coronation,  i.  308. 
Benevolent  and  religious  acts  of, 
30-9.  Hatred  of,  309,  346,  n. 
43,  54, 131.  Principal  cause  of  his 
calamities,  I.  312.  Resurrection 
and  warning  of  his  sister,  315, 
note.  Dismayed  at  the  landing  of 
Spaniards,  316.  Sends  presents 
and  forbids  Cortes’  approach,  317, 
322,  325,  364,  note.  Exactions  of 
the  Totonacs  by  his  tax-gatherers, 
349.  Inventory  of  his  gifts,  364, 
note.  His  efforts  to  subdue  the 
Tlascalans,  417.  New  embassy 
from,  467.  Invites  the  Spaniards 
to  Mexico,  483.  Treacherous  em- 
bassy from,  to  the  Spaniards  at 
Cholula,  ii.  14,  16,  19,  20,  23. 
Spaniards,  the  historians  of,  39. 
Tries  to  bribe  the  Spaniards  to 
return,  55.  Welcomes  Cortes, 
through  Cacama,  60.  Respect  for, 
near  the  capital,  63.  His  visit  to 
Cortes,  71,  72,  7p.  Aztec  homage 
to,  73,  76,  86,  127,  131,  317.  His 
personal  appearance,  74.  Ilis  re- 
ception of  Cortes  at  Axayacatl’s 
palace,  79.  Effect  of  his  conduct 
on  the  Spaniards,  83,  91,  182,  198. 
Conversation  of,  with  Cortes,  82. 
Attempts  to  convert,  82,  87,  185, 
208,  343.  Visit  to,  by  Cortes,  84. 
His  palace,  84,  115,  in.  255.  Sub- 
mission of,  to  Charles  V.,  ii.  90,  93. 
His  domestic  establishment,  121  - 
128,  hi.  448.  His  wives,  n.  121, 
351,  hi.  448.  His  meals,  ii.  123, 
hi.  448.  His  reception  of  Cortes 
at  the  great  temple,  ii.  144,  145. 
Aids  in  preparing  a chapel,  155. 


His  treasures  discovered,  155. 
History  of  his  seizure,  161,  164. 
Accompanies  Cortes  to  head-quar- 
ters, 167.  Respect  shown  to,  169, 
181.  His  reception  of  Q,uauhpo- 
poca,  171.  Fettered,  172.  Unfet- 
tered, 173.  Declines  going  to  his 
palace,  174.  His  life  in  the  Span- 
ish quarters,  181.  His  munifi- 
cence, 182.  His  visit  to  the  great 
temple,  185.  Sails  in  a brigantine, 
186.  Plan  for  liberating,  by  Ca- 
cama, 189.  Intercedes  for  Caca- 
ma, 191.  Swears  allegiance,  197. 
His  gifts  for  the  Emperor,  199, 
200,  202,  203.  Parting  of  Cortes 
and,  240.  Sends  a messenger  to 
Cort6s,  279.  Checks  the  Aztecs 
in  an  insurrection,  287.  Wel- 
comes Cortes,  and  is  coldly  receiv- 
ed, 2901  Cuitlahua,  chosen  suc- 
cessor of,  292,  393,  417.  Witnes- 
ses the  Aztec  fighting,  316.  Pre- 
vailed on  to  address  the  Aztecs, 
316.  Insulted,  319.  Wounded, 
319,  320,  321,  note.  Last  days  and 
death  of,  320,  342,  345.  Com- 
mends his  children  to  Cortes,  345. 
His  conversation  with  Cortes,  345. 
Fate  of  his  children,  345,  note,  351, 
note,  352,  359,  378,  450,  in.  206, 
207,  note,  287,  note,  460.  Com- 
passion for  him,  n.  346,  350,  353. 
His  character,  347.  Descendant 
of,  viceroy  of  Mexico,  352,  note. 
Respect  to  his  memory,  353.  His 
successor,  393,  417.  Son  of,  goes 
to  Spain,  hi.  312.  See  Cortis  and 
Tecuichpo. 

Montezuma’s  Hill.  See  Hill. 

Months,  Aztec,  division  of,  i.  111. 

Monument  at  the  limits  of  Tlascala, 
i.  408,  417,  421,  ii.  404. 

Moon,  worshipped,  i.  194,  note. 
Monument  to  the,  ii.  388. 

Moran,  a horseman,  assaulted,  1. 428. 

Moratin,  cited  on  Marina,  i.  297, 
note. 


510 


INDEX. 


Morla,  condemned  to  be  hung,  i.  356. 

Morla,  Francisco  de,  n.  360,  367, 
379. 

Morpeth,  Lord,  cited,  i.  341,  note. 

Morton,  S.  G.,  on  the  burial  of  the 
dead,  in  390,  note.  Facial  an- 
gle of  his  skulls,  401,  note.  Re- 
marks on  his  Crania  Americana, 
401,  note. 

Mosaic,  imitated,  i.  144. 

Mothers.  See  Daughters. 

Motilla,  Sandoval’s  steed,  hi.  149, 
note. 

Motolinia,  n.  97. 

Mound  to  Quetzalcoatl,  n.  6,  9,  26. 

Mountain  of  Flints,  in.  295. 

Muiioz,  zeal  of,  respecting  the  man- 
uscript of  Sahagun's  History,  i.  88. 
Manuscript  of  Hernandez  discov- 
ered by,  179,  note.  Transcribed 
an  account  of  Grijalva’s  expedi- 
tion, 229,  note. 

Murray,  C.  A.,  i.  42,  note. 

Musa,  the  plant,  i.  135. 

Music,  council  of,  l.  170.  Its  influ- 
ence, 172.  Instruments  of,  194. 

Musketry,  I.  285.  See  Fire-arms. 

Mythology,  i.  54.  Mexican,  56.  Ef- 
fect of  the  Aztec,  205. 

N. 

Naco,  expeditions  to,  in.  277,  296. 

Najera,  bis  Dissertatio  de  Lingua 
Othomitorum,  hi.  396,  note. 

Naming  children,  ceremony  of,  i. 
64,  hi.  385. 

Napoleon,  on  pyramids,  n.  396,  note. 

Varvaez,  Panfilo  de,  1.221,  376,  note. 
Notice  of,  n.  223.  Commander  of 
Velasquez’s  fleet  against  Cortes, 

223.  Will  not  listen  to  Ayllon, 

224.  Arrives  at  San  Juan  de  Ulua, 
226.  His  summons  to  Sandoval, 
228,229.  Seizes  Ayllon  and  sends 
him  back,  228.  Envoys  of,  car- 
ried by  porters  to  Mexico,  230, 


232.  Cortes’ mission  to  him,  233. 
Olmedo’s  intercourse  with,  233, 
235.  At  Cempoalla,  234, 255, 261. 
Proposes  to  liberate  Montezuma, 
235.  Cort6s  marches  against,  240, 
242.  His  summons  to  Cortes  to 
surrender,  242.  His  envoys  to 
Cortes,  246,  249,  250.  Reply  to, 
249.  Preparations  for  assaulting, 
251,  253,  260,  267.  Marches  to 
the  River  of  Canoes,  255.  His 
sentinels, 255, 257,  258.  Attacked 
and  defeated,  259,  267.  Wound- 
ed, 260.  Treatment  of,  by  Cortes, 
264.  His  gossip  with  Oviedo,  267, 
note.  Murmurs  among  his  troops, 

269,  270.  Property  taken  from, 

270,  note.  Mutinies  among  the 
levies  from,  332,  411,  415,  436, 
457,  iii.  80.  To  send  Cortes  for 
trial  to  Spain,  ii.  437.  Proceed- 
ings in  Spain  in  regard  to,  ill. 
78,  79,  243,  note.  Ordered  be- 
fore Cortes,  247.  Brings  charges 
against  Cortes,  247.  See  Span- 
iards. 

Nations,  on  the  identification  of,  hi 
390. 

Nativities,  astrologers  consulted  at, 

i.  122. 

Naulinco,  entertainment  at,  i.  396. 
Negro  slaves,  introduction  of,  into 
the  Western  World,  i.  378.  Trans- 
portation of,  by  Cortes,  m.  334. 
See  Slaves. 

Nero,  Cortes  and,  ii.  29,  note. 

New  fire,  the,  i.  125,  note,  126. 

New  Spain,  Yucatan  called,  i.  225. 
Early  settlements  in,  hi.  259. 
Condition  of  the  natives  there, 
263.  Population  of,  in  1810,  264, 
note.  Arrival  of  Franciscan  friars 
in,  265.  Royal  audience  of,  309, 
326.  New  royal  audience  of,  329. 
Viceroy  of,  335.  Number  of  lan- 
guages in,  395. 

New  Spain  of  the  Ocean  Sea,  ii 
441. 


INDEX. 


511 


New  Zealanders  and  Otaheitans,  m. 
374,  note. 

Nezahualcoyotl,  prince  of  the  Tez- 
cucans,  efficiency  of^  1. 15,  18,162. 
Poetry  by,  19,  note , 174,  175,  note , 
195,  in.  425.  Mexican  code  under, 

i.  38,  note,  169.  Meaning  of  the 
name,  96, 183,  note,  201,  note.  Per- 
sonal history  and  adventures  of, 
162.  (Conquers  Maxtla,  168.  Four 
historians  of  the  royal  house  of, 

172,  note.  An  illustrious  bard, 

173.  Pile  of  buildings  erected  by, 
177, 179. 

Nezahualpilli,  monarch  of  Tezcuco, 
i.  32.  Account  of,  197.  His 
treatment  of  his  guilty  wife,  202, 
note , hi.  432.  Has  forebodings  of 
calamity  to  his  country,  i.  204,  314, 
471.  His  death,  204,  310.  His 
obsequies,  204.  Address  made  by, 
at  the  coronation  of  Montezuma, 
as  king,  307,  350.  Contest  re- 
specting the  succession  to,  i.  311, 
n.  188,  473.  Spaniards  quartered 
in  his  palace,  469.  Pardons  a son, 
473. 

Niebuhr,  on  calendars  I.  113,  note, 
117,  note. 

Night  attacks,  i.  424,  450,  451,  n. 
259,  364,  in.  107. 

Nine  “companions,”  the,  i.  118, 
note. 

Noah,  Quetzalcoatl  identified  with, 
i.  61,  note. 

Nobles,  Aztec,  i.  23.  Entertain  min- 
strels, buffoons,  and  jugglers,  156, 
note.  Treatment  of,  by  Nezahu- 
alcoyotl, 169.  Their  manners,  177, 
li.  76,  109.  Tlascalan,  i.  411, 
412,  note.  Chivalrous  act  of  Az- 
tec, 419.  Aztec,  meet  Cortes,  n. 
71.  Bear  Montezuma  in  a palan- 
quin, 72, 76.  Must  reside  in  Mex- 
ico, 109.  Attend  on  Montezuma, 
122.  Massacre  of,  283.  Six,  de- 
puted to  Tlascala,  419.  Delivered 
up,  and  sent  to  Guatemozin,  hi. 


5.  Sent  to  Guatemozin,  168, 192, 
193.  Four  hundred,  hung,  245 
Accompany  Cortes  to  Spain,  312 

Noche  triste,  ii.  364-380,  iii.  91. 

Nootka,  dialects  there,  iii.  399. 

Northmen  visit  America,  ill.  374, 
note. 

Notation,  i.  109,  115. 

Numeration,  among  the  Aztecs,  i 
109. 

Nunez,  Cortes’  page,  challenged, 
iii.  172. 

t 

O. 

Oaxaca,  plantation  for  the  Crown  at, 

ii.  194.  Embassy  from,  432.  Min- 
eral wealth  of,  in.  238.  Mar- 
quess of  the  Valley  of,  320. 

Observatory,  Nezahualpilli’s,  i.  203. 

Obsidian,  Mexican  tools  made  of,  i. 
140. 

Ocelotl,  Humboldt  on  the,  in.  393, 
note. 

Ojeda,  at  the  evacuation  of  Mexico, 

ii.  377,  note. 

Olea,  Christoval  de,  saves  Cortes, 

iii.  143. 

Oleron,  on  the  laws  of,  n.  31,  note. 

Olid,  Cristoval  de,  sent  in  search  of 
Grijalva,  i.  228.  Joins  Cortes, 
256.  Noticed,  283,  n.  213,  254, 
290,  313,  316,  360,  367,  372,  399. 
Detached  to  Q,uauhquechollan, 
427,  430,  note.  His  countermarch 
on  Cholula,  428.  Sandoval  and, 

iii.  20.  Reconnoitres  Mexico,  27. 
At  Cuernavaca,  58.  Conspiracy 
against,  81.  Takes  post  at  Cojo- 
liuacan,  91,  100.  Demolishes  the 
aqueduct,  97,  99.  Enmity  be- 
tween Alvarado  and,  98.  His  ex- 
pedition to  Honduras,  272.  De- 
fection of,  276.  Beheaded,  277. 

Olmedo,  Bartolome  de,  father,  notice 
of,  i.  271.  His  efforts  to  convert 
the  natives,  271, 290, 325,  396.  In 


M2 


INDEX. 


terposition  of,  403,  478,479,  n.  147. 
Character  of,  i.  403,  481.  Per- 
forms mass,  ii.  156,  210.  Attempts 
to  convert  Montezuma,  185,  208, 
343.  Mission  of,  to  Narvaez,  233, 
234,  267.  Meets  Cortes,  242. 
Goes  against  Narvaez,  256.  Before 
Cortes,  in  behalf  of  the  soldiers, 

271.  Urges  Montezuma  to  ad- 
dress the  Aztecs,  316.  Visits  the 
expiring  Maxixca,  436.  Sermon 
by,  after  the  surrender  of  Mexico, 
hi.  213.  Last  years  of,  257. 

Oral  tradition,  connexion  of,  with 
Aztec  picture-writing,  l.  98,  108. 
Embodied  in  songs  and  hymns, 
108. 

Ordaz,  Diego  de,  i.  256.  To  ran- 
som Christian  captives,  267,  273. 
Commander  of  infantry,  in  the 
battle  of  Ceutla,  283, 284.  Charges 
the  enemy,  287.  In  irons,  336, 
337.  Attempts  the  ascent  of  Po- 
pocatepetl, ii.  46.  Escutcheon  of, 
48.  Visits  Montezuma  with  Cor- 
tes, 84.  To  settle  Coatzacualco, 

272.  Joins  Cortes  at  ITascala, 274. 
Chivalrous,  313.  Storms  the  great 
temple,  324.  At  the  evacuation 
of  Mexico,  359,  364, 372. 

Ordinances  for  the  government  of 
New  Spain,  during  Cortes’  vice- 
royalty, hi.  261,  note. 

Orizaba,  the  volcano,  i.  339,  395, 

ii.  9. 

Orteaga,  editor  of  Veytia’s  History, 

i.  22. 

Orteguilla,  page  of  Montezuma,  n. 
184,  212. 

Otaheitans  and  New  Zealanders, 
hi.  374,  note. 

Otomies,  i.  417.  Aid  Tlascalans, 
417.  Claim  protection,  in.  118, 
162.  Notice  of,  118,  note.  Their 
language,  396. 

Otompan,  or  Otumba,  n.  387,  393, 

iii.  12. 

Ovando,  Don  Juan  de,  orders  manu- 


scripts to  be  restored  to  Sahagun, 
i.  87. 

OvandorDon  Nicholas  de,  Governoi 
of  Hispaniola,  i.  232,  234,  ii.  226, 
note. 

Oviedo  de  Valdez,  Gonzalo  Fermm- 
dez,  i.  135,  note,  377,  note.  On 
the  peso  de  oro , 321,  note.  On 
the  gold  and  silver  wheels,  321, 
note.  On  the  device  of  Tlasci- 
la,  439,  note.  On  the  skill  of 
Aztec  goldsmiths,  n.  79,  note. 
On  Montezuma,  123,  note,  168, 
note,  198,  note,  hi.  448.  On 
Montezuma  and  Narvaez,  n.  235, 
note.  On  the  ascendency  of  Cor- 
tes, 266.  Narvaez’s  gossip  with, 
267,  note.  On  the  massacre  by 
Alvarado,  284,  note.  Account  of, 
and  of  his  writings,  293,  note. 
Compares  Cortes  to  Codes,  340, 
note.  On  a leap  by  Cortes,  340, 
note.  On  horse-flesh,  384,  note. 
Panegyrizes  Cortes,  ill.  17,  note, 
88,  note. 

Owl,  Mexican  devil  and,  i.  58 ,note. 

P. 

Pacific  Ocean,  descried  by  Nunez  de 
Balboa,  i.  217.  Discovered  and 
taken  possession  of,  hi.  237 
Spanish  ideas  of  the,  271. 

Padilla,  i.  182,  note,  184,  note. 

Paintings,  hieroglyphical,  made  in 
court,  i.  33.  Chair  for  the  study 
and  interpretation  of,  33,  106. 
Aztec  laws  registered  in,  34,  97. 
Cycles  of  the  Vatican,  61,  note. 
Of  Sahagun,  87,  88.  Features  of 
Mexican,  93.  Coloring  in,  94. 
Aztec  and  Egyptian,  compared,  94. 
Chiefly  representative,  in  Ana 
liuac,  97.  The  records  made  in, 
97.  Connexion  of  oral  tradition 
with,  98,  108.  Education  respect- 
ing, 98.  Humboldt  on,  98,  note 


INDEX. 


513 


Destruction  of,  101,  469.  Their 
importance,  107.  Sent  to  Spain, 
368.  Of  Narvaez  and  his  fleet, 
it.  231.  Of  the  storming  of  the 
great  temple,  328,  note.  See  Hie- 
roglyphics. 

I’alace,  of  Nezahualcoyotl,  I.  177, 
179, 181,  in.  430.  Of  Axayacatl,  n. 
79,  80,  155.  Of  Montezuma,  84, 
1 15,  iii.  255,  256.  Of  Maxixca,  n. 
408.  Of  Guatemozin,  fired,  in. 
173.  Of  Cortes,  at  Mexico,  256; 
at  Cuernavaca,  331. 

Palenque,  i.  290,  iii.  281,404.  Cross 
at,  384.  Architecture  of,  407. 
Sculpture  there,  408. 

Palfrey,  John  G.,  Lectures  by,  ill. 
378,  note. 

Palos,  Cortes  at,  ill.  313. 

Panuchese,  defeated,  in.  245. 

Panuco,  i.  326,  ii.  272,  438. 

Papantzin,  resurrection  of,  i.  315, 
note. 

Paper,  i.  39,  40,  note,  100. 

Papyrus,  account  of,  l.  100,  note. 

Pearls,  worn  by  Montezuma,  ii.  73. 

Penance  among  Tartars,  ill.  389, 
note. 

Peninsular  War,  ii.  34. 

Pentateuch  and  Teoamoxtli,  i.  107, 
note. 

Perrine,  Dr.,  on  the  maguey,  I.  137, 
note,  138,  note. 

Persia,  i.  43,  note,  112,  note. 

Peru,  records  in,  i.  99,  note. 

Peso  de  oro,  i.  320,  note,  ii.  204,  note. 

Pesquisa  Secreta,  or  Secret  Inquiry, 
in.  327. 

Pestilence,  at  Mexico,  iii.  190. 

Peten,  lake  and  isles  of,  iii.  291,  294. 

Philosophy,  mythology  and,  i.  55. 

Phonetic  writing  and  signs,  i.  91, 
note,  92,  96,  106,  note. 

Picture-writing,  i.  91,  303,  319.  See 
Hieroglyphics. 

Pikes.  See  Lances. 

Pilgrims  to  Cholula,  ii.  8. 

Pins,  from  the  agave,  i.  137. 

VOL.  III.  65 


Pisa,  tower  of,  ill.  414. 

Pizarro,  Francisco,  iii.  299,  313. 

Pizarro  y Orellana,  i.  230,  note,  234, 
note,  287,  note. 

Plants,  medicinal,  among  the  Aztecs, 

ii.  119. 

Plato’s  Atlantis,  iii.  372. 

Plaza  Mayor,  in  Mexico,  i.  141, 142, 
note,  iii.  255. 

Pliny,  on  the  papyrus,  i.  100,  note 

Poetry,  connexion  of  mythology  and, 
i.  54,  55.  Tezcucan,  205.  See 
Nezahualcoyotl. 

Polo,  Marco,  i.  146,  note.  On  can- 
nibalism, iii.  389,  note. 

Polygamy,  among  Mexicans,  i.  151, 
180,  note. 

Popes,  power  of,  n.  31. 

Popocatepetl,  n.  9,  147.  Sulphur 
from,  49,  446.  The  Ilill  that 
smokes,  44.  Account  of,  45.  At- 
tempt to  ascend,  46.  Ascended 
by  Montano,  48. 

Popotla,  Cortes  rests  at,  n.  371 

Porters,  or  tamanes,  i.  348.  Drag 
cannon  to  Tlascala,  391,  470. 
Carry  Narvaez’s  envoys  to  Mexico, 
n.230,232.  Carry  wounded  Span- 
iards, 382;  rigging  from  Vera  Cruz, 
446  ; the  brigantines  from  Tlasca- 
la, hi.  22. 

Portraits  of  Cort6s,  i.  xxxiii.  Aztec, 

iii.  408,  409,  note. 

Potonchan,  i.  276. 

Pottery,  i.  143,  note,  475,  ii.  4. 

Poyauhtlan,  battle  of,  i.  411,  416. 

Prayers,  Mexican,  like  Christian,  i. 
64.  Of  Aztec  priests,  67.  By 
Aztec  confessors,  68,  note.  Saha- 
gun  collected  forms  of,  88. 

Predictions  or  forebodings  respecting 
the  fate  of  the  Aztec  empire,  i. 
60,  204,  312,  314,  315,  465,  467,  n. 
5,  36,  note,  196,  199,  474. 

Priestesses,  i.  69. 

Priests,  connexion  of,  with  Aztec 
royalty,  i.  24.  Aztec,  65.  Their 
influence,  66,  83.  Services  by, 


514 


INDEX. 


67.  Duties  of,  in  regard  to  educa- 
tion, 69,  98.  Maintenance  of,  71. 
Aztec  and  Egyptian,  71.  Extort- 
ing victims  for  sacrifices,  82.  On 
secret  symbolic  characters  by  the, 
95.  Their  lunar  reckoning,  117, 
note , 119.  Their  celebration  of 
the  kindling  of  the  new  fire,  126. 
Under  Montezuma,  312.  Defend 
their  gods,  359.  Consulted  by 
Tlascalans,  449.  Disclose  the  con- 
spiracy at  Cholula,  n.  18.  In  the 
great  temple,  149,  152.  Influence 
Aztec  warriors,  325.  Captured, 
327.  Released,  338.  Hurled  from 
the  great  leocalli , in.  115.  Sacri- 
fice Spaniards,  153.  Cheer  Gua- 
temozin,  155.  The  eight  days 
prediction  by,  156, 157, 161.  Dis- 
suade Guatemozin  from  surren- 
dering, 169.  Immoralities  in, 
punished,  265.  Among  Tartars, 
389,  note.  Mexican  word  for,  395, 
note.  See  High-priests. 

Prisoners,  usually  sacrificed,  i.  36. 
Zeal  to  make,  47,  81,  432,  in. 
63.  Treatment  of,  at  Cozumel, 
i.  267.  Tabascan,  taken  by  Cor- 
tes and  sent  to  their  countrymen, 
289.  Aztec  plan  in  regard  to 
Spanish,  n.  17.  At  the  Cholulan 
massacre,  27.  Released  by  Tlas- 
calans, 28.  Spaniards  made,  and 
sacrificed,  in.  68, 73, 145, 146, 150, 
153,  179.  See  Human  sacrifices. 

Prizes,  distribution  of,  i.  171. 

Proclamation  at  Tabasco,  i.  278. 

Prodigies.  See  Predictions. 

Pronerty  of  infidels  and  pirates,  n. 
31,  note. 

Protestants,  Catholics  and,  i.  291, 
361.  Their  rights  to  discoveries, 
n.  32,  note. 

Provisions,  in  the  Mexican  market, 
n.  138.  Distress  for,  on  the  re- 
treat, 384.  Camp  supplied  with,  I 
in.  131.  See  Famine. 

Puebla  de  los  Angeles,  ii.  10,  note.  \ 


Puertocarrero,  Alonso  Hernandez 
de,  i.  256,  283,  293.  Deposition 
of,  332,  rn.  440.  Alcalde  of  Villa 
Rica,  i.  334.  See  Montejo  and 
Puertocarrero. 

Pulque,  i.  36,  137,  157,  note. 

Punishments,  i.  35.  Absolution  sub- 
stituted for,  68.  Object  of,  169. 
For  falsehood,  171. 

Purchas,  Samuel,  manuscript  en- 
graved in  his  Pilgrimage,  i.  103, 
note. 

Pyramids,  at  Cholula,  n.  6,  9,  26, 
387.  Napoleon’s  remark  on,  396, 
note. 

Q. 

Qua,  changed  into  Gua,  n.  450,  note. 

Quails,  sacrificed,  i.  74. 

Quauhnahuac.  See  Cuernavaca. 

Quauhpopoca,  an  Aztec  chief,  de- 
ceives Escalante,  ii.  161.  Sent  for 
by  Montezuma,  165,  171.  Burnt, 
171,  173,  176. 

Quauhquechollan,  or  Huacachula, 
ii.  427,  429. 

Quauhtitlan,  ii.  383,  in.  30,  note. 

Quetzalcoatl,  the  god  of  the  air,  ac- 
count of,  i.  59,  292,  ii.  5.  Temple 
to,  at  Cholula,  i.  60,  n.  7.  Fate 
of,  i.  60.  Tradition  respecting, 
favorable  to  the  future  success  of 
the  Spaniards,  60, 312,  n.  196, 199, 
471.  Meaning  of  the  word,  i.  60, 
note.  Identified  with  the  apostle 
Thomas,  60,  note,  n.  5,  note,  hi. 
383;  with  Noah,  i.  61,  note.  Hel- 
met worn  by,  303.  Mound  to,  n. 
5.  Does  not  aid  the  Cholulans  at 
the  massacre,  25.  Firing  of  the 
temple  of,  26 ; cross  put  upon  its 
ruins,  38.  Temple  of,  at  Mexico, 
151.  Analogies  with  Scripture 
suggested  by,  382. 

Quinones,  Antonio  de,  captain  of 
Cortes’  body-guard,  hi.  86.  Aids 


INDEX. 


515 


in  saving  Cortes’  life,  144,  145. 
Killed  at  the  Azores,  242. 

Quintana’s  Life  of  Las  Casas,  i.  386. 

Quintero,  Alonso,  i.  233. 

Quippus,  recording  events  by  the,  i. 
92,  note.. 

R. 

Racine,  cited,  i.  175,  note , n.  452, 
note. 

Raffles,  Sir  Stamford,  i.  Ill,  note. 

Rangre,  Rodrigo,  commander  at 
Villa  Rica,  n.  274.  Mission  to, 
410.  Takes  troops  sent  by  Velas- 
quez, 437.  Purchases  a ship  with 
military  stores,  439. 

Ranking’s  Historical  Researches,  i. 
194,  note , ill.  390,  note. 

Raynal,  Abbe,  i.  139,  note. 

Razors,  Mexican,  n.  137. 

Rebels,  proceedings  against  Tepea- 
cans  as,  n.  424;  against  Aztecs, 
452. 

Receiver-general,  i.  41. 

Refinement,  in  domestic  manners, 
among  the  Aztecs,  i.  150,  205. 
Shown  in  the  council  of  music, 
172.  At  Cempoalla,  344.  See 
Civilization. 

Religion,  similar  ideas  as  to,  in  re- 
mote regions,  i.  58,  note.  On  out- 
raging, ii.  211.  See  Christianity 
and  Mythology. 

Religious  sendees,  always  public,  i. 
73. 

llepartimientos,  the  system  of,  i.  218, 
378.  To  Cortes,  in  Hispaniola, 
235;  in  Cuba,  242.  In  New  Spain, 
hi.  262,  359,  426.  Disapproved 
by  the  Crown,  263.  Regulations 
respecting,  263. 

Representative  writing,  i.  92,  97. 

Resurrection  of  Tangapan’s  sister, 
iii.  19,  note. 

Reubios,  Palacios,  proclamation  by, 
i.  278,  note. 


Revenues,  sources  of,  i.  38.  Houses 
for  collecting,  n.  110.  See  Tribute. 

Ribera,  on  Indian  maps,  i.  100,  note 

Rich,  Obadiah,  ii.  99. 

Rigging,  saved  and  used,  i.  373,  ii. 
180,  272,  434,  in.  25. 

Rio  Gila,  remains  there,  iii.  399. 

Rio  de  Tabasco,  i.  225,  276,  iii..  279. 

Ritter,  57,  note. 

River  of  Banners,  i.  225,  293. 

River  of  Canoes,  ii.  251,  255,  256. 

Robertson,  William,  i.  37,  note,  103, 
note,  320,  note.  Inconsistency  of, 
respecting  a colony,  333,  note. 
Cites  a harangue  from  Solis,  335, 
note.  Spelling  of  proper  names 
by,  348,  note.  On  the  First  Letter 
of  Cortes,  365,  note.  Error  of,  as 
to  Montezuma’s  gift,  ii.  203,  note. 
On  Cortes’  expedition  to  Hon- 
duras, in.  304,  note. 

Rock  of  the  Marquess,  ill.  103. 

Roman  Catholic  communion,  i.  291, 
361. 

Romans,  on  their  successes,  i.  21, 
note. 

Royal  Audience  of  New  Spain,  iii. 
309.  Their  investigation  of  Cor- 
tes’ conduct,  and  treatment  of  him, 
327,  330.  Superseded,  329,  330. 
Disagreement  of  Cortes  and  the, 
331.  Superseded  by  a viceroy, 
335. 

Royal  Audience  of  St.  Domingo,  ii. 
224,  228,  443,  iii.  79. 

Royal  Council  of  Spain,  i.  278. 

Ruins,  antiquity  of  American,  iii. 
410. 


S. 

Saavedra,  ii.  70,  note,  74,  note,  iii. 
144,  note. 

Sacrifices.  See  Human  sacrifices. 
Sacrificial  stone,  i.  72,  76,  ii.  325, 
iii.  153. 

Sahagun,  Bernardino  de,  i.  64,  note. 


516 


INDEX. 


67,  note.  Account  of,  and  of  his 
Universal  History,  86,  112,  note. 
Noticed,  119,  122,  note,  146,  note, 
149,  note,  150,  note.  On  Aztec 
counsels  to  a daughter,  151,  note, 
ill.  421;  to  a son,  i.  153,  note. 
Cited,  325,  note,  ii.  7,  note,  36, 
note,  279,  note,  281,  note,  303,  note. 
Says  Montezuma  and  others  were 
strangled,  321.  Noticed,  326,  note, 
371,  note,  397,  note,  408,  note,  435, 
note,  467,  note.  On  a sacrifice  of 
Spanish  captives,  hi.  153,  note. 
On  the  devastation  at  Mexico,  166, 
note.  Cited,  174,  note,  181,  note, 
184,  note,  190,  note.  Notice  of, 
229.  On  the  demolition  of  the 
temples,  267,  note. 

St.  Antonio,  Cape,  i.  256,  261,  262. 
St.  Augustin,  in.  373,  note. 

St.  Domingo.  See  Hispaniola. 

St.  Francis,  convent  of,  i.  395,  note, 
hi.  304. 

St.  Hvpolito,  iii.  199. 

St.  Jago  de  Cuba,  i.  222,  224,  242. 

St.  James,  appearance  of,  in  battle, 

i.  287,  note,  n.  341,  402,  note. 

St.  Lucar,  i.  370,  ii.  217. 

St.  Peter,  patron  saint  of  Cortes,  I. 
264,  287,  note. 

St.  Thomas,  identification  of  Quet- 
zalcoatl  and,  i.  60,  note,  n.  5,  note, 
iii.  383. 

Salamanca,  i.  231,  377,  note. 
Salamanca,  Juan  de,  n.  400. 

Salazar,  Juan  de,  killed,  n.  367. 
Sales  of  merchandise,  i.  145,  147. 
Salt,  i.  40,  note,  177,  note,  ii.  70. 
Tlascalans  without,  i.  418,  466. 
Spaniards  without,  446.  Manu- 
facture of,  ii.  70,  note. 

Salvatierra,  ii.  235,  261,  264. 

San  Christobal,  iii.  28. 

Sandoval,  Gonzalo  de,  i.  215,  note. 
Sandoval,  Gonzalo  de,  i.  256,  389, 

ii.  84.  Aids  in  seizing  Monte- 
zuma, 164.  Commands  at  Villa 
Rica,  180,  228.  Noticed,  219,  note, 


228,  229,  236,  244,  253,  260,  313. 
Storms  the  great  temple,  324.  At 
the  evacuation  of  Mexico,  359, 
362,  364,  367,  372.  In  battles, 
397,  399,  432.  Commander  at 
Tezcuco,  iii.  7,  27,  49.  Expedi- 
tion of,  to  Chaleo,  13,  40.  Trans- 
ports brigantines,  20,  22.  Notice 
of,  20.  At  Zoltepec,  21.  Wound- 
ed, 43, 149.  Misunderstanding  of 
Cortes  and,  44,  45.  Conspiracy 
against,  81.  Expedition  of,  against 
Iztapalapan,  92,  102.  At  the  Te- 
pejacac  causeway,  108.  In  the 
assault,  117,  136,  147,  171.  His 
visit  to  Cortes,  149.  His  steed, 
149.  Returns,  152.  To  aid  in 
the  murderous  assault,  191.  To 
secure  Guatemozin,  198, 202.  To 
escort  prisoners  to  Cojohuacan, 
207.  Detachment  of,  to  reduce 
colonies,  238,  245.  Hangs  four 
hundred  chiefs,  245.  In  the  expe- 
dition to  Honduras,  262.  Domes- 
tic of,  punished,  308.  Accompa- 
nies Cortes  to  Spain,  312.  Death 
of,  314. 

San  Estevan,  iii.  245,  259. 

San  Gil  de  Buena  Vista,  hi.  296. 

San  Juan  de  Ulua,  i.  227, 294.  Nar- 
vaez’s fleet  at,  n.  226.  Vera  Cruz 
built  there,  226.  Cortes  at,  in 
202. 

Santa  Cruz,  iii.  334,  335. 

Santa  Maria  de  la  Vitoria,  i.  288. 

Saucedo,  a cavalier,  i.  362. 

Saussure,  M.  de,  ii.  45,  note. 

Scalping,  i.  47,  note. 

Schiller,  i.  121,  note. 

Science,  instruments  of,  i.  122,  note. 
Tribunal  for  works  on,  170.  Co- 
incidences as  to,  in  the  Old  anil 
New  World,  in.  391. 

! Sculpture,  i.  142,  m.  408. 

Secret  Inquiry,  The,  iii.  327. 

Sedeiio,  joins  the  armada,  I.  256. 

Segura  de  la  Frontera,  n.  440. 

| Serpents,  wall  of,  n.  142, 283,  in.  113. 


INDEX. 


517 


Serradifalco,  Duke  di,  m.  408,  note. 

Sheep,  importation  of,  hi.  332. 

Shields,  i.  364,  note , 441. 

Ships,  Aztec  painting  of,  i.  304. 
See  Armada  and  Vessels. 

Sidonia,  Medina,  hi.  316,  347. 

Sierra,  Templada,  i.  7.  Del  Agua, 
398.  Madre,  395.  De  Malinche, 
ii.  10,  330,  note,  446.  De  los 
Pedernales,  hi.  295. 

Siesta,  i.  154,  note,  ii.  82, 127. 

Siguenza,  Dr.,  on  Quetzalcoatl  and 
the  apostle  Thomas,  i.  60,  note. 

Silk,  i.  144,  note. 

Silver,  i.  40,  138.  Vases  of,  140. 
From  Montezuma,  319,  320,  ». 
203.  Comparative  gold  and,  203, 
note.  Carried  to  Spain  by  Cortes, 
in.  312.  From  Zacatecas,  332. 

Sin,  Aztec  origin  of,  in.  382, 
385. 

Sismondi,  on  blasphemy,  ii.  457,  note. 

Skins,  use  of  human,  n.  467,  note. 

Skulls,  i.  81,  399,  ii.  152.  Coin- 
cidences with  Mexican,  hi.  401. 
Morton’s  work  on,  401,  note. 
Scarceness  of  Aztec,  402,  note. 

Slavery,  Aztec,  i.  35,  41,  hi.  346. 

Slaves,  sacrificed,  i.  63,  68,  note. 
Traffic  in,  147,  168.  Eaten,  155. 
Expedition  to  the  Bahama  Islands 
for,  222, 224,  note.  Female,  given 
to  Cortes,  289,  294,  357.  Bring 
gifts  from  Montezuma,  319.  Sent 
to  Spain,  368.  Owned  by  Las 
Casas,  377,  note.  Wait  on  Span- 
iards at  Mexico,  ii.  82.  For  sale 
in  the  Mexican  market,  137. 
Branded,  425,  hi.  22.  Hung, 
ii.  458.  Scruples  of  Cortes  as  to, 
in.  262,  263,  345.  Exemption  of, 
263.  See  Negro  slaves  and  Re- 
partimientos. 

Small-pox,  ii.  272,  note,  435. 

Smoking,  i.  153,  154,  note. 

Snuff,  taken,  i.  154. 

Soldiers,  i.  43,  45.  Nezahualcoyotl’s 
kindness  to  disabled,  191. 


Soils,  Don  Antonio  de,  i.  254,  note, 
335,  note.  On  Cortes,  337,  note, 
351.  On  Montezuma’s  oath  of 
allegiance,  ii.  198,  note.  On  Cuit- 
lalma,  447.  Account  of,  and  of 
his  writings,  hi.  223. 

Songs  and  hymns,  i.  108. 

Sons,  counsels  to,  i.  151,  note,  153, 
note. 

Sophocles,  cited,  i.  134,  note. 

Sotelo,  catapult  by,  ill.  185 

Sothic  period,  i.  118,  note. 

Southey,  i.  45,  126, note,  438,  note,  u. 
67,  note,  iii.  105. 

Sovereigns,  Aztec,  i.  23,  43.  Influ- 
ence of  priests  on,  83.  Presents 
to,  by  merchants,  147.  Reproved, 
181.  Power  of,  for  ameliorating 
the  condition  of  man,  205.  The 
title,  332,  note. 

Spain,  at  the  close  of  the  reign  of 
Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  i.  211. 
Subsequently,  212,  215.  Gold  de- 
spatched to,  by  Velasquez,  228 
Titles  applied  to  the  royal  famil} 
of,  332,  note.  Despatches  to,  by 
Cortes,  362,  370,  n.  443.  Fruit 
ful  in  historical  composition,  295 
Chivalry  in,  hi.  65.  Faction 
in,  against  Cortes,  78,  242,  246. 
305,  308.  See  Charles  V. 

Spaniards,  traditions  and  prodigies 
connected  with  the,  i.  60,  204, 
312,  314,  315,  465,  467,  ii.  36,  37, 
note,  196,  199,  471.  Cause  of  their 
not  being  slain  in  battle,  i.  81, 
432,  hi.  63.  Favored  by  sanguin- 
ary rites,  i 85,  note.  Their  desire 
of  gold,  280,  289,  299,  303,  ii.  42, 
478.  Aided  and  befriended  by 
Indians,  i 299,  318.  Effects  of 
Montezuma  s gifts  on  me,  321, 
323.  Pronosition  to  return  to  Cu- 
ba, 323,  329,  331.  Sickly,  and 
distressed  for  supplies,  324,  326, 
328.  Troubles  in  the  camp,  328. 
Reinforced,  362.  Send  gold  to 
Spain,  363.  Effect  on,  of  the  de- 


rn  rn 


518 


INDEX. 


struction  of  the  ships,  373.  Fight 
Tlascalans,  422,  423,  426,  428, 
433,  443,  451.  Loss  of,  432,  446. 
The  killed  are  buried,  446.  De- 
clared to  be  children  of  the  Sun, 
449.  Enter  Tlascala,  471.  March 
to  Cholula,  ii.  10.  On  judging  of 
their  actions,  35.  Called  “ The 
white  gods,”  36.  Their  route  to 
Mexico,  50.  Effect  of  Montezu- 
ma's conduct  on  them,  83,  91, 182, 
198.  Assaulted  in  Mexico,  273, 
287.  Besieged,  278,  287.  Assault 
on  their  quarters,  302.  Storm  the 
temple,  322,  324.  Mutiny  among, 
332.  At  the  hill  of  Otoncalpolco, 
374.  All  wounded  at  the  battle 
ofOtumba,  398.  Cut  off,  410,  hi. 
21.  Discontents  of  the,  n.  411. 
Remonstrance,  411,  415,  436. 
Jealousy  between  the  allies  and, 
415.  Reinforced,  438.  Great  pur- 
pose of  the,  456.  Murdered,  467. 
Quartered  in  Nezahualpilli’s  pal- 
ace, 469.  Guatemozin’s  descrip- 
tion of,  to  Tangapan,  m.  19,  note. 
Capture  Cuernavaca,  55.  Captured 
and  sacrificed,  68, 73, 153, 179.  (See 
Human  sacrifices.)  At  Cojohua- 
can,  71.  Reinforced,  77.  At  the 
temple  of  the  war-god,  114.  Sec- 
ond assault  by  the,  119.  Their  dis- 
tresses, 125,  135.  Joined  by  allies, 
130.  Their  places  of  settlement, 
263.  General  illusion  of  the,  272. 
Their  dreadful  march  to  Hondu- 
ras, 279.  Deserted  by  guides,  282. 
See  Cortes. 

Spaniards  under  Narvaez,  ii.  226, 
227.  Indians  find  them  enemies 
of  Cortes,  227,  235.  Join  Cortes, 
276.  Overladen  with  gold,  359, 
367,  378.  See  Narvaez. 

Spanish  nobles,  and  Charles  V.,  i. 
214,  note. 
pies,  i.  148,  462. 
pineto,  Marquess,  I.  128. 

Standard,  Aztec  national,  i.  46,  n. 


308.  Of  Tlascala,  i.  439,  hi.  91 

See  Banner. 

Stars,  worshipped,  i.  194,  note. 

Statues  of  the  Montezumas,  destroy- 
ed, i.  142,  n.  121. 

Stephens,  John  L.,  n.  45,  note , in 
369,  370,  384,  note. 

Stone  houses,  i.  223,  263,  343,  ii.  50, 
59,  64. 

Stone,  sacrificial,  i.  72,  76,  ii.  325, 
hi.  153. 

Stones,  hurling  of,  ii.  311,  339,  383, 
hi.  50 ; from  the  great  temple, 
ii.  324  ; at  Jacapichtla,  in.  42,  43. 

Strait,  efforts  for  discovering  the,  in 
271. 

Streets.  See  Canals. 

Suetonius,  cited,  i.  203,  note. 

Sugar-cane,  i.  218,  222,  in.  269,  332. 

Sully,  Duke  of,  n.  204,  note. 

Sulphur,  ii.  48,  49,  446. 

Sun,  temples  to  the,  i.  194,  note. 
Plate  representing  the,  320.  Span- 
iards, children  of  the,  449.  Al- 
varado called  child  of  the,  ii.  369. 
Monument  to  the,  338.  Statue  of 
the,  391. 

Superstition,  Aztec,  during  the  siege, 
in.  190,  191. 

Sword-blades,  n.  418. 

Swords,  substitutes  for,  i.  441 

Symbolical  writing,  i.  92. 


T. 

Tabascans,  i.  277,  281,  285,  289. 

Conversion  of,  290. 

Tabasco,  Rio  de,  i.  225,  276,  in. 
279. 

Tabasco,  town  of,  i.  278,  280. 

Table,  ceremonies  at,  i.  153. 
Table-land,  i.  8,  10,  395. 

Tables,  hieroglvphical,  i.  116,  note. 
Tactics,  Aztec  military,  i.  46. 
Tacuba.  See  Tlacopan. 

I Tamanes.  See  Porters. 

Tamerlane's  skulls,  ii.  152,  note. 


INDEX. 


519 


Tangapan,  lord  of  Micliuacan,  ill. 

19,  note. 

Tapia,  Andrea  de,  in  58,  137,  147, 
149,  163. 

Tapia,  Christoval  de,  commissioner 
to  Vera  Cruz,  hi.  79,  244.  Bought 
off,  244.  In  Castile,  246.  Brings 
charges  against  Cortes,  247. 

Taragona,  atrocities  at,  n.  34. 

Tarentum,  vessels  at,  in.  25,  note. 

Tasco,  mines  of,  i.  138,  in.  257. 

Tatius,  Achilles,  in.  393,  note. 

Taxes.  See  Revenues  and  Tribute. 

Tax-gatherers,  i.  41,  349.  Collect 
tribute  for  the  Spanish  sovereign, 
ii.  199. 

Tecocol,  cacique  of  Tezcuco,  n. 
470,  471,  note. 

Tcctetan,  of,  i.  222. 

Tecuichpo,  daughter  of  Montezuma 
and  wife  of  Guatemozin,  n.  351, 
note , 450,  hi.  207,  287,  note.  Her 
several  husbands,  n.  351,  note, 
287,  note.  Cortes’  reception  of, 
hi.  207.  Grant  to,  460. 

Teeth,  Aztec  custom  as  to,  i.  153, 
note. 

Tehuantepec,  in.  332,  334. 

Telleriano-Remensis  Codex,  i.  81, 
note,  105,  note. 

Tellier,  Archbishop,  i.  105,  note. 

Tempest  after  the  surrender,  in.  208. 

Temples,  or  teocallis,  to  Iluitzilo- 
potchli,  the  Mexican  Mars,  l.  58. 
Account  of,  67,  72,  73,  note.  On 
the  teachings  of  Egyptian,  91, 
note.  Built  by  Nezahualcoyotl,  to 
the  Unknown  God,  193.  Toltec, 
dedicated  to  the  Sun,  194.  At 
Cozumel,  266,  263.  Rifled  by 
Alvarado,  266.  Turret  of  one  in 
Mexico  burned,  314,  315.  At 
Tlatlauqnitepec,  399.  On  the  hill 
of  Tzompach,  431, 470.  To  Quet- 
zalcoatl,  ii.  7,  25,  151.  Various, 
at  Cholula,  7,  8,  9,  387,  in.  380. 
Modern,  on  the  site  of  Quetzal- 
ioatl’s,  h 38.  In  Mexico,  144, 


151,  325.  Occupied  at  Cempoalla, 
255,  261.  At  Popotla,  371.  On 
the  hill  of  Otoncalpolco,  374.  On 
a pyramid  of  Teotihuacan,  391. 
At  Xochimilco,  m.  65,  67.  At 
Tacuba,  74.  Burnt  by  Alvarado, 
173.  All  destroyed,  266,  267,  note, 
403.  Resemblances  to,  in  the  East, 
402,  407.  At  Xochicalco,  403, 407, 
note.  See  Huitzilopotchli,  Idols, 
and  Quctzulcoutl. 

Tenajoccan,  town  of,  in.  30,  note. 

Tenochtitlan,  i.  16.  Called  Mexi- 
co, 17.  The  word,  17,  note,  n. 
78,  note.  Prosperity  and  enlarge- 
ment of,  i.  20.  See  Mexico. 

Teoamoxtli,  or  divine  book,  i.  107, 
note. 

Teotihuacan,  pyramids  of,  n.  387. 

Tepanecs,  i.  15, 18, 162,  167. 

Tepeaca,  colony  at,  it.  439. 

Tepeacan  allies,  ii.  454,  in.  157. 

Tepeacans,  ii.  410,  423,  424. 

Tepechpan,  exposed  to  death,  1. 187. 

Tepejacac  causeway,  n.  108,  ill. 
108. 

Tetzmellocan,  village  of,  n.  461. 

Teuhtlile,  a provincial  governor  un- 
der Montezuma,  i.  298.  Orders 
supplies  and  favors,  305,  318. 

Teules,  ii.  383. 

Tezcatlipoca,  the  god,  sacrifices  to, 
i.  75,  ii.  149. 

Tezcotzinco,  palaces  and  ruins  there, 
1. 182, 185,  203,  hi.  404,  430. 

Tezcucans,  or  Acolhuans,  arrrival  of 
the,  in  Anahuac,  i.  14,  17,  note, 
162.  Their  character.  14,  85. 
Assaulted  and  beaten,  15,  18,  162. 
Their  institutions,  23,  31.  In  ad- 
vance of  the  Mexicans,  85,  204. 
The  divine  book  of  the,  107,  note. 
Their  dialect,  108, 173, 205.  Their 
fidelity  to  young  Nezahualcoyotl, 
166.  Transfer  of  their  power  to 
the  Aztecs,  203, 206.  Their  civil- 
ization, 204,  206.  Cause  of  their 
superiority,  205.  Oppose  Cortes, 


520 


INDEX. 


II.  393.  In  Cortes’  second  recon- 
noitring expedition,  iii.  49.  Effi- 
ciency of,  at  the  siege  of  Mexico, 
118.  Desertion  of,  157.  See  JVe- 
zahualcoyotl  and  Nezahualpilli. 

Tezcuco,  its  situation,  i.  11,  14,  162, 
iii.  3,  5.  Meaning  of  the  word, 
i.  14,  note,  ii.  468,  note.  Require- 
ments of  the  chiefs  of,  i.  27.  Halls 
of  justice,  and  pronouncing  of  sen- 
tences in,  33.  Golden  age  of,  161. 
Historians,  orators,  and  poets  of, 
172.  Contents  of  its  archives, 
172.  Account  of,  176.  Pile  of 
royal  buildings  at,  177, 179.  Roy- 
al harem  in,  178.  Architecture 
of,  185.  Territory  of,  clipped  by 
Montezuma,  203,  n.  188,  349. 
Description  of,  at  the  time  of 
the  Conquest,  188,  note.  Recep- 
tion of  Cortes  at,  on  his  return 
to  Mexico,  277.  State  of  affairs 
there,  467.  Tecocol  put  over,  470. 
Brigantines  brought  to,  in.  24,  45. 
Mustering  of  forces  at,  90.  Re- 
spect to  Cortes  there,  on  his  return 
from  Spain,  330.  See  Cacama, 
Nezahualcoyotl,  and  Nezahnalpilli. 

l'ezcuco  lake,  its  height,  ii.  51,  note , 
106.  Conjectural  limits  of,  63, 
note.  Dike  across,  69.  Towns  on 
the,  69,  70,  note.  Canoes  there, 
78,  iii.  28.  Ancient  state  of,  n. 
106,  iii.  259.  Tides  in,  ii.  106, 
note.  Two  brigantines  built  there, 
180.  Agitation  of,  313.  Opened 
upon  the  Spaniards,  iii.  10.  Ford- 
ed, 29.  Reconnoitred,  31.  Brig- 
antines launched  on,  88.  Indian 
flotilla  defeated  there,  103. 

Thatch,  i.  100,  note , 137. 

Theatrical  exhibitions,  i.  109. 

Thcogonv  of  the  Greeks,  i.  55. 

Thomas,  the  Apostle,  identified  with 
Quetzalcoatl,  i.  60,  note,  n.  5, 
note,  in.  383. 

Thomson,  cited,  i.  263,  note. 

Thread,  Mexican,  i.  137,  n.  133. 


Tierra  calienie,  i.  5,  300,  n.  25Q 
Tierra  fria,  i.  8. 

Time, computation  of,  i.  12,  109. 
Tin,  i.  138,  in.  257.  A circulating 
medium,  i.  145,  ii.  140. 

Titcala,  ensign  of  the  House  of,  i. 
427. 

Tlacopan,  or  Tacuba,  i.  18,  176, 
note,  ii.  373.  Head-quarters  at, 
in.  33.  Cortes  at,  73,  74,  76.  Com- 
mand at,  assigned  to  Alvarado,  91. 
Evacuated  by  the  inhabitants,  98. 
Present  state  of,  98,  note. 
Tlacopan,  or  Tacuba,  causeway,  ii 
108.  Retreat  by  the  way  of  it 
355,  356,  361,  iii.  31.  Carnage 
there,  ii.  365,  iii.  34. 

Tlascala,  victims  from,  for  sacrifices, 

i.  82.  Inimical  to  Montezuma 
and  the  Mexicans,  311,  416,  419 
Cortes’  embassy  to,  406,  408,  420  ; 
his  march  towards,  408, 421 . For- 
tification at  the  limits  of,  408, 417, 

ii.  404.  First  settlement  of,  i.  411. 
Meaning  of  the  word,  414,  ii.  386, 
note.  Extent  of,  i.  418,  note.  Its 
population,  427,  note,  474,  476, 
note.  Spaniards  enter,  471.  De- 
scribed, 473.  Spaniards  go  from, 
488,  ii.  10.  Cortes’  return  to, 
from  Cempoalla,  274  , 275  ; from 
Mexico,  355,  375,  406.  Fate  of 
gold  and  invalids  left  there,  409. 
Refuse  an  alliance  with  Aztecs, 
419,  421.  Brigantines  built  there 
and  transported,  434, 446,  455, 465, 

iii.  5,  20,  22.  Triumphal  return 
to,  ii.  444.  Departure  from,  against 
Mexico,  460. 

Tlascalan  allies,  ii.  11,  15,  25,  26. 
Release  captives,  28.  Enter  Mex 
ico,  69,  243.  Actec  hatred  of,  78, 
157.  Join  Cortes,  against  Nar- 
vaez, 243 ; on  nis  return,  276. 
Connexion  of,  with  the  massacre 
by  Alvarado,  285,  note,  288.  Un- 
der Alvarado,  289,  note.  Quarters 
of,  302,  305.  In  the  retreat,  359, 


INDEX. 


521 


3G2.  Guide  Cortes,  383.  Their 
fidelity,  386.  In  the  battle  of 
Otumba,  401.  Return  to  Tlasca- 
la,  407.  Cooperate,  425,  427,  429, 
430,  454,  hi.  27,  33.  Imitate 
Spaniards,  n.  455.  Bum  records, 
469.  At  the  sack  of  Iztapalapan, 
hi.  7,  8.  Convey  brigantines,  23. 
Their  hostility  to  Aztecs,  36.  Boo- 
ty demanded  by,  39.  Noticed,  49, 
58,  89,  90.  Efficiency  of,  at  Mexi- 
co, 122,  138.  Desertion  of,  157. 
Their  return,  161.  See  Maxixca. 

Tlascalans,  their  early  history,  i. 
410.  Their  institutions,  411.  Re- 
fuse tribute  and  fight,  416.  Their 
battles  with  Montezuma, 418.  Bat- 
tles with  the,  422,  423,  426,  428, 
438,  443, 451.  Their  treatment  of 
the  Cempoallan  envoys,  424,  425. 
Effect  of  cannon  and  fire-arms  on 
the,  430,  443,  444.  Embassies  to 
the  camp  of,  434,  435,  449,  452, 
454.  Treason  among  the,  445. 
Night  attack  by  them,  450.  Em- 
bassy from,  stopped  by  Xicoten- 
catl,  453, 464.  Spies  from  the,  462. 
Reception  of  Spaniards  by,  472. 
Their  character,  476.  Their  rep- 
resentations of  Montezuma,  434. 
Exempted  from  slavery,  hi.  263. 

Tlatelolco,  i.  101, 142,  note.  Move- 
ments for  possessing  the  market- 
place of,  iii.  135,  137,  141,  147. 
Occupied  by  the  besieged,  175, 
183.  Distress  there,  175, 176.  En- 
tered by  Cortes,  181.  Modern 
name  of,  183.  Murderous  assault 
there,  195.  Purification  of,  210. 
Rebuilt,  256.  See  Market. 

Tlaxcallan,  i.  96.  See  Tlascala. 

Tobacco,  i.  153,  154,  note,  n.  126. 

Tohillos,  lances  and,  n.  244,  245. 

Toledo  in  Spain,  Cortes  at,  hi.  318. 

Toltecs,  account  of  the,  i.  11,  85,  hi. 
398,  413. 

Tonatiuh,  n.  369,  hi.  315.  See  Al- 
varado. 


Tools,  t.  139,  iii.  406. 

Toribio  de  Benavente,  i.  117,  note , 
ii.  70,  note,  73,  note,  86,  note.  Ac- 
count of,  and  of  his  writings  and 
labors,  96.  Cited,  119,  note,  143, 
note,  144,  note,  188,  note,  435,  note 

Torquemada,  i.  11,  note,  14,  note. 
Notice  of,  and  of  his  writings,  51, 
note.  Cited,  62,  note,  77,  note,  67, 
note,  70,  note,  79,  note,  80,  note. 
Avails  himself  of  a manuscript 
copy  of  Sahagun’s  Universal  His- 
tory, 88.  On  Mexican  intercala- 
tion, 114,  note.  On  women,  134, 
note.  Cited,  141, 157, 176,  note,  180, 
note.  On  pilgrims  to  Cholula,  n.  8, 
note.  On  the  baptism  of  Monte- 
zuma, 344,  note.  On  the  Mexican 
Eve,  in.  382,  note.  His  Aztec  and 
Israelitish  analogies,  387,  note. 

Torres,  Juan  de,  teacher  of  Totonac 
converts,  i.  361. 

Tortillas,  hi.  132,  and  note. 

Tortures,  i.  77,  in.  69,  note.  See 
Guatemozin. 

Totonacs,  i.  329.  Their  fondness 
for  flowers,  342.  Their  feelings 
towards  Montezuma,  346.  Exac- 
tions of,  by  Aztec  tax-gatherers, 
349.  Cortes’ policy  as  to,  351 . Join 
Cortes,  351.  Effect  on,  of  Cor- 
es’ interview  with  Montezuma’s 
embassy,  355.  Defend  their  idols, 
359.  Their  conversion,  361.  Join 
Cortes’ expedition,  391,  392,  note. 

Towns,  on  cliffs  and  eminences,  iii. 
50.  See  Cities. 

Trade,  i.  149,  ii.  135.  See  Traffic. 

Trades,  Aztec,  i.  146. 

Traditions,  instances  of  similar,  in 
the  two  continents,  iii.  378.  Ar- 
gument from,  for  the  Asiatic  ori- 
gin of  Aztec  civilization,  397.  As 
authorities,  414.  See  Oral  tradi- 
tion and  Predictions. 

Traffic,  i.  145,  414.  See  Barter. 

Transportation  of  vessels,  iii.  25, 
1 note.  See  Brigantines. 


VOL.  Ill 


66 


INDEX. 


d22 

Transubstanliation,  u.  88,  note. 
Travelling,  i.  95.  See  Couriers. 
Treasure,  Axayacatl’s,  discovered, 
n.  155  ; disposition  of  it,  200, 204, 
357.  Found  after  the  siege,  iii. 
211,  213.  See  Gold. 

Trees,  size  and  duration  of,  in  Mexi- 
co, and  Central  America,  m.  411. 
See  Forests. 

Trials,  among  the  Aztecs,  i.  32. 
Tribes,  i.  39,  note. 

Tribute,  kinds  of,  i.  39,  134,  139. 
Items  of,  furnished  by  different 
cities,  40,  note.  Roll  respecting, 
40,  note.  Maps  for  the,  41.  Bur- 
densome exactions  of,  prepare  the 
way  for  the  Spaniards,  42.  Mon- 
tezuma’s exaction  of,  310,  349. 
Tlascalans  refuse,  416.  Collected 
for  the  Castilian  sovereign,  ii.  199. 
Trinadad  de  Cuba,  i.  255. 

Truth,  punishment  for  violating,  i. 
171. 

Truxillo,  Cortes  at,  m.  297. 

Tudor,  William,  i.  395,  note,  397, 
note,  ii.  388,  note,  461,  note. 

Tula,  capital  of  the  Toltecs,  i.  13. 

Arrival  of  the  Aztecs  at,  15,  note. 
Tula,  the  Lady  of,  i.  201. 

Turkeys,  i.  154,  177,  note,  340. 

Tzin,  the  termination,  ii.  450,  note. 
Tzompach,  Ilill  of,  i.  431,  470. 
Tzompanco  or  Zumpango,  ii.  383. 


U. 

Ulloa,  discoveries  by,  in.  336. 
Uxmal,  hi.  405,  412. 


V. 

Valley  of  Mexico,  i.  10,  n.  9,  51, 
iii.  71. 

Vanilla,  cultivated,  i.  136. 

Vater,  in.  380,  note,  395,  note,  399 
and  note,  402,  note. 


Vega,  Manuel  de  la,  collection  of 
manuscripts  by,  iii.  424. 

Velasquez,  Don  Diego,  i.  220.  Con- 
queror and  governor  of  Cuba,  221. 
Sends  Cordova  on  an  expedition, 
222.  Despatches  Juan  de  Grijalva 
to  Yucatan,  224.  Censures  Gri- 
jalva, 226,  227.  Despatches  Olid 
in  search  of  Grijalva,  228.  Arma- 
ment of,  under  Cortes,  228,  229, 
243,  245, 250.  Difficulties  of,  with 
Cortes,  235, 237,  241.  His  instruc- 
tions to  Cortes,  248,  iii.  434.  Jeal 
ous  and  dissatisfied,  i.  252.  Orders 
the  seizure  of  Cortes,  257,  260. 
Partisans  of,  oppose  Cortes,  331, 
336,  458.  Tries  to  intercept  de- 
spatches, 369.  Gels  no  redress, 
369.  Fits  out  a fleet  against  Cor- 
tes, 369,  ii.  222.  Chaplain  of,  in 
Spain,  complains  against  Cortes’ 
envoys,  218.  Sends  to  Spain  an 
account  of  Cortes’  doings,  221 , note. 
His  vexation  with  Cortes,  222. 
Made  adelantado,  222.  Intrusts  his 
fleet  to  Narvaez,  223.  Interference 
with,  of  the  Royal  Audience  of 
St.  Domingo,  224.  Sustained  by 
Duero,  in  Spain,  437.  Capture  of 
forces  sent  to  Vera  Cruz  by,  437. 
Ignorant  of  the  fate  of  his  arma- 
ment,443.  State  of  things  in  Spain, 
in  relation  to  him  and  Cortes,  ill. 
78,  243,  248,  249.  Fate  of,  252 
His  character,  253.  See  JYarvaez. 

Venezuela,  ii.  63,  note. 

Venice,  Mexico  and,  ii.  111. 

Vera  Cruz,  New,  i.  299,  353,  note. 
Natives  flock  to,  300.  Built  at  San 
Juan  de  Ulua,  226.  Narvaez  at,  n. 
226.  Narvaez’s  plans  for  a colony 
there,  228,  234.  The  remo\  al  to, 
iii.  260. 

Vera  Cruz  Vieja,  or  Antigua,  l.  353. 
note,  iii.  359.  See  Villa  Rica. 

Verdugo,  i.  257,  iii.  81. 

Vessels,  Aztecs  aid  in  building,  ii 
214,  231.  See  Armada. 


INDEX. 


523 


Vestal  fires.  See  Fires. 

Veytia,  1. 12,  21,  note,  115,  note,  171, 
note,  ii.  4,  388,  note. 

Villafafia,  conspiracy  of,  in.  80. 

Villa  Rica  de  Vera  Cruz,  coloniza- 
tion of,  i.  333,  334,  352,  hi.  444. 
Remarks  on,  i.  352,  note.  Arrival 
of  a Spanish  vessel  at,  362.  De- 
spatches to  Spain  from,  362,  366, 
ii.  443.  Garrisoned,  i.  392.  Gra- 
do  succeeds  Escalante  at,  ii.  179. 
Sandoval  commander  at,  180,  228. 
Rangre  commander  at,  274.  Re- 
inforcements from,  cut  off,  410. 
Messenger  to,  410.  Troops  or- 
dered from,  411.  Desire  to  return 
to,  412.  Departure  from,  for  Cu- 
ba, 437.  Capture  of  troops  sent 
to,  by  Velasquez,  437.  Ships  at, 
438,  439,  hi.  46, 164.  Harbour  of, 
260.  See  Sandoval  and  Vera  Cruz. 

Virgin  Mary,  i.  59,  note.  Appears 
in  battle,  ii.  162,  341,  402,  note. 
Image  of,  210,  325,  328,  note,  382. 
Interposition  of,  in  1833,  382,  note. 

Volante,  escape  of,  m.  34. 

Volcanoes,  remains  of,  i.  7,  8.  The 
Orizaba,  339,  395,  n.  9.  The 
Cofre  de  Perote,  i.  397.  Popoca- 
tepetl, ii.  9,  44,  45.  Use  of  the 
word,  45,  note.  Region  of,  hi.  55. 

Voltaire,  i.  84,  note,  ii.  343,  note. 
Anecdote  by,  of  Charles  V.  and 
Cortes,  hi.  341,  note. 

Vomito,  or  bilious  fever,  i.  6,  300, 
note,  353,  note,  394. 


W. 

Waldeck,  i.  223,  note,  in.  370,  405, 
note,  411,  note. 

Wall  of  serpents,  ii.  142,  283,  hi. 
113. 

War,  Aztec  ideas  respecting,  i.  43. 
Mode  of  declaring  and  conducting, 
44.  Great  object  of,  81.  Tlasca- 
lan  love  of,  413.  Cholulans  dis- 


qualified for,  ii.  4,  5.  Evils  ofj 
35. 

Warburton,  William,  i.  91,  note,  96, 
note. 

War-god.  See  Huitzilopotchli. 

Warren,  John  C.,  in.  401,  note. 

Water,  ablution  with,  at  table,  1. 153 
ii.  126.  Basins  of,  at  Tezcotzinco, 
1.182,183.  Want  of,  in.  59.  Use 
of,  for  religious  purification,  387, 
note.  See  Aqueducts  and  Tezcuco 
lake. 

Water-fowl,  n.  120. 

Watts,  Isaac,  i.  63,  note. 

Weeks,  division  by,  i.  111. 

Weight',  no  Mexican,  n.  140,  202. 

Wheat,  yield  of,  ii.  10,  note. 

Wheels,  chronological,  i.  116,  note 
Gold  and  silver,  i.  320,  364,  note. 

White,  Blanco,  n.  88,  note. 

Wild  turkeys,  i.  154,  177,  note , 340. 

Wilkinson,  J.  G.,  i.  71,  hi.  417,  note 

Wives  of  Montezuma,  n.  121,  351, 
in.  448. 

Women,  employment  and  treatment 
of,  in  Mexico,  i.  134,  151,  152, 
157,  ii.  133.  Torquemada  on,  i. 
134,  note.  Sophocles  on  Egyptian 
men  and,  134,  note.  Their  ap- 
pearance, 152.  Asiatic,  157.  Sac- 
rificed, 204,  note.  Totonac,  342 
Protected  at  the  Cholulan  massa 
ere,  ii.  27,  34.  Dress  of,  134.  Ac- 
company the  Christian  camp,  365. 
Heroism  of,  in.  159.  Heroism  of 
the  Mexican,  177,  195.  Efforts  to 
spare,  196, 201 ; to  bring  into  New 
Spain,  260.  See  Daughters. 

Wooden  ware,  Mexican,  i.  143. 

World,  tradition  of  the  destruction 
of  the,  i.  61,  125. 

Wounds,  want  of  medicaments  for,, 
in.  131. 

X. 

Xalacingo,  i.  406,  note. 

Xalapa,  Spaniards  at,  i.  394. 


524 


INDEX. 


Xaltocan,  assault  on,  iii.  28. 

Xamarillo,  Don  Juan,  iii.  293. 

Xicotencatl,  the  elder,  i.  421,  473, 
ii.  420,  421.  Converted,  445. 
Ominous  words  of,  cited,  iii.  156. 

Xicotencatl,  the  younger,  a Tlasca- 
lan  commander,  i.  421,  427,  431, 
435.  His  standard,  439.  Facts 
respecting,  446,  449,  453,  462. 
Welcomes  Spaniards  from  Mexico, 
ii.  406.  Countenances  jealousies, 
416.  Favors  an  embassy  from 
Mexico,  420,  421.  Leads  against 
Tepeacans,  425.  Imitates  Span- 
iards, 455.  Joins  Cortes,  iii.  90. 
Leaves  the  army,  94.  Hung,  96. 
Remarks  on,  96. 

Ximenes,  Cardinal,  destruction  of 
manuscripts  by,  i.  101.  His  ad- 
ministration, 212,  iii.  79.  Com- 
mission by,  to  redress  Indian  griev- 
ances, i.  219,  378. 

Xochicalco,  lake,  ii.  61. 

Xochicalco,  ruins  of  the  temple  or 
fortress  of,  in.  403,  407,  note , 409. 

Xochimilco,  iii.  61,  70,  118. 

Xoloc,  Fort,  ii.  71.  Stormed,  iii. 
72.  Fleet  at,  105.  Head-quarters 
at,  106.  Barracks  built  there,  131. 

Xuarez,  Catalina,  intimacy  and  mar- 
riage of  Cortes  with,  i.  237,  241, 
243.  Joins  her  husband,  iii.  261. 
Fate  of,  262,  note , 327  and  note. 


Y. 

Years,  Aztec,  i.  110.  On  divisions 
of  time  into,  112.  Hieroglyphics 


for,  114,  115,  116,  note.  On  the 
names  of,  iii.  392,  note. 

Yucatan,  the  word,  i.  222,  223,  note. 
Expedition  to,  222.  Called  New 
Spain,  225.  Ordaz  despatched  to, 
to  liberate  Christians,  267,  273. 
Canoe  from,  with  Aguilar,  273. 
Mentioned,  hi.  278, 279,  404.  Re- 
semblances to  the  architecture  of, 
407.  See  Tabasco. 
Yxtacamaxtitlan,  i.  405,  406,  note, 
407. 


Z. 

Zacatecas,  silver  from,  hi.  332. 
Zacatula,  fleet  at,  iii.  238,  259,  270. 
Zacotollan,  copper  from,  i.  138. 
Zahuatl,  the  river,  i.  475. 

Zavala,  Don  Lorenzo,  i.  102,  note. 
Zodiacal  signs,  coincidences  as  to, 
iii.  392. 

Zoltepec,  massacre  at,  ii.  410,  iii.  21. 
Zuazo,  i.  73,  note,  136,  note.  On 
mantles  of  feathers,  ii.  133,  note. 
On  the  Aztec  cuisine , 138,  note. 
Urges  Cortes  to  return  to  Mexico, 
in.  300,  301. 

Zumarraga,  Don  Juan  de,  i.  79. 
First  archbishop  of  Mexico,  de- 
stroys manuscripts,  101.  Image 
destroyed  by,  183,  note.  Demol- 
ishes the  Statue  of  the  Sun,  ii. 
391. 

Zumpango,  or  Tzompanco,  ii.  383. 
Zuniga,  Dona  Juana  de,  second  wife 
of  Cortes,  in.  323,  336. 

Zurita,  i.  30,  note,  49,  note,  170,  nut 


THE  END 


V 


' ‘ 


Date  Due 


OmI  \^l )“ 

i^xrtv'.i' 

f> 

